An Ipa Study of Young Women’s Cigarette Smoking Experiences, a Gendered Practice or Not

Abstract
The aim of the present study was to explore the gendered practice of cigarette smoking experiences of young women, who smoke on a regular daily basis. Four semi structured interview sessions were carried out with participants’ who fitted the inclusion criteria. The transcripts generated from the interviews were analysed using the principle of interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). Three super-ordinate themes were revealed from the data analysis that extensively captured how participants perceive and relate to their gendered practice of cigarette smoking: ‘‘Procrastination of habit and ignoring the health risk to maintain social norms’’, ‘‘Misplaced perceptions of Smoking as a cost of emancipation’’ and ‘‘Stereotypical views and personal clashes of morals and values’’. The results indicated a spectrum of phenomenon relating to participants’ gendered practice of cigarette smoking experiences. They were less inclined to quit smoking at the expense of their health to fit in, belong, being cool, breaking free, fashionable and all this to feel independent and emancipated.
Introduction
In 1851 Lola Montez an Irish born American had pictures of herself taken at a Boston studio holding a cigarette. At this time no one could predict the future symbolic significance of the cigarette as a sign of emancipation for women (Amos & Haglund, 2009). Women as far back as 1851 did not smoke and if they did were classified as having loose morals or branded as prostitutes. These views carried on till the early 19th century with women who smoked publicly being arrested in some American states, and going so far as imposing a ban on women smoking. However, as the social and economic status of women dramatically changed with time, so did the tobacco industry.
They capitalized on the changing social attitudes by promoting smoking for women as a symbol of emancipation, a ‘‘torch of freedom’’ (Amos & Haglund, 2000, p. 3). According to Amos and Haglund (2000) just over half of the young women in Britain with an age range of 16 to 35 years took to smoking within 20 years of the tobacco companies targeting them. According to Toll and Ling (2005) the tobacco industry deems young women between the ages of 18 to 24 yrs as extremely valuable to their cause. This makes them a target group of their adverts; hence control programmes to counter this should be gender-sensitive. According to Graham (1989), cigarette smoking is becoming increasingly associated with social disadvantages, especially here in the UK. This is opined to be attributed to an observed relationship between cigarette smoking, class and income. Among white males it has been discovered that consumption in particular is rising while their income fails (Graham, 1989). However, women’s consumption patterns are generally similar to their male counterparts (Goddard & Ikin, 1987). According to a survey conducted by ASH Women and Smoking Group (1989), young women have taken the lead in smoking rates in comparison to males. This reversal of the gender gap has prompted a phenomenon of research focusing on smoking rates and incidence of smoking related health concerns (Dobbs & Marsh, 1984). These health concerns vary from increased lung cancer death rates to higher risk of coronary heart disease in women cigarette smokers as compared to their non-smoking counterparts (Amos & Chollat-Traquet, 1990).
Conversely, despite the potentially fatal implications of cigarette smoking by young women, Wearing and Wearing (2000) argue that they use them as a stylish prop in reaffirming their gender identity. Jenkins (1996 as cited in Giddens, 2009) posited that identity is ‘‘our understanding of who we are and of who other people are’’. This means the knowledge of the self and others or simply the out-group and the in-group identities is governed by our own perceptions. Klapp, (1969 as cited in Thomas, Thomas et al. 1974) argued that all human identities can be attributed to social identities as they are shaped as a result of the continual processes of social interface.
According to Finkelstein (1991) fashion is an important source of personal identification, which means an individual’s sense of self identity is constructed from external appearances and styles. Thus, valuing of one’s image and appearance to gain social acceptance has worked in favour of cigarette promoters who have employed strategic methods of advertising cigarettes as a fashion accessory targeting young women (Gilbert, 2007). Chollat-Traquet (1992) argues that by the 1930s smoking had become fashionable for women particularly in the cities with at least 18.1 percent compared to 52.5 percent for men in the United States. The contribution of women during World War II towards the national war effort meant that women were not only working like men but adopting their behaviour at the same time. Consequently their smoking became associated with independence, patriotism, emancipation and going out to work and by the time the war was over, the prevalence of women smoking in the United Kingdom was 40 percent, 30 percent in Australia and 25percent in the United States respectively.
