Book Reflection: the Days of the French Revolution

DIOCESAN BOYS’ SCHOOL IB HISTORY

The Days of the French Revolution by Christopher Hibbert
Fung Kei Lap Michael 11L 11/13/2012 Bibliography:
Hibbert, Christopher. The Days of the French Revolution. New York: HarperCollins, 2002. Auntieruth. “Alive with Colorful Characters.” Review of The Days of the French Revolution, by Christopher Hibbert. Epinions, asdJanuary 29, 2008. asdhttp://www.epinions.com/review/The_Days_of_the_French_Revolution_by_Christopher_Hibbert/content_416395071108 Goodreads Inc. “The Days of the French Revolution by Christopher Hibbert – Reviews, Discussion, Bookclubs, Lists.”Accessed asdNovermber 12, 2012. http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/144189.The_Days_of_the_French_Revolution Wilschke, Nancy. “The Days of the French Revolution by Christopher Hibbert.” Review of The Days of the French Revolution, by asdfChristopher Hibbert. Vellum, April 6, 2008. http://vellum-nancy.blogspot.hk/2008/04/days-of-french-revolution-by.html Faria, Miguel A. Jr. “A lucid narrative of the French Revolution.” Review of The Days of the French Revolution, by Christopher asdfHibbert. Amazon, March 27, 2001, Customer Reviews. http://www.amazon.com/Days-French-Revolution-ChristopherasdfHibbert/product-reviews/0688169783/ref=cm_cr_pr_btm_link_2?ie=UTF8&showViewpoints=0&pageNumber=2 C., Brian. “Depends on what you are looking for…” Review of The Days of the French Revolution, by Christopher Hibbert. asdfAmazon, August 20, 2010, Customer Reviews. http://www.amazon.com/Days-French-Revolution-Christopher-Hibbert/productasdfreviews/0688169783/ref=cm_cr_pr_top_link_1?ie=UTF8&showViewpoints=0

Book Project - Paper

ORIGIN, PURPOSE, VALUE, LIMITAION
The book The Days of the French Revolution was written as a historiography by British historian Christopher Hibbert in 1980. It was published in 1999 by Harper Collins 1. The purpose of this book is to give a detail recount of the events happened during the French Revolution from 1789 to 1795, as well as its causes and the consequences it brought aftermath. The book does not condone actions of both the revolutionaries and the monarchy. Hence the most prominent value of this book is its outstanding objectivity which allows historians to get access to knowledge of the revolution in different perspectives. The second most prominent value is the greatly vivified content which lessens the overall boredom of the book. The writer inputs many refreshing literary elements such as dialogues of the French revolutionaries as well as descriptions of their character. Photos are also weaved into the middle part of the book in order to give a more interesting portrayal of the French Revolution. However, there are limitations in the book as well. Even though Hibbert’s writing skills are brilliant, it is nevertheless exhausting to finish the book because within the three-hundredsomething pages, Hibbert repeatedly uses the same way to illustrate the events of the revolution. Another limitation is the accuracy of translation from French to English. In order to make the French Revolution more comprehensible to English speakers or readers, the historian must translate anything related to the French Revolution from French to English. However, as different languages have different grammars and vocabularies, hence there is always a concern about the accuracy of translation. This will certainly affect the validity of the judgments made by other historians who took this book for reference. Last but not least, although the book covers a wide range of timeline, it did not manage to mention some of the events which happened during
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Christopher Hibbert, The Days of the French Revolution (New York: Harper Perennial, 2002), 1

the French Revolution and are worth noticing. Moreover, the genre (historiography) of the book limits the space for providing hindsight, thus decreases the availability for historians to study the analysis, judgments, conclusions and evaluations made in the past.

Summary for Chapters
Prologue: Court and Country In this chapter, or prologue, Hibbert gives a general account of the events taken place in France before the French Revolution. Hibbert covers the social and economic issues which are often argued to be the triggers of the excruciating French Revolution. Examples of issues include Necker’s trick to manipulate the economic statistics from debts to deficits, the uprising of Enlightenment ideas, inflation and inequitable taxations. The aim for giving these accounts is to present the absence of equality, freedom and security, as well as to depict a feeble and indecisive authority which people wish to demolish2. The Day of the Tennis-Court Oath (20 June 1789)

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Hibbert, The Days, 19-45.

