Comparing Partner Violence by Males and Females

Discuss similarities and differences in partner violence by males and females. Consider prevalence, reasons, type, consequences and developmental course.

During adolescent years romantic relationships begin to become important and take up a significant portion of time (Richards, Crowe, Larson & Swarr, 1998). These early experiences of romantic relationships can serve many positive functions such as larger peer networks, more opposite-sex friends, and more non-school friends (Connolly & Johnson, 1996). The early romantic experiences are also believed to play a pivotal role in both identity and intimacy development and potentially shape the course of subsequent romantic relationships (Erikson, 1968). However, a surprising proportion of adolescent romantic relationships are marked by some degree of relationship violence of which the consequences can be devastating (Jouriles, Wolfe, Garrido & McCarthy, 2006).
Three types of dating violence have been identified in relation to both adult and adolescent relationship violence; physical, psychological and sexual. Physical violence in adolescent relationships is defined similarly to adult relationships. Measured by items on Straus’s (1979) Conflict Tactics Scale, it may be defined as throwing something at a partner, physically restraining a partner, pushing, shoving or grabbing a partner, slapping, hitting, biting, kicking, choking a partner, beating up a partner or threatening them with a weapon such as a gun or knife.
Psychological violence has also been defined by Straus’s (1979) Conflict Tactics Scale and includes insulting or swearing at a partner, sulking or refusing to talk, stomping out of the room or house, crying, doing or saying something out of spite, threatening to throw or hit something and actually throwing, kicking or hitting something. Additionally, more adolescent focused measures have subsequently identified more unique behaviours specific to this age group which may also be defined as psychological violence. O’Leary and Slep (2003) observed efforts directed at damaging the relationship between the partner and his or her peers by spreading rumours for example, control tactics such as monitoring a partner’s time and whereabouts, and jealous tactics such as suspicion of opposite sex friends or accusing their partner of cheating.
Sexual violence is defined as forced or coerced sexual activity such as kissing, petting and intercourse. As with physical and psychological violence, the occurrence of one or more of these acts over a specified period of time is used to indicate sexual violence (Jouriles et al., 2006).
According to national survey data collected in the United States, 9.5% of students have been hit, slapped, or physically hurt on purpose by a boyfriend or girlfriend during a 12-month period (Centers for Disease Control [CDC], 2002). However, other estimates of the prevalence of physical dating violence among adolescents are much higher, ranging from about 20% to over 50% (Cascardi, Avery-Leaf, O’Leary & Slep, 1999). Estimates for psychological violence suggest a much higher prevalence rate than for physical violence and Wolfe et al. (2001) found that in a large sample of high school students prevalence rates for specific self-reported acts of psychological violence ranged from 25.6% (ridiculing or making fun of) to 54% (speaking to partner in hostile/ mean tone of voice). Prevalence rates for specific self-reported acts of physical violence however only ranged from 7% (slapping or pulling hair) to 11% (kicking hitting or punching). Additionally, Wolfe et al’s (2001) research reported low (2.2- 2.5%) prevalence rates for rather serious sexual violence (forced or coerced sexual activity) but comparatively higher (15.2- 20.6%) prevalence rates for acts such as unwanted kissing or petting.
Although it may typically be assumed that males are the more violent gender and thus more common perpetrators of relationship violence, many recent articles are now reporting consistent findings that females are equally as likely, if not more so, to be the perpetrators of physical violence (Miller & White, 2003; Cascardi et al., 1999; Chase, Treboux, & O’Leary, 2002). Female adolescents are also reported to engage in more psychological violence than males (Cascardi et al., 1999; Wolfe et al., 2001) and some forms of sexual violence such as kissing and fondling against partner’s will (Poitras & Lavoie, 1995). Arguably however, males are responsible for committing worse acts of violence as they are reported to have higher prevalence rates of forced intercourse (Poitras & Lavoie, 1995) and are more likely to commit more severe and problematic acts in adulthood such as stalking after separation, sending their partner to hospital, and murder (Holtzworth-Munroe, 2005). Thus there are complications in interpreting and comparing prevalence rates for relationship violence in adolescent males and females. If the occurrence of specific acts of violence is used to determine prevalence then females appear equally as violent, if not more so, than males. If however, the severity of the violent act is used to determine prevalence and prevalence is thus based on acts of violence that result in injury then males would appear to be the more violent gender (Jouriles et al., 2006).