The World Health Organisation (1986) carried out a cross-national survey of health behaviour in relation to smoking in ten countries. The results for the UK showed that the prevalence for smoking for young men was higher than young women. They predicted that in both England and Wales at least 27 percent of young women would be smoking by 1991. However, Scotland indicated a higher number of women smokers than men with 28 percent of the women aged between 16 to 19 and 37 percent of those aged between 20 to 24 years (Chollat-Traquet, 1992). Erickson and Kaplan (2000) in their study of women smokers found that 62 percent smoke cigarettes to relax, 57 percent smoke when depressed, 52 percent smoke when bored , 47 percent smoke just because the like it an 33 percent smoke because of stress. The results were the same across the face to face (FTF) structured interviews and the self-administered-questionnaires (SAQ). Erbaydar et al (2002 as cited in Yuksel & Corbett, 2005) from a nationwide data on the prevalence of young women smoking revealed that 18.3 percent smoked in Turkey. Smoking in Turkey was approved amongst women who had professional jobs unlike those who did not, showing a smoking prevalence of 34.4 for female physicians and 43.3 for women teachers (Bilir et al, 2000 as cited in Yuksel & Corbett, 2005).
The aim of the present study was to explore the gendered practice of cigarette smoking experiences of young women. The objective of this study was not only to provide an in depth understanding of the participants’ views and perceptions of cigarette smoking but to also generate contextualised accounts of their emotional, social, and psychological reasons behind cigarette smoking and maintaining the habit. It explored the young women’s awareness of the health risks of cigarette smoking and their brand preferences. The findings would be useful in developing gender sensitive strategies and policies in dealing with issues of addiction and cessation.
Method
Theoretical background
The present study employed a qualitative method, as it aims to make sense of data or interpret phenomena in terms of the attitudes and meanings participants’ bring to them. It allows description of the participants’ original language. In this study, a semi structured interview broadly used as an instrument for data collection in qualitative research was employed. It presented the researcher with an opportunity to listen to participants’ converse about specific facets of their personal experiences or life. As it’s a flexible approach, it allows participants’ to speak openly and freely to capitalize on their own understanding during an interview of what is being communicated to them.
Interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) was employed in the present study to explore in depth the participant’s life-world through data analysis. IPA is principally concerned with an individual’s personal account or perception of an event. It attempts to explore personal experiences and permits the researcher to assume a rather active role because of the dynamic process it presents. For example, generating themes through analysis of the participants’ shared experiences from the data provided.
Participants
Credit is duly awarded to the four participants’ who met the inclusion criteria and took part in the 25 to 30 minutes semi structured interviews. All four participants’ were female with an age range of 18 to 24yrs, recruited within the confines of De Montfort University (DMU) town campus. This researcher’s participants were recruited through word of mouth through friends. The inclusion criteria required the participants to be 18 years of age to 24 years, not year 2 (DMU) psychology students. It also required them to be regular daily cigarette smokers. The purpose of this inclusion criterion was to find out the personal experiences of these young women relation to their cigarette smoking to find out if it is a gendered practice or not.
Materials
The materials used in this study were the recording equipment loaned from the University to conduct the interviews. The software used for transcribing the data was audacity. The information sheet, consent form, semi structured interview schedule used in this study were formulated by the research group and approved by the supervisor (see Appendices, A & B). Transcripts were generated from the recorded interviews verbatim (see appendix, C).
Procedure
The researcher was asked to prepare a proposal outlining the study. It was also required that an information sheet, consent form and ethical application form were prepared and approved by the supervisor before commencement of research. Templates were provided by the research supervisor for all the above mentioned forms. After their approval the researcher designed the questionnaire schedule for the interviews (see appendix D), which was altered several times to meet the supervisor’s requirements and approval.
The researcher then set out to find participants’ that met the inclusion criteria. Once identified, participants were briefed on what the study entailed via the information sheet provided. Once participants consented to participating in the study, they were given consent forms to sign and retain a copy and give back the other one to the researcher. They were fully briefed of their rights and ethical concerns (see ethics section). The semi structured interviews were carried out using a questionnaire schedule consisting of eleven exploratory but flexible questions. Probes were also used depending on the participants’ responses.