This chapter gives a detail account of events starting from 3rd May 1789 [two days before the Estates-General meeting] to 20th June 1789 [the day of the Tennis-Court oath]. The Third Estate demanded their votes to be doubled because of their incompetence against the First and Second Estates. Unfortunately in this first ever meeting held since 1614, Louis XVI the king was unable to demonstrate any sort of friendliness to the Third Estate. The King and Barentin (the Keeper of the Seals) shifted the focus from representation of delegates to taxes because doubling the Third Estate’s votes would deprive the privileges of the First and Second Estates, as well as the monarchy. Seeing the hopeless situation in the meeting, the Third Estate’s representatives (calling themselves “commons”) declared themselves as members of the National Assembly – the true representatives of people. The King resisted by locking the Commons out of the place where the National Assembly was held. The Commons hence shifted the meeting place to a nearby tennis court in which they swore not to separate until the constitution was settled. At the moment many riots were aroused mainly due to shortage of bread and the dismissal of the idolized minister Necker 3.

The Day of the Vainqueurs de la Bastille (14 July 1789) “Vainqueurs de la Bastille” in English means the “Storming of the Bastille”. Bastille was a fortress and prison of seven tenants guarded by Paris royal authorities. The people started to be impatient about the settlements on the unfair voting system, the regressive tax system, as well as the issues on starvation. When Necker, whom people think was the savior of the French economy, was dismissed, people aroused their grievances and conducted demonstrations all

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Hibbert, The Days, 47-66.

around France. As rumors about the King’s decision to suppress revolts by violence were being spread, the spirit of rebellion fermented into its mature state. On14 July 1789, at half-past five in the afternoon, the French guards and the angry citizens broke the garrisons and liberated the fortress. Bastille was captured because of two main reasons. The first is that the Royal Army Troops did not intervene to help the defenders of the fortress. The second is that many soldiers turned on the rebels. This capture symbolized the first crush to royalty done by the unprivileged commoners 4.

The Day of the Market-Women (5-6 October 1789) There were hundred-thousands of people who could not stand the ever-escalating price and scarcity of bread. Among them were market women who demonstrated in Paris for the government’s intervention to correct the disequilibrium. They were later joined by agitated revolutionaries who pursued political reforms such as establishing a constituent monarchy. All the demonstrators marched to the Palace of Versailles and launched a violent confrontation against the King. They delivered their demands to the Palace and compelled the royal family to return to Paris with them. The King’s cooperation underscores the new balance of power in France – from the privileged orders to the commoners, the voices of the nation 5.

The Days of the Fédérés and the Flgiht to Varennes (14-17 July 1790 and 19-26 June 1791)

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Hibbert, The Days, 67-84. Hibbert, The Days, 85-106.

The “Fédérés” was a term referring to the ‘federates’ who celebrated the anniversary of the Storming of the Bastille and the establishment of a constituent monarchy. On 14th of July 1790 in Champ de Mars, Talleyrand (Bishop of Autun) carried out a Mass (Fête de la Fédération) in which both Lafayette (the popular leader of the National Guard) the King declared to “maintain the constitution decreed by the National Assembly and accepted” by the King (The Days, p.114). This huge and crowd-pleasing feast marked the reunification of the three Estates – with Talleyrand and Louis XVI (with his royal family) representing the First and Second Estate respectively. Louis XVI was not determined enough in dealing with the revolutionaries’ demands. He decided to take a flight out of the plight together with his family. The plan was to disguise the royal family into bourgeois and take a ride in a carriage to Montmédy (a royalist stronghold in northeastern France). The dauphin’s governess took the role of the baroness, followed by the King as the steward, the queen as governess and the royal children as daughters. Unfortunately what had actually happened was an utter mess – horse’s speed was too slow, escorts never arrived on time, and more importantly, the valets de chamber discovered the flight so early. These cumulative undesired events brought the revolutionaries sufficient time to hunt for the escaping King. The royal family was finally recognized by Jean-Baptiste Drouet in Varennes – 50 km from the destination. The king, with no credibility as a constituent monarch, got arrested and sent back to Paris with his family6. The Days of the Tuileries (20 June and 10 August 1792)

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Hibbert, The Days, 107-130.