It is very difficult to pinpoint the age of onset of dating violence among adolescents as the age that adolescents begin dating and engaging in romantic relationships varies hugely between individuals (Connolly & Johnson, 1996). Research into the perpetration of cross-sex teasing and bullying in middle school indicates that some psychological violence could occur at a young age (McMaster, Connolly, Pepler, & Craig, 2002). Cross-sex bullying and teasing is often characterised by behaviour that could be interpreted as sexual advances such as making sexual comments or rating sexual parts of the body and these behaviours between friends are often described as ‘just joking’ (Berman, Izumi, & Arnold, 2002). Often these behaviours are also used by adolescents as a way of expressing romantic interest and thus it can be very difficult for both adults and teenagers alike to differentiate this teasing from more harmful violent behaviours (Jouriles et al., 2006). Some research has postulated that the sexual teasing and harassment of others at a young age may indicate a developmental pattern of interpersonal aggression and a precursor for relationship violence (Connolly, Pepler, Craig, & Taradash, 2000; McMaster et al., 2002).
There is some speculation that the occurrence of physical dating violence increases with age during adolescence and into early adulthood. O’Leary (1999) conducted a review of cross-sectional studies on physical relationship violence and observed that prevalence rates increase dramatically between the ages of 15 and 25. Additionally, results from several cross-sectional studies of dating violence among high school students suggest that the prevalence of physical relationship violence may increase over the course of high school. For example, 9th-grade females reported the lowest prevalence rates for experiencing dating violence (8.02%), whereas 12th-grade females reported the highest prevalence rates (10.88%), (Howard & Wang, 2003). On the other hand, there is also evidence to suggest the opposite; that physical dating violence does not increase with age. In the few prospective studies on the topic of dating violence, women's rates for experiencing violence were higher during high school than during the college years (Humphrey & White, 2000; Smith, White, & Holland, 2003).
There is also much evidence suggesting that adolescent relationship violence remains stable over time. Therefore when the relationship remains intact, violence is likely to reoccur and both male and female adolescents have been found to be repeatedly violent towards the same partner (O’Leary & Slep, 2003). This is also true however across relationships as both males and females who have been found to be violent in one relationship are more likely to be violent in subsequent relationships (Cano, Avery-Leaf, Cascardi & O’Leary, 1998).
There are a number of factors that are thought to be important in the development of relationship violence. Exposure to violence in childhood is thought to play a key role and is consistently found to correlate with the perpetration of dating violence (Jouriles et al., 2006). Most of the research into exposure to violence focuses on the exposure to violence within the family context such as inter-parent violence and child abuse both of which have been found to be associated with dating violence. It would appear however that there may be gender differences in terms of the type of violence exposed to and whether this will lead to relationship violence. For example, Wolf and Foshee (2003) found that witnessing inter-parent violence was associated with dating violence in females but not males and experiencing child abuse was associated with an increased risk of perpetrating relationship violence in males but not females. This cross sectional research is supported by prospective studies which are beginning to emerge and show similar patterns. Smith et al. (2003) for example, found that women who reported childhood victimization experiences (coercive sexual acts, parental physical abuse, or inter-parent physical abuse) prior to age 14 were at an increased risk of experiencing dating violence from a romantic partner during college.
Research into the effects of exposure to other types of violence has found that experiencing community violence is related to involvement in partner violence independently of exposure to family violence (Malik, Sorenson, & Aneshensel, 1997). Additionally, this research reported that many of the demographic factors that are thought to predict relationship violence such as ethnicity, can be accounted for by exposure to violence. Peer violence and exposure to a friend’s aggression is also thought to be a predictor of relationship violence and several longitudinal studies have been found to show that exposure to violent behaviour by peers can increase the risk of perpetrating relationship violence (Brendgen, Vitaro, Tremblay, & Wanner, 2002; Capaldi, Dishion, Stoolmiller, & Yoerger, 2001). Capaldi et al. (2001) examined the longitudinal influence of adolescent males’ peer networks in the perpetration of dating violence and reported that deviant peer association during mid-adolescence (13-16) predicted the degree of observed hostile talk about females during late adolescence (17-18) which again, in turn, predicted levels of aggression towards a dating partner during young adulthood (20-23). There is also evidence that peers can influence victimization as well, as Howard, Qiu & Boekeloo (2003) found that adolescents who reported being exposed to peer-drinking activities were two to four times more likely to report being the victim of dating violence during the previous three months.
Adolescent beliefs and attitudes about dating violence consistently relate to self-reports of the perpetration of relationship violence particularly among males (e.g., Slep, Cascardi, Avery-Leaf, & O'Leary, 2001). Thus those male adolescents that hold the view that male aggression towards females is justifiable are more likely to engage in partner violence.
Beliefs and attitudes justifying the use of violence against a partner are also thought to mediate the relationship between exposure to violence and perpetration of dating violence. Foshee, Bauman and Linder (1999) found that violence in an adolescent male’s family of origin predicted more positive outcome expectations for using dating violence and more acceptance of dating violence as a means of dealing with potential relationship conflict.
