Ferdinand Marcos

Ferdinand Edralin Marcos (September 11, 1917 – September 28, 1989) was the tenth (10th) President of the Republic of the Philippines and the only president to stay in office for more than twenty years (1965 to 1986). Dubbed as the country 's "strongman," he holds the distinction of being the first and only Philippine President to be re-elected in office and the last Philippine Senate President to be elected to the highest office of the land – the Philippine Presidency. He served as president from 1965 to 1969 during his first term and was re-elected in 1969. Three years later, he declared Martial Law. He stayed in office since then until 1981 – the same year he lifted Martial Law. He was again re-elected for a term of six years but only served from 1981 to 1986 due to a snap presidential election. He was proclaimed winner of the elections by the National Assembly in 1986, but was deposed from office through a peaceful people 's revolt, now popularly called the 1986 People Power Revolution. Contents [hide] * 1 Early Life * 2 Law Student * 3 Military career * 4 Legislative Career * 5 Presidency * 5.1 First Term (1966-1969) * 5.2 Second Term (1969-1981) * 5.3 Cabinet and Judicial Appointments (1965-73) * 6 Martial Law and the New Society * 6.1 Return of formal elections and the end of martial law * 7 Economy * 8 Downfall * 9 Legacy * 10 Writings * 11 References * 12 External links |
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Early Life
Image:Fm classpic.jpg
Class picture of Ferdinand Marcos (with the star).
Ferdinand Marcos was born on September 11, 1917 in Sarrat, Ilocos Norte, the eldest among the three children of Mariano Marcos, a lawyer and an Assemblyman of Ilocos Norte and Josefa Quetulio Edralin, a teacher. Named by his parents after King Ferdinand of Spain, he was baptized as an Aglipayan by Bishop Gregorio Aglipay himself. He was of mixed Ilocano (Filipino ethnic group), Chinese and Japanese ancestry. He started his primary education in Sarrat Central School, transferred to Shamrock Elementary School (Laoag), and completed his primary education in 1929 at the Ermita Elementary School (Manila) when his father was elected as an Assemblyman in the Philippine Congress. He entered and finished his secondary education at the University of the Philippines High School from 1929 to 1933.
From 1933 to 1936, he enrolled in a Liberal Arts course at the University of the Philippines. During his college years, Ferdinand was a champion debater, boxer, swimmer, wrestler and team captain of the University Rifle and Pistol Team (UP-RPT). After having been a battalion commander with the rank of cadet major, he was commissioned as third lieutenant in the Philippine Constabulary Reserve in 1937.
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Law Student
In 1937, Marcos took up law at the University of the Philippines where he excelled in academics, particularly in debate and oratory. He then joined the Upsilon Sigma Phi, one of the established fraternities in the university. While a law student, he was arrested and tried for the murder in 1933 of Julio Nalundasan, a political opponent of his politician father. In November 1939, the same year he received his degree in law, Judge Roman Cruz of Laoag Provincial Court of First Instance found Marcos guilty as charged and sentenced to imprisonment. He was offered a pardon by President Manuel Quezon, but turned it down. After posting bail, he took the bar exam and emerged topnotcher, obtaining one of the highest scores in history. He then appealed his own case and was allowed to defend himself before the Supreme Court of the Philippines under Chief Justice Jose P. Laurel. He won acquittal a year later and became a trial lawyer in Manila.
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Military career
During World War II Marcos was an officer with the Philippine armed forces, serving as a combat intelligence officer of the 21st Infantry Division and fought in Bataan from 1941 to 1942. In his biography written by Hartzell Spence, Marcos was said to have played heroic roles in different battle fields during the war, including having been captured and tortured by the Japanese when they lost some battles in Bataan. He also claimed to have been one of the guerrilla leaders in Luzon and that his greatest exploit was the Battle of Besang Pass. His consequent claims of being an important figure in the guerrilla movement in the war became a vital factor in his political career. However, the United States Government archives later revealed that he actually played little or no part in anti-Japanese activities during the war.
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Legislative Career
At the end of World War II, Marcos became a member of the Philippine Veteran 's Commission, and later on became a technical assistant to Manuel Roxas, the first president of the independent Philippine republic. He was a member of the House of Representatives from 1949 to 1959, serving as minority floor leader at some point and acting temporary President of the Liberal Party in 1957. He was one of the legislators who had established a record for having introduced a number of significant bills, many of which found their way into the Republic statute books. His popularity surged more when in 1954 he married Imelda Romualdez, a former beauty queen. In 1959, he ran for a seat in the Senate and obtained the highest number of votes, the first minority party candidate to top a senatorial election. He was a member of the Senate from 1959 to 1965, serving as its president from 1963 to 1965.
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Presidency
A veteran member of the Liberal Party founded by Roxas, Marcos sought the party nomination for president in 1961, but gave way to Diosdado Macapagal as Liberal Party presidential candidate on the agreement that Macapagal will support his candidacy in 1965. He served as Macapagal 's campaign manager and was elected president of the Liberal Party. In April 1964, he broke with the Liberal Party and turned to Nacionalista by Jose B. Laurel Jr. after incumbent Philippine president and party chairman Macapagal refused to honor their agreement and decided to run for reelection. He then ran as the Nationalist Party candidate and won the presidency in 1965. In 1969 he was reelected, the first Philippine president to serve a second term. Concentrating on agriculture, industry, and education, the country 's economy grew during his first term. However, his administration was troubled by increasing student demonstrations and violent urban-guerrilla activities perpetrated by the growing communist movement.
First Term (1966-1969)
In November 1965, Ferdinand Marcos was elected 10th President of the Republic of the Philippines. During his inauguration on December 30, 1965, he vowed to fulfill the nation 's "mandate for greatness" and to be a "leader of the people." In his first State of the Nation Address (SONA) in January 1966, he revealed his plans for economic development and good government. He wanted the immediate construction of roads, bridges and public works which includes 16,000 kilometers of feeder roads, some 30,000 lineal meters of permanent bridges, a generator with an electric power capacity of one million kilowatts (1,000,000 kW), water services to eight regions and 38 localities.
To fulfill his inaugural vow "to make this nation great again," he mobilized the manpower and resources of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to complement civilian agencies in such activities such as infrastructure construction; economic planning and program execution; regional and industrial site planning and development; and barrio programs for community development. He hired technocrats and highly educated persons to form part of his Cabinet and staff. His Cabinet included: Carlos P. Romulo (Education); Rafael Salas, Executive Secretary; Jose Yulo (Justice); Marcelo Balatbat (Commerce); Cesar Virata (Finance); Jose Aspiras (Press Secretary); Paulino Garcia (Health); Narciso Ramos (Foreign Affairs); Claudio Teehankee, Undersecretary of Justice; Onofre Corpuz , Usec (later, Secretary) of Education; Juan Ponce Enrile, Usec of Finance (later Secretary of National Defense); Fernando Campos, Usec of Commerce; Romeo Edu, Commissioner on Land Transportation; Teotino Aguilar, Usec of General Services; Benjamin del Rosario, General Manager of the GSIS; Blas Ople, Social Security Commissioner (later, Secretary of Labor and Employment); Col. Salvador Villa, Chairman of PNR; former Press Secretary Jose Nabu, Presidential Assistant on Housing; and Jose Zulueta, Presidential Consultant on Local Government. He also formed a high level economic and development council.
His first term in office showed a lot of promise, building on the relatively robust economy by developing the country 's infrastructure, education, and agriculture. It was during his first term that rice production was at its peak. Greater production of rice by promoting the cultivation of IR-8 hybrid rice. In 1968 the Philippines became self-sufficient in rice, the first time in history since the American period. In addition, the Philippines exported rice worth US$7 million. In foreign relations, he hosted the Manila Summit Conference with the heads of member nations of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO),President Marcos initiated, together with the heads of State in Southeast Asia (Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore), the formation of a regional organization to combat the communist threat in the region – the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). He secured increased economic and financial assistance from the United States, shortened the military bases agreement from 99 years to 25 years, and hosted a seven-nation summit conference on the crisis in South Vietnam. In October 1966, the Philippines hosted the summit of seven heads of state (United States, South Vietnam, South Korea, Thailand, Australia, New Zealand and the Philippines) to discuss the worsening problem in Vietnam and the containment of communism in the region. It was also during his first term that the North Diversion Road was constructed with the help of the AFP engineering construction battalion. The North Diversion Road, now known as North Luzon Expressway, initially went from Balintawak to Tabang, Guiguinto, Bulacan.
Second Term (1969-1981)
In 1969, President Marcos was re-elected President of the Philippines for another 4 year term by defeating Sergio Osmena, Jr., making him the only Philippine President to be re-elected in Philippine history. The second term proved to be an overwhelming challenge to the re-elected President: an economic crisis brought by external and internal forces. In 1969, the Philippines experienced higher inflation rate and devaluation of the Philippine peso. Furthermore, the oil-producing Arab countries decided to cut back oil production, in response to Western military aid to Israel in the Arab-Israeli conflict, resulting in higher fuel prices worldwide. In addition, the frequent visits of natural calamities brought havoc to infrastructures and agricultural crops and livestock, and the combined external and internal economic forces led to uncontrolled increase in the prices of prime commodities. A restive and radicalized student activists demanding reforms in the educational system and opposition to several government policies; On January 30, 1970, demonstrators numbering about 50,000 students and laborers stormed the Malacañang Palace, and crashing a fire truck through Gate 4 that had been forcibly commandeered by the students and laborers. The Metropolitan Command (MetroCom) of the Philippine Constabulary (PC) pushed them back to Mendiola Bridge. The event was dubbed as the "First Quarter Storm. In October 1970, a series of violence occurred in numerous campuses in the Greater Manila Area. The University of the Philippines was not spared when 18,000 students boycotted their classes to demand academic and non-academic reforms in the State University resulting in the 'occupation ' of the office of the President of the University by student leaders. Other schools which were scenes of violent student demonstrations were: Philippine College of Commerce (now Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP)) San Sebastian College, University of the East, Letran College,Mapua Institute of Technology, University of Sto. Tomas and FEATI University. Student demonstrators even succeeded in occupying the Office of the Secretary of Justice Vicente Abad Santos for at least seven hours. The President described the brief communization of the University of the Philippines and the violent demonstrations of the Left-leaning students as an "act of insurrection." There were incidents of killings, bombings, breakdown of law and order, and warlordism in different parts of the country; the rise of left-leaning groups and Communist insurgents. In 1969, the New People 's Army had conducted raids, resorted to kidnappings and taken part in other violent incidents numbering 230, in which it inflicted 404 casualties, and in turn, suffered 243 loses. In 1970, its record of violent incidents was about the same, but the NPA casualties more than doubled. In the early 70 's, violent land disputes and other social tensions eventually gave way to the formation of vigilante groups that acted like private armies of politicians, or rich Christians/Muslims land owners. The communal violence in Mindanao resulted in 100,000 refugees, burning of hundred of homes, and the death of hundreds of Christians and Muslims in Cotabato and Lanao. The violence garnered international attention and sympathy from the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) as well as other Muslim countries like Libya--which provided military training and logistics to Moro Rebels. Muslim secessionism was one of the reasons for declaring Martial Law.