While they were being confined in the Tuileries Palace, revolutionaries were fanatically talking about the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of the republic. Facing a colossal threat from the revolutionaries, the king urged the Girondins to declare war on Austria and Prussia so that a failure of the French military would quicken the restoration of his rule by a coup d 'état. On the other hand, there was a shift of trend among revolutionaries – from conservative constituent monarchists to liberal radicals such as Marat, Desmoulins, Hebert and the sansculottes. The radical revolutionaries demonstrated on 20 June 1792 (third anniversary of the Tennis-Court Oath), demanding “no aristocrats, no veto, no priests” (The Days, p.149) and the creation of twenty-thousand National Guards outside Paris. The King responded the crowds with remarkable composure (asserting himself as the best friend of the nation and put the red cap – emblem of revolutionary fervor), but still he stood firm against the withdrawal of the veto of the Assembly’s decrees. The crowds eventually dismissed after witnessing his respectable actions, and furthermore denouncing the insult to the royal family 7. Yet, the manifesto issued by the Duke of Brunswick to help restore the royal authority re-heated the fury of the revolutionaries. The storming of the Tuileries on August 10th 1792 began with the arousing tocsin from the revolutionaries. The insurgents advanced to the Tuileries in which 950 Swiss Guards were waiting for the incoming assailants. However, the Swiss Guards got outnumbered by the assailants because the National Guards turned on the marching citizens. 600 Swiss Guards were killed; many of the survived Swiss guards got arrested and some of them got massacred. After that, the revolutionaries (mostly Girondins like Danton and sans-culottes) were

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Hibbert, The Days, 131-163.

displacing many of the past royals, nobles and aristocrats as ministers in the provincial government 8.

The Days of the September Massacres and the Execution of the King (2-7 September 1792 and 21 January 1793) This chapter begins with a short biography of Georges Danton. Hibbert addresses his outstanding oral skills and intelligence by referring him as ‘voice of the Revolution’. Serving as the Minister of Justice and First president of the Committee of Public Safety, he demonstrated his power within the insurrectionary commune – which functioned as the actual French government. Then Hibbert draws our attention to the 5-day-long September Massacres which were caused by the fear of the uprising of counter-revolutionaries. With the threatening ‘Brunswick Manifesto’ issued by the Prussian military commander and Danton’s call for further boldness against enemies, the mobs, mostly sans-culottes, were fueled to draw their first blood on the non-juring (not taking oath to be loyal to the nation) priests when being transported to the prison in SaintGermain des Prés. Deaths of non-juring priests, Swiss guards, aristocrats (including the Queen’s friend Princesse de Lambelle), nobles (especially those who showed no effort in defending Verdun, wished to borrow the defeat as a springboard to restore the King’s authority) and other prisoners who secretly opposed the revolution were aroused in the next four days. Deaths were the expected consequences of mock trials with most of them being savagely conducted by drunk and half-asleep mobs.

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Hibbert, The Days, 164-190.

Later, France gained victory from the Prussians in the Battle of Valmy while having the French Republic established on 20 September 1792. The Jacobins who took the most seats in the Convention were known as the Montagnards or the ‘Mountain’. They demanded the death penalty of Louis Capet [the King]. On January 21 1793, after Louis Capet was guillotined, shouts of ‘vive la Nation!’ were exhaled 9.

The Days of the Enragés and the Hebertists (28 May – 2 June and 4-5 September 1793) The Enragés, led by a ‘fiery ex-priest’ (The Days, p.194) Jacques Roux and the postal official Varlet, were one of the extreme revolutionaries who demanded price fixing of food and redistribution of wealth. As the split between the Girondins and the Montagnards grew wider, the Enragés voiced for removing the Girondins (i.e. the abolition of the conspiracy detective – the Commission of Twelve dominated by Girondists) out of the National Convention. Girondins in revenge attempted to arrest Hebert [the deputy procureur (‘prosecutor’) of the Enragés], Varet and 4 other members of the Enragés. On May 27 the mob burst into the Convention, demanded and obtained the release of the arrested Enragés. On the next day, a militia of 30,000 sansculottes demanded the permanent abolition of the Girondin-dominated Commission as well as the arrest of Girondin. The mobs, receiving a ‘yes’ for the former and ‘no’ for the later, marched again on Sunday, June 2. Finally the arrest of 22 leading Girondin was confirmed. Although wars provoked by the Girondin came to an end, the people discredited the utter failure of diplomatic negotiations taken by Danton, which made him removed from the Committee.

