The case primarily deals with the current Indian political scenario and it describes how the Indian democracy is undergoing a period of crisis and renewal. New forms of protest movements have started taking form .The recent rise of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP),its surprising success in the Delhi Assembly elections of December 2013 , and the short-lived but dramatic episode of Arvind Kejriwal acting as Delhi’s Chief Minister have some of its roots in the earlier anti-corruption protest movement. The AAP is evolving its own peculiar mix of protest and populism, while trying to find a programmatic profile.
Faces in AAP: From the initial anger on the street to the anger that propelled the AAP into power, upsurges in urban India are no longer confined to the middle classes; these have become multi-class. Though the primary activist base remains middle class (IT and management professionals, rights activists, teachers, students in universities), it has grown exponentially to include the lower middle class (urban poor, and working class auto rickshaw drivers, railway employees, tea shop vendors, tailors, workers in the informal sector, construction work, and migrant labourers). Many — but not all — protesters were young. Many young protesters, particularly in the later phases of the movements, were not of the ‘new’ middle class.
The last few years have seen a steady growth in middle class activism around social justice. This was exemplified in situations like the Jessica Lal case where middle class protests combined with media coverage to impact events. Such consciousness also peaked when ordinary citizens thronged Anna Hazare's anti-corruption satyagraha. Many such cases have occurred thereafter like The Association of Victims of Uphaar Tragedy (AVUT) by grieving families of the Uphaar fire tragedy in 1997, .Environmental and consumer groups, such as the Citizen Consumer group and Civic Action Group in Tamil Nadu etc. In