It is also hypothesised that beliefs and attitudes about dating violence may be a consequence of one’s dating experiences not a cause or precursor to the perpetration of violence. Foshee, Linder, MacDougall, & Bangdiwala (2001) found several measures of attitudes and beliefs about dating violence to be associated with the perpetration of dating violence cross-sectionally but not longitudinally. However they did also find that males who reported a greater amount of acceptance of gender-based dating violence were more likely to engage in dating violence a year and a half later even after accounting for other predictors of dating violence thus indicating that at least some attitudes and beliefs about violence are precursors to dating violence and not just outcomes or justifications for violent behaviour.
There is also evidence of some overlap between the co-occurrence of partner violence and other forms of violence and antisocial behaviour. Thus many adolescents that engage in partner violence also engage in violent or antisocial behaviour aimed at other individuals (Brendgen et al., 2002). One large scale study of 5500 high school students indicated that severe dating violence was significantly related to physical fighting, drug use and high risk sexual behaviour (Coker et al., 2000). The results of survey studies suggest that involvement in dating violence is associated with a wide range of antisocial behaviour and a growing body of longitudinal research suggests that antisocial behaviour during childhood and adolescence may be a precursor to partner violence in later adolescence and early adulthood (Jouriles et al., 2006). In one study where an ‘antisocial behavioural trait’ was defined as a variety of deviant acts including fighting, traffic violations, lying, gambling, and arrests occurring during childhood and adolescence, it was found that this construct was associated with frequent and persistent partner violence in adulthood (Simons, Wu, Johnson, & Conger, 1995). Furthermore, it has been found that victims of relationship violence are also more likely to have engaged in antisocial behaviour and Howard and Wang (2003) found that females who reported being victims of dating violence during the previous twelve months were much more likely to have engaged in binge drinking, drug use, and risky sexual behaviour compared with females without a history of dating violence.
There are, of course, immediate precursors to the perpetration of relationship violence. Feelings such as hurt, anger and jealousy or acts of violence perpetrated by one’s partner which leads to counter-violence in anger or as self-defence (Jouriles et al., 2006). In addition, sex differences appear to exist in the motives behind such feelings. Adolescent females, for example, are more likely to report using violence to express anger or emotional hurt for unwanted sexual advances or for being verbally or psychologically abused, whereas adolescent males are more likely to use violence as retaliation for being hit first (Molidor & Tolman, 1998). It has also been hypothesized that adolescent males use physical violence as a means of expressing anger at being rejected sexually (O'Keefe & Treister, 1998) or for gaining control over a partner (Foshee et al., 2001)
As previously suggested, males are arguably defined as the more aggressive gender due to the severity of their actions in relationship violence. As such, female victims are more likely to report feelings of fear and hurt and are also more likely to want to leave the relationship for self protection (Follingstad, Wright, Lloyd, & Sebastian, 1991). Adolescents’ involvement in antisocial behaviour and continued aggressive behaviour has also been addressed. Adolescents’ who experience relationship violence are more likely to do poorly at school, and engage in antisocial behaviour such as binge drinking and fighting. The patterns of violence for both perpetrators and victims may also be carried into future relationships (CDC, 2012). In one study that investigated the long term effects of experiencing relationship violence, it was found that those who had increased exposure to relationship violence were up to eleven times more likely to experience mental health problems such as depression, anxiety and suicidality. The findings also suggested that experiencing victimization of partner violence had similar adverse effects on the mental health of both men and women (Fergusson, Horwood, & Ridder, 2005). However, contrasting research suggests that sex differences are pronounced in the consequences of experiencing relationship violence with females suffering far more; they are more likely to suffer depression, attempt suicide and take up smoking or drug use (Ackard, Eisenberg, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2007; Olshen, McVeigh, Wunsch-Hitzig, & Rickert, 2007).
Much of the current research on adolescent dating violence appears to be in consensus that there are similar levels of aggression experienced by both males and females in the relationship context. However, when severe acts of physical or sexual violence are committed, it is usually the males who are the perpetrators (Holtzworth-Munroe, 2005). Females are thought to experience more long term adverse effects of victimisation whereas males most often report laughing when their partner was physically aggressive (Molidor & Tolman, 1998). The evidence remains unclear as to whether relationship violence increases or decreases during the course of adolescence as findings are conflicting. Overall, there are several risk factors that may increase an adolescent’s likelihood to engage in relationship violence and the interactions between them are complex. More research is needed to understand which are the greatest risk factors both in isolation and in combination and how they can be prevented. Prevention efforts must recognise the likelihood of mutual aggression in adolescent relationships and as such be directed towards both males and females in the hopes of preventing both perpetration of violence and victimisation from continuing into adult relationships (CDC, 2012).

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