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Hibbert, The Days, 163-190.

Rages among the sans-culottes and the Enragés were raised by the outpacing cost of living. Charlotte Corday, a Girondins sympathizer, accusing Marat for the fall of the Girondins, assassinated him on July 13. The murdered was soon praised as the heroic martyr or saint by the crowds. On the other hand, Carnot, Robespierre (a leading figure of the Third Estate and the Jacobin Club who joined the Committee of Public Safety on July 27) and Hébertists (claimed as Marat’s successor) proposed the levée en masse (conscription) to fight for the Revolution on September 5 10.

The Days of the Terror (October - December 1793 and March – July 1794) After the Jacobin Club had proposed “Teurrer be the other of the day”, the Reign of Terror followed swiftly. The queen and 21 Girondins were the first victims of the Reign under the blade of the guillotine in October. The Rolands (the two influential Girondins) and 3000 political offenders (i.e. royalists and federalists) were also put on trials before the Revolutionary Tribunal (set up in March 1793 by the Jacobins) and executed in the autumn and winter of 1793 in Paris. Irrational trials and executions were performed severely after the start of the Reign. The mercilessness exposed by the Revolutionary Tribunal made it later become a very power tool which Robespierre abused to pursue self-interests (not money but the ideals he obsessed with, and that’s why he’s known as the ‘Incorruptible”). During that horrifying reign, the movement of de-christianization was brought into influence by Hébert and Chaumette. The Revolutionary Calendar was installed, street names with ‘saint’ were renamed, churches were abolished, bishops and priests were either deported or executed…

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Hibbert, The Days, 191-218.

The fall of Christianity signified the rise of cults, among which the Cult of Reason and Cult of Supreme Being were the most prominent – an evidence of such is that Notre Dame Cathedral became the Temple of Reason on November 10. After dealing with the issues of the religions, the Hébertists and Dantonists became the next targets of Robespierre. Hébertists was considered too influential and extreme in the Commune. They also held opposite views to Robespierre on the religion matters. Danton always allied himself with Robespierre and turn upon Hébert. However, Robespierre broke with the Dantonists because the toleration in religion and moderation in politics they advocated would mark the end of the Reign of Terror – this will not allow Robespierre to construct his Republic of Virtue. Robespierre finally arrested the aforementioned indulgent parties and ordered their executions in March and April of 1794 11.

The Days of the Thermidor To make the trials more efficient, the Law of 22 Prairial, which simplified the trial by permitting suspicions sufficient enough to charge one’s wrongdoings, was enacted in June 10, 1794. However, many opposed the law because they feared that this would center the power to Robespierre and make him a virtual dictator who executed his opponents with meaningless reasons. On July 27 (Thermidor 9th, Year II) when Robespierre was making a speech in the Convention, the call for his arrest interrupted and shocked him. Being unable to utter a response to the arrest, he attempted to commit suicide but failed because the bullet he shot himself went into his jaw instead of his head. On the next day he was, like others he ordered the executions on,

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Hibbert, The Days, 219-248.

guillotined with no trial in the Place de la Révolution. This event, commonly known as the ‘Thermidor Reaction’, marked the end of the Reign of Terror 12.

The Days of the Germinal, Prairial, and Vendemiaire (1 April, 20 May and 4-6 October 1795) The abolition of the unjustified Law of 22 Prairial as well as the merciless Revolutionary Tribunal signified the revival of the well-ordered French Republic. The value of assignat dropped hugely due to bad harvests in 1795. This also worsened the wealth inequality into the condition similar to the pre-revolution time. The sans-culottes were resentful about that, but they were not supported by any influential powers like the previous Commune. Reluctantly on April 1 (Germinal 12), they gathered the citizens and marched to the Convention, demanding cheaper bread and resurrection of the Constitution. But the demands remained soundless as the National Guards were sent to suppress the demonstrators. Instead of fixing bread prices, the Convention enacted an arms law which was to disarm the sans-culottes. This made the sans-culottes grumbled and again they marched into the Convention on May 20 (Prairial 1), wearing hats with a printed slogan: ‘Bread and the Constitution of 93’. A young man named Ferauld was killed when he attempted to protect the President of the Convention. Legendre, the commander of the suppressing troops, ordered the arrests of the rioters and allowed immediate trials and executions, not to mention that the once influential Montagnards were also exterminated under the same guillotines used for beheading the sans-culottes.