The schedule began with questions relating to participants’ first cigarette experience, followed by more specific questions about why they smoke cigarettes or what’s good about it. And whether or not they are aware of the health risks associated with smoking cigarettes, what brands they smoke and how they hold their cigarettes, how is it different from other people and have they tried giving up smoking. Participants were invited to elaborate more on their cigarette smoking experiences and to seek out whether it is a gendered practice or not.
In accordance with the British Psychology Society’s ethical principles, the interviews were conducted in a safe and quiet room (For location see information sheet, appendix, A). All four interviews lasted between 25 to 30 minutes each, and at the end of the interview participants’ were thanked. The data that was digitally recorded was subsequently transcribed verbatim using notations adapted from Jefferson (1984). As described in Willig (2005) the researcher used IPA all four transcripts for data analysis.
Ethics
Approval for this research was granted by the DR Iain Williamson from the De Montfort University, Psychology Division (see appendix, D). The interviews were carried out in accordance with the British Psychological Society’s (BPS) ethical principles in a safe and secure environment (see appendix A for location). Before commencement of the interviews participants’ were duly informed that they were free to withdraw at any time during or after the interview, without penalty or prejudice. They were informed that withdrawal 5 days after the interview would not be possible. Participants were furnished with the researcher’s email details to send their withdrawal anonymously. Participants were also assured that all information provided during the interview would be treated with the strictest confidence throughout the study. All sound files would be transferred and kept on a password protected computer accessible only to the researcher and supervisor. Participants’ names were also further anonymised in the verbatim transcripts by using pseudonyms which they were welcome to choose. Participants were informed that after July 2011 when the grade is confirmed, the recording and transcripts will be destroyed to ensure complete confidentiality and their anonymity is achieved. Should the participants worry about their smoking habits and need help the researcher would provide them with a NHS smoke free helpline after the interview.
Analytic strategy
The four interview transcripts were analysed one by one in accordance with the principles of IPA (Smith, 2008). Each transcript was read and re-read for the researcher to become as familiar as can be with each account of the data. Significantly interesting language and initial notes such as concepts were noted on the left hand side of the transcripts. Consequently, emerging themes were noted on the right hand side of the margin. Once this process was complete, similar themes across all four transcripts were banded together. This resulted in three super-ordinate themes being identified for discussion in the analysis section. The Jefferson (1984) system was used to notate transcripts, for instance, (.) short pause, [overlapping speech] and (...) long pause just to mention a few. Three extracts for each super ordinate theme were identified to capture and express the participants’ cigarette smoking experiences.
Analysis
This section will focus on the three super-ordinate themes identified from the four transcripts. These themes will be supported by extracts from the transcripts to indicate the attitudes, perceptions and experiences of young women who smoke cigarettes on a regular daily basis. The first theme; “Stereotypical views and personal clashes of morals and values” was generated as a result of the conflict of self with regards taught family values and morals against those of the social in-group that represent defiance, independence and stereotypical views. The second theme; ‘Procrastination of habit while ignoring health risk to maintain social norms’, was generated form such concepts as peer pressure, being cool and fitting in as a result of participants’ procrastinating quitting cigarette smoking to belong while ignoring the health risks. The third theme; ‘Misplaced perceptions of Smoking as a cost of emancipation’ was generated from such concepts as, breaking free, independent, equality and fashionable.
‘Stereotypical views and personal clashes of morals and values’
This theme typifies participants’ quest to find some degree of balance between family values, expectations and the self’s adopted habits. Narratives below show that coming to grips with self’s cigarette smoking habit is not only a complex issue but is also rife with conflict:
CJ Umm, I actually don’t like smoking, everyone that asks me that question I always tell I don’t like smoking. Umm, I find it weird that if I walk into a house that smells of cigarettes it pisses me off yet I smoke (..) I guess I smoke mostly when I’m bored and it gives something to do and in the process calms me down and I kind of like holding the cigarette just playing around with it is cool(.)

(Extract, 1, CJ, lines, 25-31).
This participant expresses a contradiction between personal control and addictive nature of cigarettes. The morals and values of the participant are conflicted because she detests the habit yet needs it. Participant is addicted but is in denial opting to view a cigarette as a fashionable instrument or a marker for sophistication.