On August 21, 1971, following the bombing of the Liberal Party proclamation rally in Plaza Miranda, President Marcos issued Proclamation No.889 suspending the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus. The Supreme Court affirmed the basis for the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in 1971 (Lansang vs. Garcia, 42 SCRA 449. The ponencia was penned by Chief Justice Roberto Concepcion and concurred by Justices J.B.L. Reyes, Makalintal, Zaldivar, Teehankee, Barredo, Villamor and Makasiar. Justices Castro and Barredo concurred fully in a separate opinion). On January 7, 1972, he restored the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus throughout the country. However, the country still faced continuous subversive activities to overthrow the government. Bombings linked to the Radical left (the Communists) intensified throughout the country. In 1970: A bomb exploded at the Joint US Military Advisory Group Headquarters in Quezon City (January), two Catholic schools and two government buildings in Calbayog City were blasted with dynamites (December). In 1971: Oil firms in Manila were bombed resulting in deaths and injuries. In 1972: a grenade was hurled at the ABS-CBN tower in January; the United States Embassy was bombed in February; a pillbox explosives were hurled at the gate of the Malacañang Palace and an explosion in the Greater Manila Terminal Food Market in March; the US Embassy was again bombed in April; a time bomb exploded in the Court of Industrial Relations in June; the Philamlife Building in Ermita, Manila was bombed in July. In September, bombs exploded in Carriedo Street in Quiapo, the Manila City Hall, and at the Quezon City Hall which disrupted the plenary session of the Constitutional Convention and proceedings in a subversive case before the Court of First Instance.
Cabinet and Judicial Appointments (1965-73)
The Cabinet appointments of President Marcos can be divided into three periods: his first two constitutional terms (1965-1973), the New Society appointments from 1973-1978, and the change from departments to ministries from 1978 to the end of his government. | | OFFICE | NAME | TERM | | President | Ferdinand E. Marcos | 1965–1973 | Vice-President | Fernando Lopez | 1965–1972 | | Secretary of Foreign Affairs | Carlos P. Romulo | | Secretary of Finance | Eduardo Romualdez | | Secretary of Justice | Juan Ponce Enrile | | Secretary of Agriculture and Natural Resources | Fernando Lopez | | Secretary of Public Works and Communications | Manuel Syquio | (acting) | Secretary of Education | Onofre Corpuz | | Secretary of Labor | Blas Ople | | Secretary of National Defense | Ernesto Mata | | Secretary of Health | Amadeo Cruz | | Secretary of Commerce and Industry | Leonides Virata | | Executive Secretary | Rafael M. Salas | | Secretary of General Services | Salih Ututalum | | Secretary of Social Welfare | Gregorio Feliciano | | Administrator of the Office of Economic Coordination | Constancio Castañeda | | Press Secretary | Francisco Tatad | | Chairman of the National Economic Council | Marcelo Balatbat | | Commissioner of the Budget | Ernesto Mata | | Commissioner on National Integration | Mama Sinsuat | | President, Presidential Arm on Community Development | Ernesto Maceda | | Governor, Land Authority | Conrado Estrella | | Presidential Anti-Crime Coordinator | Alejo Santos | | Director-General, Presidential Economic Staff | Placido Mapa, Jr. | | Chairman, Board of Investments | Cesar Virata | | Presidential Assistant on National Minorities | Manuel Elizalde, Jr. | | Commissioner of Civil Service | Abelardo Subido | |
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Martial Law and the New Society
President Marcos had a vision of a "Bagong Lipunan (New Society)"—similar to the "New Order" that was imposed in Indonesia under Indonesian President Suharto. He used the martial law years to implement this vision.
According to his book, "Notes on the New Society", it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society, and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization. Marcos confiscated businesses owned by the oligarchy. More often than not, they were taken over by Marcos ' family members and close personal friends, who used them as fronts to launder proceeds from institutionalized graft and corruption in the different national governmental agencies. In the end, some of Marcos ' cronies used them as 'cash cows '. "Crony capitalism" was the term used to describe this phenomenon. This phenomenon was intended to have genuinely nationalistic motives by redistributing monopolies that were traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen. In practice, it led to graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement. By waging an ideological war against the oligarchy, Marcos gained the support of the masses. Marcos also silenced the free press, making the state press the only legal one. He also seized privately owned lands and distributed them to farmers. By doing this, Marcos abolished the old oligarchy, only to create a new one in its place. Marcos, now free from day-to-day governance (which was left mostly to Enrile), also used his power to settle old scores against old rivals, such as the Lopezes, who were always opposed to the Marcos administration. Leading oppositionists such as Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and many others were imprisoned for months or years. This practice considerably alienated the support of the old social and economic elite and the media who criticized the Marcos administration endlessly.
The declaration of martial law was initially very well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing. The rest of the world was surprised at how the Filipinos accepted his self-imposed dictatorship. Soon after Marcos declared martial law, one American high-ranking official described the Philippines as a country composed "of 40 million cowards and one son of a bitch", otherwise, he reasoned they should have risen against the destroyer of their freedom. Crime rates plunged dramatically after dusk curfews were implemented. The country would enjoy economic prosperity throughout the 1970s in the midst of growing dissent to his strong-willed rule towards the end of martial law. Political opponents were given the opportunity or forced to go into exile. As a result, thousands migrated to other countries, like the U.S. and Canada. Public dissent on the streets was not tolerated and leaders of such protests were promptly arrested, detained, tortured, or never heard from again. Communist leaders, as well as sympathizers, were forced to flee from the cities to the countrysides, where they multiplied. Lim Seng, a feared drug lord, was arrested and executed in Luneta in 1972. As martial law dragged on for the next nine years, human rights violations went unchecked, and graft and corruption by the military and the administration became widespread, as made manifest by the Rolex 12.
Over the years, Marcos ' hand was strengthened by the support of the armed forces, whose size he tripled, to 230,000 troops, after declaring martial law in 1972. The forces included some first-rate units as well as thousands of unruly and ill-equipped personnel of the civilian home defense forces and other paramilitary organizations.
Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of Staff of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver, were the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and the three remained President Marcos ' closest advisors until he was ousted in 1986. Enrile and Ramos would later abandon Marcos ' 'sinking ship ' and seek protection behind the 1986 People Power revolution. The Catholic hierarchy and Manila 's middle class were crucial to the success of the massive crusade.
Return of formal elections and the end of martial law
On April 7, 1978, the first formal election (instead of referenda) in the Philippines since martial law was called by Marcos for the Interim Batasang Pambansa (National Assembly). Marcos ' party, the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (New Society Movement), headed by First Lady Imelda Marcos, won 151 of the 161 seats available, as reported by the government voting commission. However, these results were condemned as fraudulent by the opposition. None of the members of Ninoy Aquino 's LABAN party were elected. Only two regional opposition political parties gained elective seats in the 1978 election: the Pusyon Bisaya of Francisco Tatad which gained 13 elective seats and the Mindanao Alliance of Homobono Adaza, Reuben Canoy and Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. which gained only one seat. As a result, LABAN denounced the administration, alleging massive cheating.
LABAN boycotted the 1980 local elections and it, along with other political parties, would also boycott the 1981 legislative elections. Marcos himself served two concurrent posts, as both President and interim Prime Minister, from this period until the lifting of martial law in 1981.
On January 17, 1981, martial law was formally lifted by virtue of Proclamation No. 2045, as a precondition to the visit of Pope John Paul II. Although this paved the way for a more open democracy, the government retained much of its power for arrest and detention. He stepped down as prime minister and ran for election as the first president of the Fourth Republic of the Philippines. The constitution had been significantly amended to provide foor a more or less presidential system once again.
None of the major opposition parties fielded a candidate, including Ninoy Aquino 's LABAN, the largest opposition party during that time. Only theNacionalista Party, Marcos ' former party, fielded a candidate--retired general Alejo Santos--and only then under duress. Marcos handily won 91.4% of the vote while Santos only got 8.6%. Marcos won by a margin of over 16 million votes, the largest to date in a Philippine presidential election. Finance Minister Cesar Virata was elected as Prime Minister by the Batasang Pambansa.
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Economy
Economic performance during the Marcos era was strong at times, but when looked at over his whole regime, it was not characterized by strong economic growth. Penn World Tables report real growth in GDP per capita averaged 3.5% from 1951 to 1965, while under the Marcos regime (1966 to 1986), annual average growth was only 1.4%. To help finance a number of economic development projects, such as infrastructure, the Marcos government engaged in borrowing money. Foreign capital was invited to invest in certain industrial projects. They were offered incentives including tax exemption privileges and the privilege of bringing out their profits in foreign currencies. One of the most important economic programs in the 1980s was the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (Movement for Livelihood and Progress). This program was started in September 1981. Its aim was to promote the economic development of the barangays by encouraging the barangay residents to engage in their own livelihood projects. The government 's efforts resulted in the increase of the nation 's economic growth rate to an average of six percent to seven percent from 1970 to 1980. The rate was only less than 5% in the previous decade. The Gross National Product rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980. Tourism rose, contributing to the economy 's growth. Most of these "tourists" were Filipino balikbayans (returnees) who came under the Ministry of Tourism 's Balikbayan Program, launched in 1973.
Economic growth was largely financed, however, by U.S. economic aid and several loans made by the Marcos government. The country 's foreign debts were less than US$1billion when Marcos assumed the presidency in 1965, and more than US$28billion when he left office in 1986. A sizable amount of these moneys went to Marcos family and friends in the form of behest loans. These loans were assumed by the government and still being serviced by taxpayers.
Another major source of economic growth was the remittances of overseas Filipino workers. Thousands of Filipino workers, unable to find jobs locally, sought and found employment in the Middle East, Singapore and Hong Kong. These overseas Filipino workers not only helped ease the country 's unemployment problem but also earned much-needed foreign exchange for the Philippines.
The Philippine economy suffered a great decline after the Aquino assassination in August 1983. The wave of anti-Marcos demonstrations in the country that followed scared off tourists. The political troubles also hindered the entry of foreign investments, and foreign banks stopped granting loans to the Philippine government.
In an attempt to launch a national economic recovery program, Marcos negotiated with foreign creditors including the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, World Bank, and theInternational Monetary Fund (IMF), for a restructuring of the country 's foreign debts – to give the Philippines more time to pay the loans. Marcos ordered a cut in government expenditures and used a portion of the savings to finance the Sariling Sikap (Self-Reliance), a livelihood program he established in 1984.
However, the economy experienced negative economic growth beginning in 1984 and continued to decline despite the government 's recovery efforts. The recovery program 's failure was caused by civil unrest, rampant graft and corruption within the government and by Marcos ' lack of credibility. Marcos himself diverted large sums of government money to his party 's campaign funds. The unemployment rate ballooned from 6.30% in 1972 to 12.55% in 1985.
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Downfall
See also: 1986 EDSA Revolution