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Hibbert, The Days, 249-268.

After the final settlements on the post-revolutionaries, a new Constitution was approved by the Convention. The Council of 500 (aged over 30, having right to initiate laws), the Council of Ancients (aged over 40, having right to approve or veto laws) and the Directory of Five (appointed by Council of 500 and possess executive powers) were established. A third of the councils were required to retire each year; two-thirds of the deputies were to be chosen from the Convention between 1792 and 1795. These measures were intended to balance the power of the authority and to prevent the revival of the royalists and Jacobins, but the public argued that the Two-thirds Law was over-conservative and the authority just ignored issues about food shortage and harsh living. On October 5 1795 (Vendémiaire 13) the royalists borrowed the public displeasure and made an attempt to take over the Convention. Despite the suppressing army was ostensibly outnumbered, the young general Napoleon Bonaparte ordered his Republican forces to fire grapeshots and effectively caused the royalist army to waver. The royalists were defeated, and Napoleon was given command of the French army in Italy for his efforts in suppressing the insurrectionaries 13.

Epilogue: The Advent of Bonaparte Napoleon was at his ascendancy after his service in dealing with the Vendémiaire uprising. After being promoted to the commander of the army in Italy and successfully brought some glorious victories in several triumphant campaigns, he was indeed influential enough in both foreign and national affairs. The center of powers technically shifted from the councils and assemblies to the army, which seems to be overwhelming enough to any opposing forces, including Babeuf - the incompetent conspirator whose ideas of equality later developed into communism and socialism,
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Hibbert, The Days, 269-288.

and the priests, royalists, journalists and deputies who supported the restoration of monarchy. Once the Directory was cleansed, Napoleon got his expedition plan of Egypt, through which he intended to damage English commerce, approved. The expedition alarmed Britain, as well as Turkey, Naples, Russia, Sweden and Austria. Facing an overwhelming coalition, rampant diseases and bitter economy, the French armies received series of defeats, among which the Battle of Nile (in which two French vessels remained undestroyed by Lord Nelson’s British navy) was the most tormenting. In August, Napoleon left the French armies in Egypt and set sail on France. Napoleon received an unexpected warm welcome from the crowds after his arrival due to series of victories in October. Sieyès and Talleyrand planned for a coup d’etate with the help of Napoleon in order to replace the Directory with a consulate. On Brumaire 18 of Year VIII (November 9 1799), Sieyès made the two councils (Ancients and Five Hundred) agree to meet in Saint-Cloud in order to render them safe from the purported ‘Jacobin Plot’ (in reality to gather them into a place which allow Napoleon’s troops to conveniently intimidate them without getting much public attention). The next day Napoleon made a speech in front of the two councils, which later recognized the real plot and were forced by Napoleon’s grenadiers to dissolve and decree the replacement of Directory and Councils with a consular government – in which Napoleon later become the First Consul and ultimately the Emperor 14.

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Hibbert, The Days, 289-304

Book Review The Days of the French Revolution gave a very wide range and detail account of significant events taken place in France the late 18th Century. Hibbert was an excellent writer (or ‘storyteller’) who knew the trick to dramatize the book by mimicking the form of a real play from the opening ‘Prologue’ to the ending ‘Epilogue’ and by weaving in vivid quotes uttered by representatives of different social classes in the French Revolution - ranging from the most majestic King Louis XVI to the very crippled peasants. Illustrations and photographs of significant human figures and events also help intensify the overall flamboyancy and liveliness of the ‘story’ 15. Besides, Hibbert preserved many French terms within the very fluently and precisely written English sentences so as to underscore the importance of those French-written entities. These preservations always draw your attention and allure you to flip to the informative appendixes and indexes at the back of the book in order to unravel the meaning of those ‘encrypted’ French words that you are begging. Yet, one of the most outstanding shortcomings was the formulated style of writing. If you take a glimpse in a single chapter, you might find it lucid and informative yet entertaining and living because Hibbert was capable of several reasons: giving concise biographies of important personas before asserting their roles in the French Revolution; showing chains between each event and inputting vibrant adjectives to reinforce Hibbert’s own interpretations on different matters 16. But if you attempt to make comparison and contrast between chapters, you might find them very identical in terms of structure, style and tone. It is important that objectivity is