Sue well I tend to smoke the silk cut and richmonds meth because I like the way they taste (.) and umm, I suppose they have a feminine touch to them (giggles) I mean the packaging is attractive and kinda classy you know what I mean. Umm, oh yeah I wouldn’t smoke brands like them Benson and hedges or other brands cos they appear a bit rough I think they are more for men than us women (...)and umm, sure they are advertised as being for men they umm, a bit too strong for my liking and I guess the ones I’ve tasted(..)umm, really taste nasty man, more like tar, its just horrible I don’t how they could ever cope with that you know.

(Extract, 2, Sue, lines, 51-61).
Participant is expresses a gendered practice of cigarette smoking by critically stereotyping other cigarette brands. She associates unattractive cigarette packaging to masculinity. Participant also highlights that emancipation is misplaced in citing that stronger brands which she cannot smoke are too masculine.
LM As for my family they don’t know that I smoke umm, and I intend for it to stay that way, coz they are religious and cultured so that would really disappoint them yeah so I do care what they think and obviously when I started smoking I was a teen and as a teen we tend to do the opposite of what’s expected of us cos we think we know it all.(.) society obviously looks down on smoking especially the religious people and those that represent different cultures and I think its also evident that they especially despise women smoking (.3)
(Extract 3, LM, lines, 87-95).
Participant is naively conflicted between cigarette smoking and family values. She feels guilty and the need to be secretive about her habit because she is afraid to bring shame and embarrassment to the family. While they show some degree of having internalized family values hence the guilt, they seem to have internalized cigarette smoking more as part of their novel self concept identifiable within their social circles.
‘Procrastination of habit while ignoring health risk to maintain social norms’
This theme was generated as a result of participants’ awareness of the health risks associated with smoking cigarettes, yet continued smoking because it’s cool, wanted to fit in, and succumbed to in-group norms (peer pressure). Smoking became part of their self concept which had a direct impact on their life, a ‘social need’.
Y.M To be honest from the time I started smoking regularly, umm around 15, I Did try quitting smoking for at least six months (..) but because we used to have long breaks in college and because of peer pressure it didn’t last long (giggles), just couldn’t resist the urges and boredom I think played its part, plus the need to be seen to belong to a particular group within the college campus had its rewards (.)Like umm, well, were seen as being cool and independent init (.1) (Extract 1, YM, lines 151-160).
This participant is at a critical place with their cigarette smoking habit, it is evident they have internalized this habit as part of their self concept for social purposes, and conforming to the in-group’s norms. They could also be in denial of being addicted, using boredom as an excuse.
LM Umm, I also think cigarettes have negative effects yes but hey even prescription medication has side effects. Cigarettes are good for relaxing, and maintaining this body in shape (.1) it takes the edginess away.
(Extract 2, LM, lines 153-156).
Here, participant justifies and defends her cigarette smoking habit despite being aware of the health implications of smoking. Instead boasts the remedial benefit of smoking in maintain a desirable figure to fit in with the in-group.
YM so I guess while it tastes good there seems to be greater consequences. I guess this affects me psychologically yet I can’t seem to wean myself of smoking .I’ve had a nightmare before with a f***** up respiratory system (..3) umm, that shook me to the core, yet I still smoke.
(Extract 3, YM, lines, 143-148).
Participant expresses importance of self concept, a love for smoking cigarettes over possible health risks indicating the degree of their addiction to nicotine.
‘Misplaced perceptions of Smoking as a cost of emancipation’
This theme emerged from concepts such as breaking free, independent, equality and fashionable.
Sue You know every time I held my cigarette it kind of umm, (...) flowed with my style and how me and my girlfriends rolled you get me.
(Extract 1, Sue, lines, 21-23).
Participant strives on style and smoking with her friends as a representation of girl power in perceiving themselves as independent and distinct from others. Sue derives a sense of belonging to this group through smoking as a common factor and clearly draws power from this. Participant, views smoking as an emblem of social bonding and power.

LM we are saying hey just because we smoke doesn’t mean we are prostitutes or have loose morals most of us are studying for various degrees and intend to be successful at it, smoking cigarettes does not make me less of a woman than the one who doesn’t smoke them. It just defines me more as being fashion conscious, outgoing, independent and confident with my identity as a woman in the 21st century which women back in the day gone could not do because of very restrictive and primitive societal norms and belief systems.