The Manila Bulletin headline, August 22, 1983.

The Philippine Daily Inquirer 's headline,February 26.
During these years, his regime was marred by rampant corruption and political mismanagement by his relatives and cronies, which culminated with the assassination of Benigno Aquino, Jr.. Critics considered Marcos as the quintessential kleptocrat, having looted billions of dollars from the Filipino treasury. Much of the lost sum has yet to be accounted for. He was also a notorious nepotist, appointing family members and close friends to high positions in his cabinet. This practice led to even more widespread mishandling of government, especially during the 1980s when Marcos was mortally ill with lupus and was in and out of office. Perhaps the most prominent example is the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant, a multi-billion dollar project that turned out to be a white elephantwhich allegedly provided huge kickbacks to Marcos and his businessman-friend, Herminio Disini, who spearheaded the project. The reactor, which turned out to be based on old, costly designs and built on an earthquake fault, has still to produce a single watt of electricity. The Philippine government today is still paying interests on more than US$28 billion public debts incurred during his administration. It was reported that when Marcos fled, U.S. Customs agents discovered 24 suitcases of gold bricks and diamond jewelry hidden in diaper bags; in addition, certificates for gold bullion valued in the billions of dollars are allegedly among the personal properties he, his family, his cronies and business partners had surreptitiously taken with them when the Reagan administration provided them safe passage to Hawaii.
During his third term, Marcos 's health deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments. He was absent for weeks at a time for treatment, with no one to assume command. Many people questioned whether he still had capacity to govern, due to his grave illness and the ballooning political unrest. With Marcos ailing, his equally powerful wife, Imelda, emerged as the government 's main public figure. Marcos dismissed speculations of his ailing health--he used to be an avid golfer and fitness buff who liked showing off his physique. In light of these growing problems, the assassination of Aquino in 1983 would later prove to be the catalyst that led to his overthrow. Many Filipinos came to believe that Marcos, a shrewd political tactician, had no hand in the murder of Aquino but that he was involved in cover-up measures. However, the opposition blamed Marcos directly for the assassination while others blamed the military and his wife, Imelda. The 1985 acquittals of Gen. Fabian Ver as well as other high-ranking military officers for the crime were widely seen as a miscarriage of justice.
By 1984, his close personal ally, U.S. President Ronald Reagan, started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he and previous American presidents had strongly supported even after Marcos declared martial law. The United States, which had provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in buttressing Marcos ' rule over the years.[1] During the Jimmy Carter administration the relation with the U.S. soured somewhat when President Jimmy Carter targeted the Philippines in his human rights campaign. In 1981 Vice President George Bush seemed to signal a different approach when in his visit to Manila he told Marcos, "We love your adherence to democratic principles and to democratic processes."
In the face of escalating public discontent and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos called a snap presidential election for 1986, with more than a year left in his term. He selected Arturo Tolentino as his running mate. The opposition united behind Aquino 's widow, Corazon and her running mate, Salvador Laurel.
The final tally of the National Movement for Free Elections, an accredited poll watcher, showed Aquino winning by almost 800,000 votes. However, the government tally showed Marcos winning by almost 1.6 million votes. This appearance of blatant fraud by Marcos led the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines and the United States Senate to condemn the elections. Both Marcos and Aquino traded accusations of vote-rigging. Popular sentiment in Metro Manila sided with Aquino, leading to a massive, multisectoral congregation of protesters, and the gradual defection of the military to Aquino led by Marcos ' cronies, Enrile and Ramos. It must be noted that prior to his defection, Enrile 's arrest warrant, having been charged for graft and corruption, was about to be served. The "People Power movement" drove Marcos into exile, and installed Corazon Aquino as the new president. At the height of the revolution, Enrile revealed that his ambush was faked in order for Marcos to have a pretext for imposing martial law. However, Marcos maintained that he was the duly-elected and proclaimed President of the Philippines for a fourth term. Marcos ' wife was found to have over 2500 pairs of shoes in her closet.
The Marcos family and their associates went into exile in Hawaii and were later indicted for embezzlement in the United States. Marcos died in Honolulu on September 28, 1989 of kidney, heart and lung ailments. He was interred in a private mausoleum at Byodo-In Temple on the island of Oahu, visited daily by the Marcos family, political allies and friends. The late strongman 's remains are currently interred inside a refrigerated crypt in Ilocos Norte, where his son,Ferdinand, Jr., and eldest daughter, Imee, have since become the local governor and representative, respectively. A Mount Rushmore-esque bust of Ferdinand Marcos, commissioned by Tourism Minister Jose Aspiras, was carved into a hillside in Benguet. It was subsequently destroyed by suspects that include left-wing activists, members of a local tribe who have been displaced by its construction, and looters hunting for the Marcos legendary hidden treasure. Imelda Marcos was acquitted of embezzlement by a U.S. court in 1990, but is still facing a few hundred additional graft charges in Philippine courts in 2006.
In 1995 some 10,000 Filipinos won a U.S. class-action lawsuit filed against the Marcos estate. The charges were filed by victims or their surviving relatives for torture, execution and disappearances. Human rights groups place the number of victims of extrajudicial killings under martial law at 1500 and Karapatan (a local human rights group 's) records show 759 involuntarily disappeared (their bodies never found). While military historian Alfred McCoy in his book "Closer than Brothers: Manhood at the Philippine Military Academy" and in his speech "Dark Legacy" cite 3,257 extrajudicial killings, 35,000 torture victims, and 70,000 incarcerated during the Marcos years.
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Legacy
President Marcos 's official Malacañang Palace portrait since 1986; the portrait he had selected for himself was lost during the People Power Revolution Prior to Marcos, Philippine presidents had followed the path of "traditional politics" by using their position to help along friends and allies before stepping down for the next "player." Marcos essentially destroyed this setup through military rule, which allowed him to rewrite the rules of the game so they favored the Marcoses and their allies.
His practice of using the politics of patronage in his desire to be the "amo" or godfather of not just the people, but the judiciary, legislature and administrative branches of the government ensured his downfall, no matter how Marcos justified it according to his own philosophy of the "politics of achievement". This practice entailed bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement to gain the support of the aforementioned sectors. The 14 years of his dictatorship, according to critics, have warped the legislative, judiciary and the military.
Another allegation was that his family and cronies looted so much wealth from the country that to this day investigators have difficulty determining precisely how many billions of dollars have been salted away. The Swiss government has also returned US$684 million in allegedly ill-gotten Marcos wealth.
According to staunch Marcos critic Jovito Salonga, author of the book "Presidential Plunder: the Quest for the Marcos Ill-Gotten Wealth," monopolies in several vital industries have been created and placed under the control of Marcos cronies, such as coconut (under Eduardo Cojuangco Jr. and Juan Ponce Enrile), tobacco (under Lucio Tan), banana (under Antonio Floirendo), manufacturing (underHerminio Disini and Ricardo Silverio), and sugar (under Roberto Benedicto). The Marcos and Romualdez families became owners, directly or indirectly, of the nation 's largest corporations, such as the Philippine Long Distance Company (PLDT), the Philippine Airlines (PAL), Meralco (a national electric company), Fortune Tobacco, the San Miguel Corporation (Asia 's largest beer and bottling company), numerous newspapers, radio and tv broadcasting companies, several banks, real estate properties in New York, California and Hawaii. It was no exaggeration when Imelda Marcos declared in an interview, that her family "own practically everything in the Philippines." The Aquino government also accused them of skimming off foreign aid and international assistance. This is a clear example of the aforementioned "crony capitalism" that Marcos introduced during the New Society.
His apologists claim Marcos was a good president gone bad and that he was a man of rare gifts--a brilliant lawyer, a shrewd politician and keen legal analyst with a ruthless streak and a flair for leadership. Having been in power for more than 20 years, Marcos also had the very rare opportunity to lead the Philippines toward prosperity, with massive infrastructure he put in place as well as an economy on the rise.
However, he put these talents to work by building a regime that he apparently intended to perpetuate as a dynasty. A former aide of Marcos said that "Nobody will ever know what a remarkable president he could have made. That 's the saddest part". Among the many documents he left behind in the Palace, after he fled in 1986, was one appointing his wife as his successor.
Opponents state that the evidence suggests that he used the communist threat as a pretext for seizing power. However, the communist insurgency was at its peak during the late 1960s to early 1970s when it was found out that the People 's Republic of China was shipping arms to support the communist cause in the Philippines after the interception of a vessel containing loads of firearms. After he was overthrown, former Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile stated that certain incidents had been contrived to justify the imposition of Martial Law, such as Enrile 's ambush.
The Martial Law dictatorship may have helped boost the communist insurgency 's strength and numbers, but not to the point that could have led to the overthrow of the elected government. Marcos ' regime was crucial in the United States ' fight against communism and its influences, with Marcos himself being a staunch anti-communist. Marcos however had an ironically mild streak to his "strongman" image, and as much as possible avoided bloodshed and confrontation.
His most ardent supporters claim Marcos was serious about Martial Law and had genuine concern for reforming the society as evidenced by his actions during the period, up until his cronies, whom he entirely trusted, had firmly entrenched themselves in the government. By then, they say he was too ill and too dependent on them to do something about it. The same has been said about his relationship with his wife Imelda, who became the government 's main public figure in light of his illness, by then wielding perhaps more power than Marcos himself.
It is important to note that many laws written by Marcos are still in force and in effect. Out of thousands of proclamations, decrees and executive orders, only a few were repealed, revoked, modified or amended. Few credit Marcos for promoting Filipino culture and nationalism. His 21 years in power with the help of U.S. massive economic aid and foreign loans enabled Marcos to build more schools, hospitals and infrastructure than any of his predecessors combined. Due to his iron rule, he was able to impose order and reduce crime by strict implementation of the law. The relative economic success that the Philippines enjoyed during the initial part of his presidency is hard to dispel. Many of Marcos ' accomplishments were overlooked after the so-called "People Power" EDSA Revolution, but the Marcos era definitely had accomplishments in its own right.
A journalist said that "The Marcoses were the best of us, and they were the worst of us. That 's why we say we hate them so much."
According to Transparency International, Marcos is the second most corrupt head of government ever, after Suharto. Even so, according to a recent survey, some Filipinos prefer Marcos ' rule due to the shape of the country in administrations succeeding his. Many admire his autocratic, strong-arm rule, saying that his style of leadership is sorely missed and needed in the post-EDSA Philippines where too much democracy has ruined the body politic, with fractious standoffs in Congress, endless so-called "People Power" demonstrations, deadlocks in the Senate and movie actors as well as traditional politicians being elected into public office. A few are nostalgic for the Marcos era, where the government was well-organized and laws were strictly followed by civilians, leading to a relatively disciplined populace.
On the other hand, many despise his regime, his silencing the free press, his curtailing of civil liberties such as the right to peaceably assemble, his dictatorial control, the imprisonment, torture, murder and disappearance of thousands of his oppositionists, and his supposed shameless plunder of the nation 's treasury. It is quite evident that the EDSA Revolution left the Philippine society polarized. Nostalgia remains high in parts of the populace for the Marcos era due to the downward spiral the Philippines fell into after his departure. It can be said that his public image has been significantly rehabilitated after worsening political and economic problems that have hounded his successors. The irony is that these economic troubles are largely due to the country 's massive debts incurred during his administration. The Marcos Era 's legacy, polarizing as it is, remains deeply embedded in the Philippines today.
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Writings * Today 's Revolution: Democracy (1971) * Marcos ' Notes for the Cancun Summit, 1981 (1981) * Progress and Martial Law (1981) * The New Philippine Republic: A Third World Approach to Democracy (1982) * An Ideology for Filipinos (1983) * Toward a New Partnership: The Filipino Ideology (1983)

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References
* Bonner, Raymond. Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy. New York: Times Books, 1987. * Caoili, Manuel A. The Philippine Congress and the Political Order, In Philippine Journal of Public Administration, Vol.XXX no. 1 (January, 1986), p. 21. * Celoza, Albert F. Ferdinand Marcos and the Philippines: The Political Economy of Authoritarianism. Praeger, Westport, 1997. * Espiritu, Augusto. How Democracy was Lost: A Political diary of the 1971-72 Constitutional Convention. Quezon City: New Day, 1993. * Gleek, Davis Jr. President Marcos and the Philippine Political Culture. 1988 * Lacsamana, Leodivico Cruz (1990). Philippine History and Government, Second Edition. Phoenix Publishing House, Inc., 1990. * Marcos, Ferdinand E. Today’s Revolution: Democracy (Malacanang Palace. September 7, 1971) * Marcos, Ferdinand E. Notes of the New Society of the Philippines (Malacanang Palace. September 11, 1973) * McCoy, Alfred. Dark Legacy: Human Rights Under the Marcos Regime. speech at the Ateneo University, 20 Sept. 1999. * Mijares, Primitivo. The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos and Imelda Marcos. Union Square Publishing: 1976. * Morada, Noel M. and Teresa S. Encarnacion Tadem. Philippine Politics and Governance, An Introduction. Quezon City, Philippines. Department of Political Science, UP Diliman. 2006 * Pedrosa, Carmen Navarro. The Rise and Fall of Imelda Marcos. Manila. 1987, p. 83. * Polotan, Kerima. Imelda Romualdez Marcos. New York and Cleveland. The World Publishing Company, 1969, p. 78. * Romulo, Beth Day. Inside the Palace: The Rise and Fall of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. New York: Putnam, 1987. * Salonga, Jovito. Presidential Plunder: The Quest for Marcos Ill-gotten Wealth. Manila: Regina Pub. Co. 2001. * Seagrave, S. (1988). The Marcos Dynasty. New York: Harper & Row, 1988. * Spence, Hartzell (1964). For Every Tear a Victory: The Story of Ferdinand E. Marcos. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964. * The Greatest Democracy Ever Told: People Power, An Eye Witness History. Manila, Philippines. James B. Reuter, S.J. Foundation. 1986 * Vizmanos, Danilo (2000). Through the Eye of the Storm. Ken Inc., Manila ISBN 971-8558-41-1
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External links * Philippine government website on the country 's presidents. Office of the President. * Marcos Presidential Center: The official website of the Marcos Foundation. Marcos Presidential Center. * A biography of Ferdinand Marcos Library Thinkquest. * Never Again: Legacies of the Marcos dictatorship A website critical of the Martial Law years and the Marcos regime chronicling abuses by the military as well as Marcos ' ill-gotten wealth. Never Again. * The Philippine Presidency Project Pangulo.ph * Autocrat with a regal manner. Yahoo groups. * Inquirer News article on a recent survey on previous presidents ' performance ratings Inq7.net * Obituary on Google Groups Google Groups * Sydney swimwear model is at the centre of renewed attempts to locate millions of dollars sent out of the Philippines by former dictator Ferdinand Marcos SMH. * Paying debt, honorable thing to do Odious Debts. * Philippines loses out on Marcos millions * Teodoro M. Locsin on the Conscience of the Filipinos (1986) BBC. * Philandering dictator added Hollywood star to conquests * The Man of Steal: Great Marcos Moments A critical article on Marcos ' corruption trial. Hotmail. Preceded by
Pedro A. Albano | Representative, 2nd District of Ilocos Norte
1949–1959 | Succeeded by
Simeon M. Valdez | Preceded by
Eulogio Rodriguez | President of the Senate of the Philippines
1963–1965 | Succeeded by
Arturo M. Tolentino | Preceded by
Diosdado Macapagal | President of the Philippines
1965–1986 | Succeeded by
Corazon Aquino | Preceded by
Restored | Prime Minister of the Philippines
1978–1981 | Succeeded by
Cesar Virata |

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World Biography » Lo-Ma » Ferdinand Marcos Biography
Ferdinand Marcos Biography

Born: September 11, 1917
Sarrat, Philippines
Died: September 28, 1989
Honolulu, Hawaii
Filipino president and politician
Philippine president Ferdinand Marcos began his career in politics with the murder of Julio Nalundasan in 1935, and ended it after the murder of Benigno Aquino Jr. in 1983. Some believe his entire life was based on fraud, deceit, and theft, and his time as president has come to represent one of the prime examples of a corrupt government.
Youth and family
Ferdinand Edralin Marcos was born on September 11, 1917, in Sarrat, a village in the Ilocos North region of the island of Luzon in the Philippines. His parents, Josefa Edralin and Mariano Marcos, were both teachers from important families. In 1925 Mariano Marcos became a congressman, surrounding the young Ferdinand in a political atmosphere at an early age. Mariano also had a strong influence on what was to become Ferdinand 's competitive, win-at-all-costs nature. Mariano and Josefa pushed Ferdinand to excel at everything, not only his studies at school, but also at activities such as wrestling, boxing, hunting, survival skills, and marks-manship (skill with a gun or rifle). In college, Marcos 's main interest was the .22-caliber college pistol team.
Marcos 's real father was not Mariano but a wealthy Chinese man named Ferdinand Chua. (Marcos would claim that Chua was his "godfather.") Chua was a well-connected judge who was responsible for much of Marcos 's unusual good luck as a young man. Among other things, Chua paid for young Marcos 's schooling and later managed to influence the Philippine Supreme Court to overturn the young Marcos 's conviction for murder.
On September 20, 1935, Julio Nalundasan was at home celebrating his congressional election victory over Mariano Marcos when he was shot and killed with a .22-caliber bullet fired by the eighteen-year-old Ferdinand Marcos. Three years later, Ferdinand was arrested for Nalundasan 's murder. A year later, after having graduated from law school, he was found guilty of the crime. While in jail Marcos spent six months writing his own appeal for a new trial. When the Supreme Court finally took up Marcos 's appeal in 1940, the judge in charge (apparently influenced by Judge Chua) threw out the case. Marcos was a free man. The next day, he returned to the Supreme Court and took the oath to become a lawyer.
Wartime activities
Throughout Marcos 's childhood, the Philippines had been a colony (a foreign region under the control of another country) of the United States. However, the Philippines had been largely self-governing and gained independence in 1946. This occurred only after fierce fighting in the country during World War II (1939–45), the international conflict for control of large areas of the world between the Axis (Germany, Japan, and Italy) and the Allies (United States, Great Britain, France, the Soviet Union, and others). During