Miguel A. Faria, “A lucid narrative of the French Revolution,” review of The Days of the French Revolution, by Christopher Hibbert, Amazon, March 27, 2001, Customer Reviews, http://www.amazon.com/Days-French-Revolution-ChristopherHibbert/product-reviews/0688169783/ref=cm_cr_pr_btm_link_2?ie=UTF8&showViewpoints=0&pageNumber=2. 16 “The Days of the French Revolution by Christopher Hibbert – Reviews, Discussion, Bookclubs, Lists,” Goodreads Inc., accessed November 12, 2012, http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/144189.The_Days_of_the_French_Revolution.

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sustained throughout the historiography, but it is not necessary to sustain other elements which are supposed to be varied to give different perceptions and make the three-hundred-page book less industrious to be finished. This kind of presentation gives the reader a sense of stubbornness and dullness which might drag the motivation to read ahead. The titles of chapters are carefully chosen (all of them begin with the ‘the Day(s) of the’) in order to show coherence within chapters, but this similarity somehow makes the ongoing events seem to be a bit motionless 17. In general, Hibbert’s book brought us a great detail yet scattered account of revolutionrelated events. Frankly it was extremely laborious to collect such accurate and precise facts from different sources – each addressing a particular event or historic figure, like a single war or a politician, in over hundreds of thousands of words. Hence, what readers might appreciate the most are probably the countless efforts, perseverance and diligence which enhance the crystallization of Hibbert’s well-written historiography, or in other words a landmark narrative of the French Revolution. Creative adjectives and specific descriptions of characters’ movements and appearances furthermore transform the printed history which happened two centuries ago into a quasi-reality filled with different dimensions 18. When you read this book, your senses might constantly be stimulated by the vivid presentations of horrors (e.g. blood dripping from chopped heads), violence (e.g. mobs beating officers to death), passion and enthusiasm (e.g. demonstrators shouting ‘Viva le Nation’) 19. Yet, there are drawbacks which give some distortions to the almost perfectly shaped crystal. The most distorting factor is the rigidity of the
Nancy Wilksche, “The Days of the French Revolution by Christopher Hibbert,” review of The Days of the French Revolution, by Christopher Hibbert, Vellum, April 6, 2008, http://vellum-nancy.blogspot.hk/2008/04/days-of-french-revolution-by.html. 18 Brian C., “Depends on what you are looking for…” review of The Days of the French Revolution, by Christopher Hibbert, Amazon, August 20, 2010, Customer Reviews, http://www.amazon.com/Days-French-Revolution-Christopher-Hibbert/productreviews/0688169783/ref=cm_cr_pr_top_link_1?ie=UTF8&showViewpoints=0. 19 Auntieruth, “Alive with Color Characters,” review of The Days of the French Revolution, by Christopher Hibbert, Epinions, January 29, 2008, http://www.epinions.com/review/The_Days_of_the_French_Revolution_by_Christopher_Hibbert/content_416395071108.
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tone, style and structure of the book. The second most is the Hibbert’s unbalanced approach on the historic events – he sometimes invested much of his time into writing a singular and almost valueless event while providing the greatest detail. This indirectly increased the severity of scatteration between pieces of puzzles, which will eventually make the overall picture a bit too torturing to be obtained. Hence, even though the titles of the chapters clearly identify the events that they cover, minor discontinuity among the content does not fully cohere with the frank and curt titles. But still, in overall, the book is read-worthy because of its superlative amount of information, quintessential style of English writing and in-depth access to different parties to present different perspectives. Unless you have very high endurance in maintaining your momentum of reading this book as you are reading a novel, otherwise it will probably be more comforting to be treated as a book for references – books that you will probably take a small grasp when you require some accurate and precise information. Regardless of its overall tiresome presentation, one thing for sure is that it is a very scholar and reliable source for the study of the French Revolution due to its extremely broad coverage and detail accounts of events related to the revolution. End

Bibliography: 1 Christopher Hibbert, The Days of the French Revolution (New York: Harper Perennial, 2002), 1 The Days of the Fédérés and the Flgiht to Varennes (14-17 July 1790 and 19-26 June 1791) 4 5