Double Object Verbs
Chapter 2
THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF DETRANSITIVE VERBS
THE PREPOSITIONAL DATIVE CONSTRUCTION AND THE DOUBLE OBJECT CONSTRUCTION
0.1. Introduction
The de-transitive verbs we are concerned with in this chapter are verbs of the type give, send, promise, bring, etc., which take two internal objects realized either as a DP ^ PP sequence or as a DP ^ DP sequence:
(1) a. Sue gave a book to Bill
b. Sue gave Bill a book
The construction illustrated in (1a) is called the to-dative construction or the prepositional dative construction of de-transitive verbs, and the one in (1b) is called the double object construction (DOC).
Thus, verbs of the type give and its like can occur in two subcategorization frames:
(2) a. DP (Su) ^ V ^ DP (DO) ^ PP (IO) b. DP (Su) ^ V ^ DP1 (IO) ^ DP2 (DO)
The pair illustrated in (2) embodies what linguists call the ‘dative alternation’ or the ‘dative shift’. These terms specifically refer to the alternation in the IO structural position and to its categorial status: whether it is a PP (to Bill as in 1a-2a) or a DP (Bill as in 1b-2b).
In (1a), the argument that is adjacent to the verb is assigned the theta-role Theme and it bears accusative Case; the argument introduced by the preposition to is assigned the theta-role Goal (Larson, 1988) and it bears oblique Case.
(3) Sue gave [a book] [to Bill] Theme Goal
In (1b), the verb give takes the same number of internal arguments but his time both are DPs, and both have accusative Case. In term of theta-roles, a book still bears the Theme role while Bill bears what Pesetsky (1995) calls the Goal-Possessor theta-role:
(4) Sue gave [Bill] [a book] Goal-Poss Theme
For the full range of verbs that enter the to-dative construction and the double object construction, with notable exceptions and restrictions, see section (2.0) below.
Other de-transitive verbs, such as cook,
THE SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF DETRANSITIVE VERBS
THE PREPOSITIONAL DATIVE CONSTRUCTION AND THE DOUBLE OBJECT CONSTRUCTION
0.1. Introduction
The de-transitive verbs we are concerned with in this chapter are verbs of the type give, send, promise, bring, etc., which take two internal objects realized either as a DP ^ PP sequence or as a DP ^ DP sequence:
(1) a. Sue gave a book to Bill
b. Sue gave Bill a book
The construction illustrated in (1a) is called the to-dative construction or the prepositional dative construction of de-transitive verbs, and the one in (1b) is called the double object construction (DOC).
Thus, verbs of the type give and its like can occur in two subcategorization frames:
(2) a. DP (Su) ^ V ^ DP (DO) ^ PP (IO) b. DP (Su) ^ V ^ DP1 (IO) ^ DP2 (DO)
The pair illustrated in (2) embodies what linguists call the ‘dative alternation’ or the ‘dative shift’. These terms specifically refer to the alternation in the IO structural position and to its categorial status: whether it is a PP (to Bill as in 1a-2a) or a DP (Bill as in 1b-2b).
In (1a), the argument that is adjacent to the verb is assigned the theta-role Theme and it bears accusative Case; the argument introduced by the preposition to is assigned the theta-role Goal (Larson, 1988) and it bears oblique Case.
(3) Sue gave [a book] [to Bill] Theme Goal
In (1b), the verb give takes the same number of internal arguments but his time both are DPs, and both have accusative Case. In term of theta-roles, a book still bears the Theme role while Bill bears what Pesetsky (1995) calls the Goal-Possessor theta-role:
(4) Sue gave [Bill] [a book] Goal-Poss Theme
For the full range of verbs that enter the to-dative construction and the double object construction, with notable exceptions and restrictions, see section (2.0) below.
Other de-transitive verbs, such as cook,