Ferdinand Marcos.
Reproduced by permission of
AP/Wide World Photos
.
World War II, the Philippines were invaded and occupied by the Japanese, while U.S. forces and Filipino resistance fighters fought to regain control of the country.
Marcos emerged from World War II with a reputation as the greatest Filipino resistance leader of the war and the most decorated soldier in the U.S. armed forces. However, he appeared to have spent the war on both sides, lending support to both the Japanese and the United States. In early 1943 in Manila (the capital of the Philippines), Marcos created a "secret" resistance organization called Ang Mga Maharlika that he claimed consisted of agents working against the Japanese. In fact, the group consisted of many criminals—forgers, pickpockets, gunmen, and gangsters—hoping to make money in the wartime climate.
At the war 's end, Marcos took up the practice of law again. He often filed false claims in Washington, D.C., on behalf of Filipino veterans seeking back pay (wages owed) and benefits. Encouraged by his success with these claims, he filed a $595 thousand claim on his own behalf, stating that the U.S. Army had taken over two thousand head of cattle from Mariano Marcos 's ranch. In fact, this ranch never existed, which made Washington conclude that the cattle never existed.
Political career
In December 1948 a magazine editor published four articles on Marcos 's war experiences, causing Marcos 's reputation to grow. In 1949, campaigning on promises to get veterans ' benefits for two million Filipinos, Marcos ran as a Liberal Party candidate for a seat in the Philippine House of Representatives. He won with 70 percent of the vote. In less than a year he was worth a million dollars, mostly because of his American tobacco subsidies (financial assistance to grow tobacco), a huge cigarette smuggling operation, and his practice of pressuring Chinese businesses to cooperate with him. In 1954 he formally met Imelda Romualdez (1929–) and married her.
Marcos was reelected twice, and in 1959 he was elected to the Philippine Senate. He was also the Liberal Party 's vice-president from 1954 to 1961, when he successfully managed Diosdado Macapagal 's (1911–1997) run for the Philippine presidency. As part of his arrangement with Marcos, Macapagal was supposed to step aside after one term to allow Marcos to run for the presidency. When Macapagal did not do this, Marcos joined the opposition Nationalist Party and became their candidate in the 1965 election against Macapagal and easily won. Marcos was now president of the Philippines.
In 1969 Marcos became the first Philippine president to win a second term. However, not all Filipinos were happy with his presidency, and the month following his reelection included the most violent public demonstrations in the history of the country. Three years later, facing growing student protest and a crumbling economy, Marcos declared martial law, a state of emergency in which military authorities are given extraordinary powers to maintain order. Marcos 's excuse for declaring martial law was the growing revolutionary movement of the Communist New People 's Army, which opposed his government.
During the next nine years of martial law, Marcos tripled the armed forces to some two hundred thousand troops, guaranteeing his grip on government. When martial law was lifted in 1981, he kept all the power he had been granted under martial law to himself. Meanwhile the economy continued to crumble while Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos became one of the richest couples in the world. As Marcos 's health began to fail and U.S. support for him lessened, opposition to Marcos grew in the Philippine middle class.
Final years
The Marcos regime began to collapse after the August 1983 assassination (political killing) of Benigno S. Aquino Jr. (1933–1983), who had been Marcos 's main political rival. Aquino was shot and killed when he arrived at the Manila airport after three years in the United States. The killing enraged Filipinos, as did authorities ' claim that the murder was the work of a single gunman. A year later, a civilian investigation brought charges against a number of soldiers and government officials, but in 1985 none of them were found guilty. Nevertheless, most Filipinos believe that Marcos was involved in Aquino 's killing.
Marcos next called for a "snap [sudden] election" to be held early in 1986. In that election, which was marked by violence and charges of fraud, Marcos 's opponent was Aquino 's widow, Corazon Aquino. When the Philippine National Assembly announced that Marcos was the winner, a rebellion in the Philippine military, supported by hundreds of thousands of Filipinos marching in the streets, forced Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos to flee the country.
Marcos asked for U.S. aid but was given nothing more than an air force jet, which flew him and Imelda to Hawaii. He remained there until his death on September 28, 1989. The Marcoses had taken with them more than twenty-eight million cash in Philippine currency. President Aquino 's administration said this was only a small part of the Marcoses ' illegally gained wealth.
For More Information
Bonner, Raymond. Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy. New York: Vintage Books, 1988.
Celoza, Albert F. Ferdinand Marcos and the Philippines: The Political Economy of Authoritarianism. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997.
Romulo, Beth Day. Inside the Palace: The Rise and Fall of Ferdinand & Imelda Marcos. New York: Putnam, 1987.
Seagrave, Sterling. The Marcos Dynasty. New York: Harper & Row, 1988.
Spence, Hartzell. For Every Tear a Victory: The Story of Ferdinand E. Marcos New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964.

User Contributions:

1
Chris Odchigue

Dec 4, 2006 @ 4:16 pm
Though i am not a marcos loyalist but the way you made the article is a biased one. You should have made us see also the other side of the coin...

That 's why the Philippines is getting worst everytime there is a change of administration it is because we always think of Revenge. We haven 't moved on to the brighter side because everyone wants to get back at each other...

Be fair when writing your article about Marcoses.

2 sepdeguzman Aug 14, 2007 @ 7:07 am
Why we always accused Pres. Ferdinand E. Marcos as a dictatorial, corrupt, fraud, deceit, theft, etcetera, etcetera, etcetera..and Benigno Aquino as a hero! Why! He done nothing in our Motherland..just to say something..about Marcos..exposing Marcos of what basis?

You people always taking, writing, accusing the dead man..and so the issues are useless..

Why we never write all his accomplishment..and accepting all this accomplishment that he does.

3 anonymous Jan 13, 2008 @ 12:00 am my father served as a personal commanding officer for 17 years in Marcos ' presidency. Like your view mine is biased too. all I saw was the good that he brought to my family and my country. Due to many negative claims that people have against his late ex- president i refuse to affirm my identity. Yet one reason my father retired the Philippine Army was because he could not stomach to salute to the following president Aquino. Even though he could have continued to become a General he retired as a Colonel. Marcos brought culture into the country and made the world know about the Republic of the Philippines. Imelda had many shoes, but brought culture and let the beauty of the philippines bloom. He is but human and did what he thought was good for his country.

4
Danilo Prudente

Aug 14, 2009 @ 8:08 am
Talking about late President Ferdinand E. marcos, I have a personal and great respect for Him as a person and as a Leader - President of the Philippines. His daugther said once - Imee Marcos that she will write a book about her father 's legacy, she also said that the people only know the bad side of her father but nothing was on the brighther side of the coin.. I agree. Late President Marcos did a lot of good things for the Pilipino people, (Bridges, roads, pre-fab school, hospitals, LRT, rural electrification, green revolution, etc. etc. It was all done by Marcos... Please look and appreciate the good things given to us by the Marcos Regime... I do thank you... sincerely,,,,,

5
Danilo Prudente

Aug 14, 2009 @ 8:08 am
I am now at the United States, all I heard about when you discuss a topic about marcos, is the bad things about them. However, I am grateful to one of the European once told me that becaue of Madam Emelda marcos, Filipino was known how to dress up. with touch of class.... Even in interrior of their mansion, she did a good job in the decorating... congratulations for a good job done....

6
Danilo Prudente

Aug 18, 2009 @ 4:04 am
- Comment on the Late President Ferdinand E. Marcos, I knew from my early childhood, Marcos did a good job as a student, as a soldier, as a President and as a Husband and as a Father. People of the Philippines should acknowledge those things and gave a little respect to him. Thank you.....

7 copy paste

Aug 25, 2009 @ 3:15 pm the Philippine elite had little need to maintain democratic appearances. Fake war hero Ferdinand Marcos was elected in 1965, declared marshall law in 1972, and then defrauded his countrymen and partied his way into the hearts of U.S. celebrities for the next 14 years. Also included are several chapters on "Yamashita 's Gold" -- the apparent source of much of Marcos ' wealth. There 's still $100 billion or so that hasn 't been recovered, which attracted treasure-hunters such as the John Birch Society and, as recently as 1986, John Singlaub, who wanted the gold to fund his anti-communist campaigns.

8 ruben May 19, 2010 @ 2:02 am
Your article, like so many anti-Marcos articles written by persons who are brazenly and rabidly against the former President, makes one wonder. For one thing, if my uncle who fought with Marcos in Bataan were alive today, he would have told you that he personally witnessed the injury sustained by Marcos and that he was the one holding the flashlight while Marcos was operated on right there at the battlefield. So you wont think that this is made up, another soldier, who later became General, was with them. His name was Gen. Alejo Santos, a name known to many Filipinos particularly from Bulacan. So to say that Marcos ' wartime exploits were fabrications is to insult not only him but the many gallant Filipinos who fought alongside him in Bataan.

Going to the Marcos administration, you make it sound like the man did not accomplish anything at all. Many Filipinos are enjoying the benefits of the Philippine Heart Center, the Light Rail Transit, Kidney Center, Philippine General Hospital, North and South Expressways, Coastal Road, and so many other infrastructures that even the latter day politicians are trying to get credit for the things Marcos started.

With regard to the Bataan nuclear power plant, do you think we would have the power crisis of the 1990s if its operation was not stopped by the Aquino administration?

And, look. Corazon Aquino had six years to look into the killing of her husband Benigno. She had all the legal and political backing, or so she said. She could have brought all the facts into the open, once and for all. Why didnt she?

So please look deeper and closer into the events and personalities before you disparage everything about Marcos.Its not as simple as writing critical statements without looking into the background.

Im sure he was a better man than many of those in government now are, nor can they expect to approximate his achievements.

9
Faith

Aug 4, 2010 @ 12:12 pm
This is truly a biased article. We know better than this and though I may not able to witness the time of Pres. Marcos but from what he has done to our country is enough to prove that he is truly a good man! People always remember only the bad things he did and never really realize all those good things he brought to this country. As what our law or constitution say that we can never condemn someone or accused as criminal unless proven guilty. Mrs. Marcos had more than 9 thousand case filed against her but all were dismissed. Why? because they cannot prove they are guilty with all those accusation they pointed out. Don 't let the truth be twisted with just some emotions or sympathy with someone else. Truth would really hurt big time but that will make a difference in this country! We shouldn 't compromise but let the real democracy be practiced so that the new generation will never get their mind twisted from the truth. Since I was in highschool and that was like 12 years ago, I keep looking for a book that tells me fairly about the time of Pres. Marcos. Hopefully her daughter will write the story of his legacy.

10 iiohnlkm Aug 13, 2010 @ 4:16 pm
My only say is the best president of the world ferdinand marcos my idol

11 jansen padayao

Sep 6, 2011 @ 2:02 am i agree with Chris Odchigue. Though i 'm from ilocos norte where Marcos came from, that means im one of his loyalist, an article like this was never a good one because it 's just shows that the writer is an anti marcos. Yes, we have our own ideas on whatever history we have, but it is not right to degrade the marcoses.

We known marcos for fraud, corruption, but the philippines during his time was the tiger of asia.# 1 in Asia and I guess #7 in continental. Lots of infrastructure, the ccp complex, ICCP, lung center, heart center, mrt, lrt, NLEX, SLEX, Bataan nuclear plant, gethermal plant, san juanico bridge, a lot..he 's te only president who can do this. No one can beat marcos..
Marcos parin,.. VICTORY...

12 philip Dec 26, 2011 @ 3:03 am
Pres. Marcos was an iron man. A country full of corrupt politicians and undisciplined people needs one. He was neither perfect, but he made a lot of good deeds that today 's Filipinos are still benefiting. My grandfather, a small-time farmer adored him for making and implementing laws that favored the poor peasants in his time. There are more to learn about Pres. Marcos and the more you get to know them, the more you get awed.

13
Victor D de Castro

Aug 6, 2012 @ 10:22 pm
Ninoy Aquino would have declared martial law also because he too believed that due to the "cacique" culture which the oligarchs espoused, a strong and authoritarian type of leadership would be capable of utilizing disciplinarian methods and so enforce order within the Philippines!
The oligarchs since the before the arrival of the European colonists have always influenced the culture in the islands wherein their control was dependent on dividing those 'under ' them who were forced to choose sides as is evident in feudal societies!!
So chaos and divisive tendencies were the norm because just as you divide then conquer after the conquest the fragmentation must continue to prevent any form of unified rebellion!!!
Grand visions like '... a new society or bagong lipunan ' fall prey to the allure that joining the ranks of the oligarchy and so attaining a higher status hence corrupting the visionary!

