6 Path of Peace

Six Paths to Peace
1. PURSUIT OF SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL REFORMS. This component involves the vigorous implementation of various policies, reforms, programs and projects aimed at addressing the root causes of internal armed conflicts and social unrest. This may require administrative action, new legislation, or even constitutional amendments.
2. CONSENSUS-BUILDING AND EMPOWERMENT FOR PEACE. This component includes continuing consultations on both national and local levels to build consensus for a peace agenda and process, and the mobilization and facilitation of people's participation in the peace process.
3. PEACEFUL, NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENT WITH THE DIFFERENT REBEL GROUPS. This component involves the conduct of face-to-face negotiations to reach peaceful settlement implementation of peace agreements.
4. PROGRAMS FOR RECONCILIATION, REINTEGRATION INTO MAINSTREAM SOCIETY AND REHABILITATION. This component includes programs to address the legal status and security of former rebels, as well as community-based assistance programs to address the economic, social and psychological rehabilitation needs of former rebels, demobilized combatants and civilian victims of the internal armed conflicts.
5. ADDRESSING CONCERNS ARISING FROM CONTINUING ARMED HOSTILITIES. This component involves the strict implementation of laws and policy guidelines, and the institution of programs to ensure the protection of non-combatants and reduce the impact of the armed conflict on communities found in conflict areas.
6. BUILDING AND NURTURING A CLIMATE CONDUCIVE TO PEACE. This component includes peace advocacy and peace education programs and the implementation of various confidence-building measures.