(Extract 2, LM, lines, 144-152)

Participant is proud and regards smoking as part of her personality and marker for her social status, not a hindrance for succeeding in life. She defines smoking as an instrument for emancipation and contradicts the prejudices and stereotypical views of society that women who smoke have loose morals and are not ambitious.
CJ I see myself as breaking free from these inhibiting views of the past
(Extract, 3, CJ, lines, 105-106).
This participant emphasises that they have internalized cigarette smoking as a form of independence and emancipation in a society that condemns women smoking. They also express a sense of ownership and feel empowered by smoking cigarettes.
Discussion
The young women interviewed in this study painted a picture of their social worlds, in which they identified smoking as a tangible behaviour which comes with social benefits. For example, fitting in, having a good image, being cool and accepted. They smoked every where but their parents houses to avoid exposing their habit which was against the family belief systems. While they was an informed awareness of the health risks associated with smoking participants’ ignored that, instead regarded smoking as being the norm and an inherent aspect of enjoying social relationships. They expressed that their style of holding cigarettes, ashing and brands they smoke is a representation of gender practice, which means they have internalised the act (Gilbert, 2007). However, Chollat-Traquet (1992) argues that women during the world war performed duties perceived to be for men and even adopted their behaviours. It is opined that all the views held by the participants are a reversal of stereotyping such as their notions of emancipation and style as they have been adopted and made it their own. Participants’ expressed mixed views of smoking, but commonly none admitted being addicted to cigarettes. Instead they dwelled on what it does for them when bored or otherwise, for example it helps calm their nerves, stress coping, relaxing and for social purposes.
These findings are consistent with Erickson and Kaplan’s (2000) study that indicated 62 percent of women smoke to relax, 52 percent smoke when bored while, 33 percent smoke cause of stress and 47 percent smoke cause of their friends. All the participants were reluctant to quit smoking with Sue suggesting that ‘‘there would be a lot of nicotine angry people out there’’ (line 130), perhaps a sign of addiction. This highlights a need for revising and implementing effective health promotions on the dangers of smoking at young women. ASH Women and Smoking Group (1989), (1984) revealed from their survey that young women had taken the lead in smoking rates in comparison to males. Conversely, the scope of the present study was limited as it involved a sample of young women cigarette smokers at De Montfort University. The views and experiences they expressed may not generally reflect those of other young women cigarette smokers, for instance those of a lesbian background. The findings of the present study underline the importance of carrying out a qualitative study with a specific group. Participants’ will share valid experiences, from culture and norms to social attitudes relating to their smoking. This information can be used by relevant groups such as health organisations to tailor promotions or campaign programmes that benefit young women who want to quit or are about to engage in smoking cigarettes. Future studies should look at different socio-demographics as the meaning and role of young women who smoke cigarettes vary according to culture, family values and ethnic origins.

Reflexivity
As a researcher Iam hoping to attain a perceptive of the participant’s personal world by exploring their cigarette smoking experiences. I chose this particular subject to find out the experiences of young women smokers and to establish whether it is a gendered practice. Iam currently, studying Psychology with Health and in my second year. I enjoy going to the gym, meeting new people and travelling. I train twice a week and am currently preparing for the world karate championships in Italy. I have worked with Save the Children Fund UK, in at least seven African states on health related issues. I can speak six languages most of them from southern African countries. My parents raised me on strong Christian and cultural principles. My life experiences in this study make me an outsider, but I suppose my curiosity of the life I’ve never been exposed to make my relationship with the participant stronger. The stereotypical views I had were superseded by my quest to understand their experiences. We did not share smoking in common, and could have hindered them being more open. I was able to empathise with the participant because I am a product of a multicultural identity upbringing so I could relate to their experiences more. This study will definitely have a strong sense of researcher bias, alongside beliefs and experiences relative to my background. While qualitative data analysis has been a time consuming and exhaustive process of examining personal experiences of young women cigarette smokers.’ It took me on a journey of trying to understand their chosen lifestyle experience from their point of view. It also made me reflect on how fortunate Iam to have never tried smoking because of its addictive nature.

References
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