14 biscocel Nov 26, 2012 @ 11:11 am
Bottom line is this. His legacy is failed leadership. John Adams said, there are two ways to enslave a nation, one by sword and the other by debt. Fact is, his massive accumulation of debt during his reign and the unwise use and stealing of these funds buried the country to this day. I 'm sure he had good intentions and did some good but it was overshadowed by the disastrous outcome of his tenure as the president. President Marcos alone is accountable for the success or failure of his leadership. And the fact is, he failed.
And the failed policies continued to this day that further enslave & burden the great Filipino people. The Philippines should have long defaulted on this odious Marcos debt like what Brazil, Mexico, Argentina ( paid 30 cents to the dollar with the bond holders), etc., did to their debts by renegotiating the loans. The country continue to be burdened by the ever-growing debt that the succeeding presidents followed through. A vicious cycle indeed that is breaking the current & coming Filipino generations. This is the fact supported by data.
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Ferdinand Marcos
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article is about a former president of the Philippines. For his son, a politician and senator of the Philippines, see Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos, Jr. Ferdinand Marcos | | 10th President of the Philippines
6th President of the Third Republic
1st President of the Fourth Republic | In office
December 30, 1965 – February 25, 1986 | Prime Minister | Himself (1978–1981)
Cesar Virata (1981–1986) | Vice President | Fernando Lopez (1965–1973)
Arturo Tolentino (Feb 16–25, 1986) | Preceded by | Diosdado Macapagal | Succeeded by | Corazon Aquino | 3rd Prime Minister of the Philippines | In office
June 12, 1978 – June 30, 1981 | Preceded by | Office established
(Position previously held by Jorge B. Vargas) | Succeeded by | Cesar Virata | Secretary of National Defense | In office
August 28, 1971 – January 3, 1972 | President | Himself | Preceded by | Juan Ponce Enrile | Succeeded by | Juan Ponce Enrile | In office
December 31, 1965 – January 20, 1967 | President | Himself | Preceded by | Macario Peralta | Succeeded by | Ernesto Mata | 11th President of the Senate of the Philippines | In office
April 5, 1963 – December 30, 1965 | President | Diosdado Macapagal | Preceded by | Eulogio Rodriguez | Succeeded by | Arturo Tolentino | Senator of the Philippines | In office
December 30, 1958 – December 30, 1965 | Member of the Philippine House of Representatives from Ilocos Norte 'sSecond District | In office
December 30, 1949 – December 30, 1959 | Preceded by | Pedro Albano | Succeeded by | Simeon M. Valdez | Personal details | Born | Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos[1]
September 11, 1917
Sarrat, Ilocos Norte,Philippines | Died | September 28, 1989 (aged 72)
Honolulu, Hawaii, United States | Resting place | Marcos Museum and Mausoleum, Batac, Ilocos Norte, Philippines | Political party | Kilusang Bagong Lipunan(1978–1989) | Other political affiliations | Liberal Party (1946–1965)
Nacionalista Party (1965–1978) | Spouse(s) | Imelda Romuáldez (1954–1989) | Children | Ma. Imelda Marcos
Ferdinand Marcos, Jr.
Irene Marcos-Araneta | Alma mater | University of the Philippines College of Law | Profession | Lawyer | Religion | Roman Catholicism, formerlyIglesia Filipina Independiente | Signature | | Military service | Allegiance | Philippines | Rank | | Battles/wars | World War II |
Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos (September 11, 1917 – September 28, 1989) was President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. He was a lawyer, member of the Philippine House of Representatives (1949–1959) and a member of the Philippine Senate (1959–1965). He was Senate President from 1963–1965.
While in power he implemented wide-ranging programs of infrastructure development and economic reform. However, his administration was marred by massive corruption, political repression, and human rights violations.
In 1983, his government was accused of being involved in the assassination of his primary political opponent, Benigno Aquino, Jr. Public outrage over the assassination served as the catalyst for the People Power Revolution in February 1986 that led to his removal from power and eventual exile in Hawaii. It was later discovered that, during his 20 years in power, he and his wife Imelda Marcos had moved billions of dollars of embezzled public funds to accounts and investments in the United States, Switzerland, and other countries. Contents [hide] * 1 Early life * 2 The Gifted Child * 3 Personal life * 4 Congressional career * 4.1 House of Representatives * 4.2 Senate * 5 Presidency * 5.1 First term (1965–1969) * 5.1.1 Presidential campaign * 5.1.2 Infrastructure programs * 5.1.3 Vietnam War * 5.2 Second term (1969–1981) * 5.2.1 1969 presidential election * 5.2.2 Student uprising * 5.2.3 Martial law and the New Society * 5.3 Cabinet * 5.3.1 Prime Minister * 5.4 Cabinet under Martial Law * 5.5 Third term (1981–1986) * 5.5.1 Aquino 's assassination * 5.5.2 Impeachment attempt * 5.5.3 Downfall * 5.6 Economy * 6 Post-presidency * 7 Legacy * 8 Writings * 9 See also * 10 References * 11 Further reading * 12 External links |
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[edit]Early life
Ferdinand Edralin Marcos was born 11 September 1917, in the town of Sarrat, Ilocos Norte to Mariano Marcos and Josefa Edralin.[2] He was baptized into the Philippine Independent Church.[3] According to the family 's oral history, the original surname was Quidit, and their Ilokano stock had someHan Chinese and Japanese admixture.[citation needed] Marcos once claimed that one of his forefathers was a "15th century Chinese pirate."[4]
In December 1938, Ferdinand was prosecuted for the murder of Julio Nalundasan along with his father, Mariano, his brother, Pio, and his brother-in-law Quirino Lizardo; Nalundasan one of the elder Marcos ' political rivals. Nalundasan had been shot and killed in his house in Batac on 20 September 1935–the day after he had defeated Mariano Marcos a second time for a seat in the National Assembly. According to two witnesses, the four had conspired to assassinate Nalundasan, with Ferdinand Marcos eventually pulling the trigger. In late January 1939, they were denied bail[5] and in the fall[when?] of 1939 they were convicted. Ferdinand and Lizardo received the death penalty for premeditated murder, while Mariano and Pio were found guilty of contempt of court. The Marcos family took their appeal to the Supreme Court of the Philippines, which overturned the lower court 's decision on 22 October 1940, acquitting them of all charges except contempt.[6]
Marcos studied law at the University of the Philippines, attending the prestigious College of Law. He excelled in both curricular and extra-curricular activities, becoming a valuable member of the university 's swimming, boxing, and wrestling teams. He was also an accomplished and prolific orator, debater, and writer for the student newspaper. He also became a member of the University of the Philippines ROTC Unit (UP Vanguard Fraternity) where he met his future cabinet members and Armed Forces Chiefs of Staff. He sat for the 1939 Bar Examinations, receiving a near-perfect score and graduating cum laude despite the fact that he was incarcerated while reviewing; had he had not been in jail for 27 days, he would have graduatedmagna cum laude. He was elected to the Pi Gamma Mu and the Phi Kappa Phi international honour societies, the latter giving him its Most Distinguished Member Award 37 years later.[7]
He claimed to have led a 9,000-man guerrilla force called Ang Mahárlika (Tagalog, "The Noble") in northern Luzon during the World War 2, although his account of events was later cast into doubt after a United States military investigation exposed many of his claims as either false or inaccurate.[8]
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[edit]The Gifted Child
In Seagrave 's book "The Marcos Dynasty", he mentioned that Marcos possess a phenomenal memory and exhibit this by "memorizing complicated texts and reciting forward and backward" such as the 1935 Constitution of the Philippines. Also in an interview with Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago by the Philippine Star in March 25, 2012 she shared her experience as a speech writer to President Marcos: "one time, the Secretary of Justice forgot to tell me that the President had requested him to draft a speech that the President was going to deliver before graduates of the law school. And then, on the day the President was to deliver the speech, he suddenly remembered because Malacañang was asking for the speech, so he said, “This is an emergency. You just have to produce something.“ And I just dictated the speech. He liked long speeches. I think that was 20 or 25 pages. And then, in the evening, I was there, of course. President Marcos recited the speech from memory."
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[edit]Personal life
He was married to Imelda Romualdez-Marcos, on May 1, 1954 and the marriage produced three children: * Maria Imelda "Imee" Marcos (born November 12, 1955) Governor of Ilocos Norte * Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos, Jr. (born September 13, 1957) Senator of the Philippines * Irene Marcos
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[edit]Congressional career
[edit]House of Representatives
When the Philippines was granted independence on July 4, 1946 by the American government, the Philippine Congress was established. Marcos ran and was twice elected as representative of the 2nd district of Ilocos Norte, 1949–1959. He was named chairman of the House Committee on Commerce and Industry and member of the Defense Committee headed by Ramon Magsaysay. He was chairman, House Neophytes Bloc in which (President) Diosdado Macapagal, (Vice President) Emmanuel Pelaez and (Manila Mayor) Arsenio J. Lacson were members, House Committee on Industry; LP spokesman on economic matters; member, Special Committee on Import and Price Controls and on Reparations; House Committees on Ways and Means, Banks Currency, War Veterans, Civil Service, Corporations and Economic Planning; and the House Electoral Tribunal.[9]
[edit]Senate
He was the topnotcher in the senatorial elections in 1959. He was Senate minority floor leader, 1960; executive vice president, LP 1954–1961; president, Liberal Party, 1961–1964; Senate President, 1959–1965. During his term as Senate President, former Defense Secretary Eulogio B. Balao was also closely working with Marcos. Marcos led a controversial political career both before and after his term as Senate President. He became Senator after he served as member of the House of Representatives for three terms, then later as Minority Floor Leader before gaining the Senate Presidency. He introduced a number of significant bills, many of which found their way into the Republic statute books.[9]
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[edit]Presidency

Juan Ponce Enrile, ActingSecretary of Finance (1966–1968), Secretary of Justice (1968–1970), Secretary of National Defense (1970–1971; 1972–1978) and Minister of National Defense (1978–1986)

Romeo Espino, Armed Forces Chief of Staff (1972–1980)

Fabian Ver, Armed Forces Chief of Staff (1980–1986)

Carlos P. Romulo, Secretary of Foreign Affairs (1973–1978) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (1978–1984)

Fidel Ramos, Chief of the Philippine Constabulary (1972–1986), and Marcos ' second cousin[10]

Imelda Marcos, Minister of Human Settlements (1978–1986)

Ernesto Maceda, Jr., Chairman of the Presidential Arm on Community Development
[edit]First term (1965–1969)
[edit]Presidential campaign
Marcos was famous for his anti-Japanese guerrilla activity during World War II—something that set him apart from his political opponents, many of whom had collaborated with the Japanese. Marcos won the presidency in 1965.[11]
[edit]Infrastructure programs

The leaders of the SEATO nations in front of the Congress Building in Manila, hosted by Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos on October 24, 1966. (L-R:) Prime Minister Nguyen Cao Ky (South Vietnam), Prime Minister Harold Holt (Australia), President Park Chung-hee (South Korea), President Ferdinand Marcos (Philippines), Prime Minister Keith Holyoake (New Zealand), Lt. Gen. Nguyen Van Thieu (South Vietnam), Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn (Thailand), President Lyndon B. Johnson (United States)

Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos withLyndon B. Johnson and Lady Bird on September 12, 1966.
In his first State of the Nation Address (SONA), Marcos revealed his plans for economic development and government reform. Marcos wanted the immediate construction of roads, bridges and public works, which included 16,000 kilometers of feeder roads, some 30,000 lineal meters of permanent bridges, a generator with an electric power capacity of one million kilowatts (1,000,000 kW), and water services to eight regions and 38 localities.[citation needed] He also urged the revitalization of the judiciary, the national defense posture and the fight against smuggling, criminality, and graft and corruption in the government.[citation needed]
To accomplish his goals “President Marcos mobilized the manpower and resources of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) for action to complement civilian agencies in such activities as infrastructure construction; economic planning and program execution; regional and industrial site planning and development; community development and others.”[12][unreliable source?] The employment of technocrats in key positions and the mobilization of the AFP for civic actions resulted in the increasing functional integration of civilian and military elites.[13][unreliable source?]
[edit]Vietnam War
To the surprise of many, soon after becoming president, Marcos wanted the Philippines to become involved in the Vietnam War. He asked Congress to approve sending a combat engineer unit to South Vietnam. When the previous Philippine president, Macapagal, suggested in 1964–1965 to send troops it had been Marcos who had led the opposition against this plan on both legal and moral grounds. Despite opposition against the new plan, the Marcos government gained Congressional approval and Philippine troops were sent from the middle of 1966 as the Philippines Civic Action Group (PHILCAG). PHILCAG reached a strength of some 1,600 troops in 1968 and between 1966 and 1970 over 10,000 Filipino soldiers served in South Vietnam, mainly being involved in civilian infrastructure projects.[14][unreliable source?]
[edit]Second term (1969–1981)
[edit]1969 presidential election
In 1969, twelve candidates ran for president.[citation needed]
Marcos was reelected for a second term—the first Filipino president to win a second term.[15] The election was marked by massive violence, vote-buying, and fraud on Marcos ' part,[16][17] and Marcos used $56 million from the Philippines ' treasury to fund his campaign.[18] His running mate, incumbent Vice President Fernando Lopez was also elected to a third full term as Vice President of the Philippines.[citation needed]
[edit]Student uprising
Main article: First Quarter Storm
In 1970, students in Manila mobilized enormous numbers of people to attend protests against U.S. imperialism and the "rise of fascism" under Marcos. The protests later became known as the First Quarter Storm.[19]
[edit]Martial law and the New Society
See also: Martial Law in the Philippines