The Tripoli Agreement
By ATTY. RENE ESPINA
November 6, 2010, 9:12pm
MANILA, Philippines – DURING the Martial Law years, President Ferdinand Marcos (PFM) sent a delegation to Tripoli, Libya, to persuade Muammar Khadafy, the Libyan leader, to intercede for the settlement of the Government Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) armed conflict in Mindanao which area is now known as the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The high-powered Philippine delegation was composed of First Lady Imelda Marcos, then Secretary of National Defense Juan Ponce Enrile, and other high-ranking government officials.
According to Secretary Enrile, the PHL delegation was made to cool its heels in Tripoli for a few days until finally Khadafy decided to meet them. After the initial meeting, because of the position taken by Enrile and his group that the Philippine Constitution should be followed to the letter, the PHL delegation decided that the Enrile group should leave Libya and wait for results in Rome. At the same time, Madam Marcos and her group of advisers would continue the negotiations with Khadafy.
Upon the return of the PHL delegation to Manila, PFM was persuaded by Secretary Enrile about following the Constitution, especially with regards to the area of the Autonomous Region which had to be subjected to a referendum of the inhabitants of the provinces and cities proposed to be included as part of ARMM. PFM personally called by telephone Khadafy to convince him that the PHL Constitution had to be followed. To the credit of Marcos, the Libyan leader was persuaded to agree to the referendum. Thus, the Tripoli Agreement came into being. I hope I remember correctly that there were two ARMM regions, one was in the mainland of Mindanao, i.e., Cotabato, Lanao, etc. Its capital was Cotabato City. And the other was the Basilan, Tawi-Tawi Sulu region, etc., with a head office or capital outside Zamboanga City.
After the EDSA revolution, especially during President Ramos’ tenure in line with the Tripoli Agreement, Nur Misuari became the governor of ARMM. Last Wednesday evening “Brother Nur” was the guest of Republika ni Erik Espina on GNN in Destiny Cable. I mention this interview because Governor Nur said a lot of revealing information which the public does not know about.
First, he (Nur) said that some months ago, the MNLF and the GRP met in Jakarta, Indonesia. One of those present for GRP was Senator Rodolfo Biazon. He further said that they were in the last stages of the negotiations, since most of the issues had already been agreed upon. The only thing that was lacking was the implementation of the agreement which Nur hoped to be implemented soon.Second, he said he met in a former Soviet Muslim Republic with the OIC representatives and the MILF leaders.The MILF did not agree to unite with the MNLF.Third, according to Misuari, the Malaysian “neo colonialist objective” is to erode the PHL right to the Sabah territory and to extend their sphere of influence to the Muslim regions of Mindanao, in order to wean them away from the government in Manila. Misuari even said as part of the deal with the Malaysians, the MILF committed to give up Sabah. When Governor Misuari was asked by Erik Espina if the MILF received monetary assistance, advice, and weapons from Malaysia, Nur merely replied with a mischievous smile. He himself knows that he and the MNLF were trained in Palau Pancor, Malaysia. Let my readers make their own conclusion
Six Paths To Peace: A Philippine Export
Filipinos must claim credit for the new paradigm defined by our "Six Paths to Peace," which paved the way for the settlement, in September 1996, of 27 years of violence in Mindanao that claimed 120,000 lives -- combatants and innocent civilians caught in the crossfire together -- and ushered a 30-month ceasefire period from July 1997 to April 2000 that served to energize Mindanao's economic development and social progress. The GRP Panel headed by Gen. Manuel Yan (Ret.) and the MNLF Panel chaired by Prof. Nur Misuari agreed that the comprehensive peace agreement must be forged according to six principles (called Paths) as follows:
Path 1: Reforms to address the root causes of the armed conflicts and social unrest. The First Path called for the vigorous implementation of interlocking socio-economic and political reforms to address the root causes of internal armed conflicts and social unrest.
Path 2: Consensus-building and empowerment for peace. the national and local levels to build consensus Continuing consultations at for peace and development, and to mobilize people's participation in the peace process constitutes the Second Path.
Path 3: Peace negotiations with rebel groups. The pursuit of peaceful processes resulting in the settlement, without recriminations, of differences with rebel groups is the Third Path. This facilitates the rebels' reintegration/participation in mainstream civil and political life.
Beyond The Settlement Of Conflicts efine the Fourth PaPath 4: Reconciliation, reintegration and rehabilitation. The implementation of programs for reconciliation, reintegration to mainstream society, and rehabilitation dth. These guarantee the legal status and security of former rebels and promote community-based rehabilitation programs.
Path 5: Conflict management and protection of civilians caught in armed and protection of civilians and to reduce conflicts. The Fifth Path seeks to ensure the welfare the impact of the armed conflicts on them, recognizing the possibility of continuing hostilities in the aftermath.
Path 6: Creating a positive climate for peace. To build, nurture, and enhance a positive climate for peace, fostered by continuing confidence-building measures between the government and rebel groups is the Sixth Path. It includes training for media practitioners on peace reportage and communications.
Tripoli Agreement signed in Libya
First Lady and Minister of Human Settlements Imelda Romualdez Marcos as representative of the Philippine government and Libyan Minister of State Affairs Al Trekki signed and sealed the Tripoli Agreement in Libya on December 23, 1976. This undertaking had paved the way in declaring a ceased of hostilities between the MNLF and the Armed Forces of the Philippines in contested territories of MNLF proposed autonomy areas in Mindanao.
Further, it initiated in establishing a provisional government that would prepare a referendum-plebiscite for the people of Mindanao to decide the MNLF secessionist issue through democratic means.
Thirty - two years later in this age of global terrorism and kidnappings all over the world including Mindanao, the
Philippine government and the various secessionist groups are still in the negotiating table with no clear sights on the settlement of the issue and sporadic arm clashes and bombings continue in the region.
Sample #1
Article: "Exploring the Limits of Privatization"
Author: Ronald C. Moe
Date of Article: 1987
Moe, Ronald C. 1987. "Exploring the Limits of Privatization." Public Administration Review 47 (Nov/Dec): 453-460.
This article speaks to the much-ignored subject of legality and privatization. Moe's essay suggests the passivity of public administration in raising critical questions, respecting the limits of privatization, originated in the reality that public administration has largely in forsaken its intellectual roots which are embedded public law, not economics or the social sciences.
Moe argues that privatization proponents see public and private sectors as being alike. They are concerned with which sector can do the work most efficiently and don't bother with legal or organizational structure questions. Public and private sectors are alike in the nonessentials, but differ in the essentials. A line must be drawn between public and private and public law provides that line.
In 1819 the Supreme Courts decision on McCulloch v. Maryland taught us that a sovereign cannot be taxed by a subordinate unit since to do so would permit another body to determine the fate of the sovereign. The court reasoned if the government owned any part of an entity, the entire body became an instrumentality of the government. This ruling is significant because political actors, both executive and legislative, are assigning functions with a public character largely without criteria and with consequences that are expensive to both the public and private sectors. Such was the case with the Federal Assets Disposition Association who seeks to be private in its direction and interests but public in its rights and privileges.

Privatization is a worldwide phenomenon. In recent years all levels of government, seeking to reduce costs, have begun turning to the private sector to provide some of the services that are ordinarily provided by government. The spread of the privatization movement is grounded in the fundamental belief that market competition in the private sector is a more efficient way to provide these services and allows for greater citizen choice. In practice, however, concerns about service quality, social equity, and employment conditions raise skepticism of privatization. In New York State, labor concerns are also a major issue. Although empirical studies do not provide clear evidence on the costs and benefits of privatization, public perception and pressure for improved government efficiency will keep privatization on the government agenda. A review of recent literature on the theoretical and practical debates on privatization follows. A set of links to Professor Warner's research on national and New York State trends is also available on this site.