Ferdinand Marcos with Secretary of State George Shultz, 1982. “ | It is easier perhaps and more comfortable to look back to the solace of a familiar and mediocre past. But the times are too grave and the stakes too high for us to permit the customary concessions to traditional democratic processes. | ” |
– Ferdinand Marcos, January 1973[20]
On a privilege speech of Benigno Aquino, Jr., he warned the public of the possible establishment of a “garrison state” by President Marcos. Marcos declared martial law on September 22, 1972, by virtue of Proclamation No. 1081 which he signed on September 21, 1972, extending his rule beyond the constitutional two-term limit. He justified this by exaggerating threats of Communist and Muslim insurgencies.[21] He would later tell historians that he signed Proclamation No. 1081 as early as September 17.[4] Ruling by decree, he curtailed press freedom and other civil liberties, closed down Congress and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including his staunchest critics, senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jovito Salongaand Jose Diokno.[22][23] Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating his Bagong Lipunan, a "New Society" based on new social and political values.[24][citation needed]
A constitutional convention, which had been called for in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth era 1935 Constitution, continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to parliamentary and allowing Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973.[citation needed]
After putting in force amendments to the constitution, legislative action, and securing his sweeping powers and with the Batasan under his control, President Marcos lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. However, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus continued in the autonomous regions of Western Mindanao and Central Mindanao. The opposition dubbed the lifting of martial law as a mere "face lifting" as a precondition to the visit of Pope John Paul II.[25]
Marcos had a vision of a Bagong Lipunan (New Society) similar to Indonesian president Suharto 's "New Order administration". He used the years of martial law to implement this vision. According to Marcos ' book, "Notes on the New Society," it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization.[citation needed]
Marcos confiscated businesses owned by the oligarchy. More often than not, they were taken over by Marcos ' family members and close personal friends, who used them as fronts to launder proceeds from institutionalized graft and corruption in the different national governmental agencies as "crony capitalism," Marcos ' friends using them for personal benefit. With genuinely nationalistic motives, crony capitalism was intended to redistribute monopolies traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen though in practice, it led to graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement. Marcos also silenced the free press, making the state press the only legal one. He also seized privately owned lands and distributed them to farmers. By waging an ideological war against the oligarchy, Marcos gained the support of the masses though he was to create a new one in its place. Marcos, now free from day-to-day governance which was left mostly to Enrile using his power to settle scores against old rivals, such as the Lopezes, who were always opposed to the Marcos administration. Leading opponents such as Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and many others were imprisoned for months or years. This practice considerably alienated the support of the old social and economic elite and the media, who criticized the Marcos administration endlessly.[citation needed][26]
Between 1972 and 1976, Marcos increased the size of the Philippine military from 65,000 to 270,000 personnel.[24] Military officers were placed on theboards of a variety of media corporations, public utilities, development projects, and other private corporations. At the same time, Marcos made efforts to foster the growth of a domestic weapons manufacturing industry and heavily increased military spending.[27]
The GNP of the country stood at $11.5 billion by 1980, which represented a 6.6% average annual growth rate. The 1980 GNP is four times greater than the GNP in 1972. Rice production increased from 5.1 million metric tons in 1972 to 7.25 million metric tons in 1980 due to Masagana 99.[28]
From the declaration of martial law in 1972, until 1983, the U.S. government provided $2.5 billion in bilateral military and economic aid to the Marcos regime, and about $5.5 billion through multilateral institutions such as the World Bank.[29]
In a 1979 U.S. Senate report, it was stated that U.S. officials were aware, as early as 1973, that Philippine government agents were in the United States to harass Filipino dissidents. In June 1981, two anti-Marcos labor activists were assassinated outside of a union hall in Seattle. On at least one occasion, CIA agents blocked FBI investigations of Philippine agents.[30]
The Marcos regime instituted a mandatory youth organization, known as the Kabataang Barangay, which was led by Marcos ' eldest daughter Imee. Presidential Decree 684, enacted in April 1975, required that all youths aged 15 to 18 be shipped off to remote rural indoctrination camps, where they underwent a ritualistic program designed to instill loyalty to the First Couple.[31][32]
Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of Staff of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver were the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and the three remained President Marcos ' closest advisers until he was ousted in 1986. Enrile and Ramos would later abandon Marcos ' 'sinking ship ' and seek protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution. The Catholic hierarchy and Manila 's middle class were crucial to the success of the massive crusade.[citation needed]
[edit]Cabinet
| OFFICE | NAME | TERM | | President | Ferdinand Marcos | 1965–1978 | Vice-President | Fernando Lopez | 1965–1973 | | Secretary of Agriculture and Natural Resources | Fernando Lopez | 1965–1971 | | Arturo Tanco, Jr. | 1971–1978 | Secretary of Foreign Affairs | Narciso Ramos | 1965–1968 | | Carlos P. Romulo | 1968–1978 | Secretary of Finance | Juan Ponce Enrile | 1966–1968 | | Eduardo Romualdez | 1968–1970 | | Cesar Virata | 1970–1978 | Secretary of Justice | Jose Yulo | 1965–1967 | | Claudio Teehankee | 1967–1968 | | Juan Ponce Enrile | 1968–1970 | | Felix Makasiar | 1970 | | Vicente Abad Santos | 1970–1978 | Secretary of National Defense | Ferdinand Marcos
(in concurrent capacity as President) | 1965–1967 | | Ernesto Mata | 1967–1970 | | Juan Ponce Enrile | 1970–1971 | | Ferdinand Marcos
(in concurrent capacity as President) | 1971–1972 | | Juan Ponce Enrile | 1972–1978 | Secretary of Commerce and Industry | Marcelo Balatbat | 1966–1968 | | Leonidas Virata | 1969–1970 | | Ernesto Maceda | 1970–1971 | | Troadio Quiazon | 1971–1974 | Secretary of Industry | Vicente Paterno | 1974–1978 | Secretary of Public Works,
Transportation and Communications | Antonio Raquiza | 1966–1968 | | Rene Espina | 1968–1969 | | Antonio Syquio | 1969–1970 | | David Consunji | 1970–1975 | | Alfredo Juinio | 1975–1978 | Secretary of Public Highways | Baltazar Aquino | 1974–1978 | Director-General of the
National Economic and Development Authority | Gerardo Sicat | 1973–1978 | |
[edit]Prime Minister
In 1978, the position returned when Ferdinand Marcos became Prime Minister. Based on Article 9 of the 1973 constitution, it had broad executive powers, that would be typical of modern prime ministers in other countries. The position was the official head of government, and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. All of the previous powers of the President from the 1935 Constitution were transferred to the newly restored office of Prime Minister. The Prime Minister also acted as head of the National Economic Development Authority. Upon his reelection to President, Marcos was succeeded as Prime Minister by Cesar Virata in 1981.[citation needed]
[edit]Cabinet under Martial Law | OFFICE | NAME | TERM | | President | Ferdinand Marcos | 1978–1986 | Prime Minister | Ferdinand Marcos | 1978–1981 | | Cesar Virata | 1981–1986 | | Minister of Agriculture | Arturo Tanco, Jr. | 1978–1984 | | Salvador Escudero III | 1984–1986 | Minister of Foreign Affairs | Carlos P. Romulo | 1978–1984 | | Manuel Collantes | 1984 | | Arturo Tolentino | 1984–1985 | | Pacifico Castro | 1985–1986 | Minister of Finance | Cesar Virata | 1978–1986 | Minister of Justice | Vicente Abad Santos | 1978–1979 | | Catalino Macaraig, Jr. | 1979 | | Ricardo Puno | 1979–1984 | | Estelito Mendoza | 1984–1986 | Minister of National Defense | Juan Ponce Enrile | 1978–1986 | Minister of Industry[33] | Vicente Paterno | 1978–1979 | | Roberto Ongpin | 1979–1981 | Minister of Trade | Luis Villafuerte, Sr. | 1979–1981 | Minister of Trade and Industry | Roberto Ongpin | 1981–1986 | Minister of Public Works,
Transportation and Communications[34] | Alfredo Juinio | 1978–1981 | Minister of Public Highways | Baltazar Aquino | 1978–1979 | | Vicente Paterno | 1979–1980 | | Jesus Hipolito | 1980–1981 | Minister of Public Works and Highways | Jesus Hipolito | 1981–1986 | Director-General of the
National Economic and Development Authority | Gerardo Sicat | 1978–1981 | | Cesar Virata | 1981–1986 | Minister of Energy | Geronimo Velasco | 1978–1986 | Minister of Human Settlements | Imelda Marcos | 1978–1986 | Minister of Labor | Blas Ople | 1978–1986 | |
[edit]Third term (1981–1986) “ | We love your adherence to democratic principles and to the democratic process, and we will not leave you in isolation. | ” |
– U.S. Vice-President George H. W. Bush during Ferdinand Marcos inauguration, June 1981[35]
On June 16, 1981, six months after the lifting of martial law, the first presidential election in twelve years was held. As to be expected, President Marcos ran and won a massive victory over the other candidates. The major opposition parties, the United Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO), a coalition of opposition parties and LABAN, boycotted the elections.
[edit]Aquino 's assassination
Main article: Assassination of Benigno Aquino, Jr.
In 1983, opposition leader Benigno Aquino, Jr. was assassinated by his Philippine military escort at the Manila International Airport upon his return to the Philippines after three years in exile. Popular speculations pointed to three suspects; first was Marcos himself through his trusted military chief Fabian Ver; the second theory pointed to his wife Imelda who had her own burning ambition now that her ailing husband seemed to be getting weaker and the third was that crony Danding Cojuangco planned the assassination because of his political ambitions. There is no basis either in motive or logic to support the allegation that either Ninoy or his ultra-pious wife Cory planned her husband 's assassination. Ninoy 's brutal death while under the custody of military security combined with Marcos ' dictatorial governance and plundering of public coffers ultimately led to an irreversible spiral that saw widespread protests and his eventual ignominious eviction from Malacanang.[36]
[edit]Impeachment attempt

President Ferdinand Marcos in Washington in 1983.
On August 13, 1985, fifty-six Assemblymen signed a resolution calling for the impeachment of President Marcos for alleged diversion of U.S. aid for personal use,[37] citing a July 1985 San Jose Mercury News exposé of the Marcoses’ multi-million dollar investment and property holdings in the United States.[citation needed]
The properties allegedly amassed by the First Family were the Crown Building, Lindenmere Estate, and a number of residential apartments (in New Jersey and New York), a shopping center in New York, mansions (in London, Rome and Honolulu), the Helen Knudsen Estate in Hawaii and three condominiums in San Francisco, California.[citation needed]
The Assemblymen also included in the complaint the misuse and misapplication of funds “for the construction of the Film Center, where X-rated and pornographic films are exhibited, contrary to public morals and Filipino customs and traditions.”[citation needed]
[edit]Downfall
See also: People Power Revolution
During these years, Marcos 's regime was marred by rampant corruption and political mismanagement by his relatives and cronies, which culminated with the assassination of Benigno Aquino. Critics considered Marcos the quintessential kleptocrat,[38] having looted billions of dollars from the Filipino treasury. The large personality cult in the Philippines surrounding Marcos also led to disdain.[citation needed]
During his third term, Marcos 's health deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments, often described as lupus erythematosus. He was absent for weeks at a time for treatment, with no one to assume command. Marcos 's regime was sensitive to publicity of his condition; a palace physician who alleged that during one of these periods Marcos had undergone a kidney transplant was shortly afterward found murdered. Many people questioned whether he still had capacity to govern, due to his grave illness and the ballooning political unrest.[39]
With Marcos ailing, his equally powerful wife, Imelda, emerged as the government 's main public figure. Marcos dismissed speculations of his ailing health as he used to be an avid golfer and fitness buff who liked showing off his physique. In light of these growing problems, the assassination of Aquino in 1983 would later prove to be the catalyst that led to his overthrow. Many Filipinos came to believe that Marcos, a shrewd political tactician, had no hand in the murder of Aquino but that he was involved in cover-up measures. However, the opposition blamed Marcos directly for the assassination while others blamed the military and his wife, Imelda. The 1985 acquittals of Ver as well as other high-ranking military officers for the crime were widely seen as a miscarriage of justice.[citation needed]
By 1984, his close personal ally, U.S. President Ronald Reagan, started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he and previous American presidents had strongly supported even after Marcos declared martial law. The United States, which had provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in buttressing Marcos 's rule over the years.[40] During the Carter administration the relation with the U.S. soured somewhat when President Jimmy Carter targeted the Philippines in his human rights campaign.[citation needed]
In the face of escalating public discontent and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos called a "Snap election" in 1986, with more than a year left in his term. He selected Arturo Tolentino as his running mate.[citation needed] The opposition to Marcos united behind Aquino 's widow, Corazon, and her running mate, Salvador Laurel.[41][42]
The "People Power movement" drove Marcos into exile and installed Corazon Aquino as the new president.[43] At the height of the revolution, Enrile revealed that his ambush was faked in order for Marcos to have a pretext for imposing martial law. However, Marcos maintained that he was the duly elected and proclaimed president of the Philippines for a fourth term.[citation needed]
The Philippine government today is still paying interest in public debts incurred during Marcos ' administration. It was reported that, when Marcos fled, U.S. Customs agents discovered 24 suitcases of gold bricks and diamond jewelry hidden in diaper bags and in addition, certificates for gold bullion valued in the billions of dollars were allegedly among the personal properties he, his family, his cronies and business partners surreptitiously took with them when the Reagan administration provided them safe passage to Hawaii. When the presidential mansion was seized, it was discovered that Imelda Marcos had over 2700 pairs of shoes in her closet.[44]
[edit]Economy

Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos on a walk with U.S President Ronald Reagan.
To help finance a number of economic development projects, the Marcos government borrowed large amounts of money from international lenders.[45][46]The Philippines ' external debt rose from $360 million (US) in 1962 to $28.3 billion in 1986, making the Philippines one of the most indebted countries in Asia.[45] A sizable amount of this money went to Marcos family and friends in the form of behest loans. These loans were assumed by the government and still being serviced by taxpayers. Today, more than half of the country 's revenues are outlaid for the payments on the interests of loans alone.[citation needed]
Foreign capital was invited to invest in certain industrial projects. They were offered incentives, including tax exemption privileges and the privilege of bringing out their profits in foreign currencies. One of the most important economic programs in the 1980s was the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran(Movement for Livelihood and Progress). This program was started in September 1981. Its aim was to promote the economic development of thebarangays by encouraging its residents to engage in their own livelihood projects. The government 's efforts resulted in the increase of the nation 's economic growth rate to an average of six percent or seven percent from 1970 to 1980.[47]
The Philippine economy suffered a great decline after the Aquino assassination in August 1983. The political troubles hindered the entry of foreign investments, and foreign banks stopped granting loans to the Philippine government.[citation needed] In an attempt to launch a national economic recovery program, Marcos negotiated with foreign creditors including the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for a restructuring of the country 's foreign debts – to give the Philippines more time to pay the loans. Marcos ordered a cut in government expenditures and used a portion of the savings to finance the Sariling Sikap (Self-Reliance), a livelihood program he established in 1984.[citation needed]
However, the economy experienced negative economic growth from the beginning of 1984 and continued to decline despite the government 's recovery efforts. The recovery program 's failure was caused by civil unrest, rampant graft and corruption within the government, and Marcos 's lack of credibility. Marcos himself diverted large sums of government money to his party 's campaign funds. The unemployment rate ballooned from 6.30% in 1972 to 27.65% in 1985.[48][citation needed]
Between 1972 and 1980, the average monthly income of wage workers had fallen by 20%. By 1981, the wealthiest 10% of the population was receiving twice as much income as the bottom 60%.[49]
With help from the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, Marcos brought the "Green Revolution" (industrialized, chemical agriculture) to the Philippines. These reforms resulted in high profits for transnational corporations, but were generally harmful to small, peasant farmers who were often pushed into poverty.[50] After declaring martial law in 1972, Marcos promised to implement agrarian reforms. However, the land reforms "served largely to undermine Marcos ' landholder opponents, not to lessen inequality in the countryside",[51] and "encouraged conversion to cash tenancy and greater reliance on farm workers".[52] From 1972 to 1980, agricultural production fell by 30%.[49]
Under Marcos, exports of timber products were among the nation 's top exports. Little attention was paid to environmental impacts of deforestation. By the early 1980s, the industry collapsed because most of the Philippines ' accessible forests had been depleted.[53]
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[edit]Post-presidency
At 5:00 a.m., February 25, 1986, Marcos talked to United States Senator Paul Laxalt, asking for advice from the White House. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut cleanly", to which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause.[54] In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family including his close allies like General Ver. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos family was transported by four Sikorsky HH-3E helicopters[55] to Clark Air Base in Angeles City, Pampanga, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before boarding US Air Force C-130 planes bound for Andersen Air Force Base in Guam, and finally to Hickam Air Force Base in Hawaii where Marcos arrived on February 26. Marcos died in Honolulu on September 28, 1989, of kidney, heart and lung ailments.
Marcos was interred in a private mausoleum at Byodo-In Temple on the island of Oahu, visited daily by the Marcos family, political allies and friends. His remains are currently interred inside a refrigerated crypt in Ilocos Norte, where his son, Ferdinand, Jr., and eldest daughter, Imee have since become the local governor and representative, respectively. A large bust of Ferdinand Marcos (resembling Mount Rushmore) was commissioned by the tourism minister, Jose Aspiras, and carved into a hillside in Benguet. It was subsequently destroyed; suspects included left-wing activists, members of a local tribe who had been displaced by construction of the monument, and looters hunting for the Marcos ' legendary hidden treasure.[56] Imelda Marcos was acquitted of embezzlement by a U.S. court in 1990 but was still facing a few hundred additional corruption charges in Philippine courts in 2006.
In 1995 some 10,000 Filipinos won a U.S. class-action lawsuit filed against the Marcos estate. The charges were filed by victims or their surviving relatives for torture, execution and disappearances.[57][58]
Corazon Aquino repealed many of the repressive laws that had been enacted during Marcos ' dictatorship. She restored the right of access to habeas corpus, repealed anti-labor laws, and freed hundreds of political prisoners.[59]
From 1989 to 1996, a series of suits were brought before U.S. courts against Marcos and his daughter Imee, charging them with executions, torture, and disappearances committed under their command. A jury in the Ninth Circuit Court awarded $2 billion to the plaintiffs and to a class composed of human rights victims and their families.[60] On June 12, 2008, the US Supreme Court (in a 7–2 ruling penned by Justice Anthony Kennedy in “Republic of the Philippines v. Mariano Pimentel”) held that: “The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is reversed, and the case is remanded with instructions to order the District Court to dismiss the interpleader action.” The court dismissed the interpleader lawsuit filed to determine the rights of 9,500 Filipino human rights victims (1972–1986) to recover $35 million, part of a $2 billion judgment in U.S. courts against the Marcos estate, because the Philippines is an indispensable party, protected by sovereign immunity. It claimed ownership of the funds transferred by Marcos in 1972 to Arelma S.A., which invested the money with Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Inc., in New York.[61][62][63]
Human rights groups place the number of victims of extrajudicial killings under martial law at 1500 and Karapatan, a local human rights group 's records show 759 involuntarily disappeared (their bodies never found). Military historian Alfred McCoy in his book "Closer than Brothers: Manhood at the Philippine Military Academy" and in his speech "Dark Legacy" cites 3,257 extrajudicial killings, 35,000 torture victims, and 70,000 incarcerated during the Marcos years.[64][65] The newspaper Bulatlat (lit. "to open carelessly") places the number of victims of arbitrary arrest and detention at 120,000.[66]
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[edit]Legacy
Marcos ' family and cronies looted so much wealth from the country that to this day investigators have difficulty determining precisely how many billions of dollars were stolen. However, it is estimated that Marcos alone stole at least $5 billion from the Filipino treasury.[67][68] The Swiss government, initially reluctant to respond to allegations that stolen funds were held in Swiss accounts,[69] has returned US$684 million of Marcos’ wealth.[70][71][72]
According to Jovito Salonga, monopolies in several vital industries have been created and placed under the control of Marcos cronies, such as the coconut industries (under Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr. and Juan Ponce Enrile), the tobacco (under Lucio Tan), the banana (under Antonio Floirendo), the sugar industry (under Roberto Benedicto) and manufacturing (under Herminio Disini andRicardo Silverio). The Marcos and Romualdez families became owners, directly or indirectly, of the nation 's largest corporations, such as the Philippine Long Distance Company (PLDC), of which the present name is Philippine Long Distance Telephone (PLDT), the Philippine Airlines (PAL), Meralco (an electric company), Fortune Tobacco, the San Miguel Corporation (Asia 's largest beer and bottling company), numerous newspapers, radio and TV broadcasting companies (such as ABS-CBN), several banks, and real estate properties in New York, California and Hawaii.[73] The Aquino government also accused them of skimming off foreign aid and international assistance.[citation needed]
Many laws written by Marcos are still in force and in effect. Out of thousands of proclamations, decrees and executive orders, only a few were repealed, revoked, modified or amended.[74] Few credit Marcos for promoting Filipino culture and nationalism. His 21 years in power with the help of U.S. massive economic aid and foreign loans enabled Marcos to build more schools, hospitals and infrastructure than any of his predecessors combined.[75]
In the 2004 Global Transparency Report, Marcos appeared in the list of the World 's Most Corrupt Leaders. He was listed second behind the late President of Indonesia, Suharto and he was said to have amassed between $5 billion to $10 billion in his 21 years as president of the Philippines.[76][77]
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[edit]Writings * Today 's Revolution: Democracy (1971) * Notes on the New Society of the Philippines II (1976) * An Ideology for Filipinos (1980) * Marcos ' Notes for the Cancun Summit, 1981 (1981) * Progress and Martial Law (1981) * The New Philippine Republic: A Third World Approach to Democracy (1982) * Toward a New Partnership: The Filipino Ideology (1983) * A Trilogy on the Transformation of Philippine Society (1988)
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[edit]See also * Rolex 12
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[edit]References 1. ^ National Security Archive (U.S.); Philippines. President (1965-1986 : Marcos) (1990). The Philippines: U.S. policy during the Marcos years, 1965-1986. Chadwyck-Healey. pp. 37. 2. ^ Steinberg, David J. (2000). The Philippines: a singular and a plural place. Basic Books. pp. 115–116. ISBN 978-0-8133-3755-5. 3. ^ Celoza, Albert F. (1997). Ferdinand Marcos and the Philippines: the political economy of authoritarianism. Greenwood Publishing. p. 23. ISBN 978-0-275-94137-6. 4. ^ a b Mijares, Primitivo (1976). The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. Union Square.ISBN 0019171. 5. ^ Mariano Marcos vs. Roman A. Cruz Philippines Supreme Court 6. ^ Justice Jose P. Laurel penned the ponencia (in People vs. Mariano Marcos, et al., 70 Phil. 468) which was concurred by Chief Justice Ramón Avanceña and Justices Imperial,Díaz, and Horilleno. 7. ^ See page 32, http://www.utoledo.edu/as/pdfs/100years.pdf 8. ^ McCoy, Alfred W. (1999). Closer than brothers: manhood at the Philippine Military Academy. Yale University Press. pp. 167–170. ISBN 978-0-300-07765-0. 9. ^ a b Ferdinand Edralin Marcos. Philippines Senate 10. ^ Marcos and Fidel V. Ramos are second cousins. 11. ^ Abinales, P.N. (2000). Making Mindanao: Cotabato and Davao in the formation of the Philippine nation-state. Ateneo de Manila University Press. p. 156. ISBN 978-971-550-349-5. 12. ^ Manuel A. Caoili. “The Philippine Congress and the Political Order,” Philippine Journal of Public Administration, Vol.XXX no. 1 (January, 1986), p. 21.[unreliable source?] 13. ^ Manuel Caoili, op. cit[unreliable source?] 14. ^ Lieutenant General Larsen, Stanley Robert (1985)"Chapter III: The Philippines" in Allied Participation in Vietnam, U.S. Department of the Army[unreliable source?] 15. ^ Timberman, David G. (1991). A changeless land: continuity and change in Philippine politics. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 63. 16. ^ Boudreau, Vincent (2004). Resisting dictatorship: repression and protest in Southeast Asia. Cambridge University Press. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-521-83989-1. 17. ^ Hedman, Eva-Lotta E. (2006). In the name of civil society: from free election movements to people power in the Philippines. University of Hawaii Press. p. 70. ISBN 978-0-8248-2921-6. 18. ^ McCoy, Alfred W. (2009). Policing America 's empire: the United States, the Philippines, and the rise of the surveillance state. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 52.ISBN 978-0-299-23414-0. 19. ^ Silliman, G. Sidney & Noble, Lela Garner (1998)."Introduction". Organizing for democracy: NGOs, civil society, and the Philippine State. University of Hawaii Press. p. 16. ISBN 978-0-8248-2043-5. 20. ^ "THE PHILIPPINES: Farewell to Democracy". Time. January 29, 1973. 21. ^ Mendoza Jr, Amado (2009). " 'People Power ' in the Philippines, 1983–1986". In Roberts, Adam & Ash, Timothy Garton. Civil resistance and power politics: the experience of non-violent action from Gandhi to the present. Oxford University Press. p. 181. ISBN 978-0-19-955201-6. 22. ^ Brands, H.W. (1992). Bound to empire: the United States and the Philippines. Oxford University Press. p. 298.ISBN 978-0-19-507104-7. 23. ^ Dolan, Ronald E., ed. (1991). "28. Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law". Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress. 24. ^ a b Mijares, Primitivo (1976). "A Dark Age Begins". The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. Union Square. ISBN 0019171. 25. ^ "In many tongues, pope championed religious freedoms". St. Petersburg Times. Retrieved August 21, 2006. 26. ^ For a detailed treatment of corruption under Marcos, seeChaikin, David & Sharman, Jason Campbell (2009). "The Marcos Kleptocracy". Corruption and money laundering: a symbiotic relationship. Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-61360-7. 27. ^ Moran, Jon (June 1999). "Patterns of Corruption and Development in East Asia". Third World Quarterly 20 (3): 579. 28. ^ http://www.gov.ph/1980/07/28/ferdinand-e-marcos-fifteenth-state-of-the-nation-address-july-28-1980/ 29. ^ Bello, Walden (Winter 1985/1986). "Edging toward the Quagmire: The United States and the Philippine Crisis".World Policy Journal 3 (1): 31. 30. ^ Shalom, Stephen R. (1993). Imperial alibis: rationalizing U.S. intervention after the cold war. South End Press. p. 149. ISBN 978-0-89608-448-3. 31. ^ McCoy, Alfred W. (2009). An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in the Philippines. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-0-299-22984-9. 32. ^ Wurfel, David (1988). Filipino Politics: Development and Decay. Cornell University Press. p. 130. ISBN 978-0-8014-9926-5. 33. ^ The Ministry of Industry and Ministry of Trade were merged by President Ferdinand Marcos in 1981 as the Ministry of Trade and Industry. 34. ^ The Ministry of Public Works, Transportation and Communications and Ministry of Public Highways were merged by President Ferdinand Marcos in 1981 as the Ministry of Public Works and Highways. 35. ^ "Philippines: Together Again". Time. July 13, 1981. 36. ^ Thompson, Mark R. (1995). The anti-Marcos struggle: personalistic rule and democratic transition in the Philippines. Yale University Press. pp. 114–115.ISBN 978-0-300-06243-4. 37. ^ Blitz, Amy (2000). The contested state: American foreign policy and regime change in the Philippines. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 167–168. ISBN 978-0-8476-9934-6. 38. ^ See for example Wintrobe, Ronald (2000). The Political Economy of Dictatorship. Cambridge University Press. pp. 11; 132. ISBN 978-0-521-79449-7. 39. ^ Wurfel, David (1988). Filipino Politics: Development and Decay. Cornell University Press. p. 289. ISBN 978-0-8014-9926-5. 40. ^ Pace, Eric (September 29, 1989). "Autocrat With a Regal Manner, Marcos Ruled for 2 Decades". The New York Times. Retrieved January 24, 2011. 41. ^ Pollard, Vincent Kelly (2004). Globalization, democratization and Asian leadership: power sharing, foreign policy and society in the Philippines and Japan. Ashgate Publishing. p. 50. ISBN 978-0-7546-1539-2. 42. ^ Parnell, Philip C. (2003). "Criminalizing Colonialism: Democracy Meets Law in Manila". In Parnell, Philip C. & Kane, Stephanie C. Crime 's power: anthropologists and the ethnography of crime. Palgrave-Macmillan. p. 214.ISBN 978-1-4039-6179-2. 43. ^ Tate, C. Neal (1999). "Judicial Defense of Human Rights during the Marcos Dictatorship in the Philippines: The Careers of Claudio Teehankee and Cecelia Muñoz Palma". In Gibney, Mark & Frankowski, Stanislaw. Judicial protection of human rights: myth or reality?. Greenwood Publishing. p. 123. ISBN 978-0-275-96011-7. 44. ^ "Ferdinand E. Marcos". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved November 19, 2007. 45. ^ a b Boyce, James K. (1993). The political economy of growth and impoverishment in the Marcos era. Ateneo de Manila University Press. p. 10. ISBN 978-971-550-096-8. 46. ^ See Hutchcroft, Paul David (1998). Booty capitalism: the politics of banking in the Philippines. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-3428-0. 47. ^ Aniceto C. Orbeta Jr., Structural Adjustment and Poverty Alleviation in the Philippines, Philippine Institute for Development Studies, April 1996. 48. ^ http://www.gov.ph/1985/07/22/ferdinand-e-marcos-twentieth-state-of-the-nation-address-july-22-1985/ 49. ^ a b Morada, Noel M. & Collier, Christopher (1998). "The Philippines: State Versus Society?". In Alagappa, Muthiah.Asian security practice: material and ideational influences. Stanford University Press. p. 554. ISBN 978-0-8047-3348-9. 50. ^ Nadeau, Kathleen M. (2002). Liberation theology in the Philippines: faith in a revolution. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 21. ISBN 978-0-275-97198-4. 51. ^ Kang, David C. (2002). Crony capitalism: corruption and development in South Korea and the Philippines. Cambridge University Press. p. 28. ISBN 978-0-521-00408-4. 52. ^ Sidel, John Thayel (1999). Capital, coercion, and crime: bossism in the maPhilippines. Stanford University Press. p. 21. ISBN 978-0-8047-3746-3. 53. ^ Boyce, James K. (2002). The political economy of the environment. Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 43–44.ISBN 978-1-84376-108-2. 54. ^ George de Lama; Dorothy Collin (Feb. 26, 1986). ""Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules"". Chicago Tribune. 55. ^ Halperin, Jonathan J. (1987). The Other Side: How Soviets and Americans Perceive Each Other. Transaction Publishers. p. 63. ISBN 978-0-88738-687-9. 56. ^ "Philippines blast wrecks Marcos bust". BBC News. December 29, 2002. Retrieved November 19, 2007. 57. ^ Brysk, Alison (2005). Human rights and private wrongs: constructing global civil society. Psychology Press. p. 82.ISBN 978-0-415-94477-9. 58. ^ Hrvoje Hranjski (September 12, 2006). "No hero 's resting place as Imelda Marcos finds site for husband 's grave".The Scotsman (UK). Retrieved November 19, 2007. 59. ^ Schirmer, Daniel B. & Shalom, Stephen R. (1987). The Philippines reader: a history of colonialism, neocolonialism, dictatorship, and resistance. South End Press. p. 361.ISBN 978-0-89608-275-5. 60. ^ Stephens, Beth (2008). International human rights litigation in U.S. courts. BRILL. p. 13. ISBN 978-1-57105-353-4. 61. ^ jurist.law.pitt.edu, Supreme Court rules in Marcos assets 62. ^ supremecourt.gov, REPUBLIC OF PHILIPPINES ET AL. v. PIMENTEL, June 12, 2008, No. 06–1204 63. ^ "Court ruling hinders Marcos victims seeking funds".USA Today. June 12, 2008. 64. ^ "Alfred McCoy, Dark Legacy: Human rights under the Marcos regime". Hartford-hwp.com. Retrieved October 20, 2008. 65. ^ Alexander Martin Remollino (September 17, 2006)."Marcos Kin, Allies Still within Corridors of Power".Bulatalat. Retrieved November 19, 2007. 66. ^ Benjie Oliveros (September 17, 2006). "The Specter of Martial Law". Bulatalat. Retrieved November 19, 2007. 67. ^ Ezrow, Natasha M. & Franz, Erica (2011). Dictators and Dictatorships: Understanding Authoritarian Regimes and Their Leaders. Continuum Publishing. p. 135.ISBN 978-1-4411-7396-6. 68. ^ Henry, James S. & Bradley, Bill (2005). "Philippine Money Flies". The Blood Bankers: Tales from the Global Underground Economy. Basic Books. p. 43. ISBN 978-1-56025-715-8. 69. ^ Larmour, Peter & Wolanin, Nick, ed. (2001). Corruption and anti-corruption. Asia-Pacific Press. pp. 99–110.ISBN 978-0-7315-3660-3. 70. ^ "Article Index - INQUIRER.net". Archived from the original on November 12, 2005. 71. ^ "Honolulu Star-Bulletin Editorials". Starbulletin.com. Retrieved October 20, 2008. 72. ^ "Hunt for tyrant 's millions leads to former model 's home – National – www.smh.com.au". Sydney Morning Herald(Australia). July 4, 2004. Retrieved October 20, 2008. 73. ^ "Jovito R. Salonga, Some highlights". Hartford-hwp.com. Retrieved October 20, 2008. 74. ^ Villanueva, Marichu A. (March 10, 2006). "Imee’s ‘20–20’". The Philippine Star. Retrieved January 29, 2010. 75. ^ Lacsamana, Leodivico Cruz (1990). Philippine History and Government (Second ed.). Phoenix Publishing House, Inc.ISBN 971-06-1894-6. p. 189. 76. ^ "World 's Ten Most Corrupt Leaders1". Infoplease.com Source: Transparency International Global Corruption Report 2004.. Retrieved 2009-08-06. 77. ^ "Global Corruption Report". Transparency International. Retrieved 2009-08-06.
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[edit]Further reading * Aquino, Belinda, ed. (1982). Cronies and Enemies: the Current Philippine Scene. Philippine Studies Program, Center for Asian and Pacific Studies, University of Hawaii. * Bonner, Raymond (1987). Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy. Times Books, New York ISBN 978-0-8129-1326-2 * Celoza, Albert F. (1997). Ferdinand Marcos and the Philippines: the political economy of authoritarianism. Greenwood Publishing. ISBN 978-0-275-94137-6. * Salonga, Jovito (2001). Presidential Plunder: The Quest for Marcos Ill-gotten Wealth. Regina Pub. Co., Manila * Seagrave, Sterling (1988): The Marcos Dynasty, Harper Collins * Library of Congress Country Studies: Philippines. The Inheritance from Marcos
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References: 1. ^ National Security Archive (U.S.); Philippines. President (1965-1986 : Marcos) (1990). The Philippines: U.S. policy during the Marcos years, 1965-1986. Chadwyck-Healey. pp. 37. 2. ^ Steinberg, David J. (2000). The Philippines: a singular and a plural place. Basic Books. pp. 115–116. ISBN 978-0-8133-3755-5. 3. ^ Celoza, Albert F. (1997). Ferdinand Marcos and the Philippines: the political economy of authoritarianism. Greenwood Publishing. p. 23. ISBN 978-0-275-94137-6. 4. ^ a b Mijares, Primitivo (1976). The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. Union Square.ISBN 0019171. 11. ^ Abinales, P.N. (2000). Making Mindanao: Cotabato and Davao in the formation of the Philippine nation-state. Ateneo de Manila University Press. p. 156. ISBN 978-971-550-349-5. 12. ^ Manuel A. Caoili. “The Philippine Congress and the Political Order,” Philippine Journal of Public Administration, Vol.XXX no. 1 (January, 1986), p. 21.[unreliable source?] 13 14. ^ Lieutenant General Larsen, Stanley Robert (1985)"Chapter III: The Philippines" in Allied Participation in Vietnam, U.S. Department of the Army[unreliable source?] 15 16. ^ Boudreau, Vincent (2004). Resisting dictatorship: repression and protest in Southeast Asia. Cambridge University Press. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-521-83989-1. 17. ^ Hedman, Eva-Lotta E. (2006). In the name of civil society: from free election movements to people power in the Philippines. University of Hawaii Press. p. 70. ISBN 978-0-8248-2921-6. 18. ^ McCoy, Alfred W. (2009). Policing America 's empire: the United States, the Philippines, and the rise of the surveillance state. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 52.ISBN 978-0-299-23414-0. 19. ^ Silliman, G. Sidney & Noble, Lela Garner (1998)."Introduction". Organizing for democracy: NGOs, civil society, and the Philippine State. University of Hawaii Press. p. 16. ISBN 978-0-8248-2043-5. 20. ^ "THE PHILIPPINES: Farewell to Democracy". Time. January 29, 1973. 22. ^ Brands, H.W. (1992). Bound to empire: the United States and the Philippines. Oxford University Press. p. 298.ISBN 978-0-19-507104-7. 23. ^ Dolan, Ronald E., ed. (1991). "28. Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law". Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress. 24. ^ a b Mijares, Primitivo (1976). "A Dark Age Begins". The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. Union Square. ISBN 0019171. 25. ^ "In many tongues, pope championed religious freedoms". St. Petersburg Times. Retrieved August 21, 2006. 26. ^ For a detailed treatment of corruption under Marcos, seeChaikin, David & Sharman, Jason Campbell (2009). "The Marcos Kleptocracy". Corruption and money laundering: a symbiotic relationship. Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-61360-7. 27. ^ Moran, Jon (June 1999). "Patterns of Corruption and Development in East Asia". Third World Quarterly 20 (3): 579. 30. ^ Shalom, Stephen R. (1993). Imperial alibis: rationalizing U.S. intervention after the cold war. South End Press. p. 149. ISBN 978-0-89608-448-3. 31. ^ McCoy, Alfred W. (2009). An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in the Philippines. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-0-299-22984-9. 32. ^ Wurfel, David (1988). Filipino Politics: Development and Decay. Cornell University Press. p. 130. ISBN 978-0-8014-9926-5. 35. ^ "Philippines: Together Again". Time. July 13, 1981. 36. ^ Thompson, Mark R. (1995). The anti-Marcos struggle: personalistic rule and democratic transition in the Philippines. Yale University Press. pp. 114–115.ISBN 978-0-300-06243-4. 37. ^ Blitz, Amy (2000). The contested state: American foreign policy and regime change in the Philippines. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 167–168. ISBN 978-0-8476-9934-6. 38. ^ See for example Wintrobe, Ronald (2000). The Political Economy of Dictatorship. Cambridge University Press. pp. 11; 132. ISBN 978-0-521-79449-7. 39. ^ Wurfel, David (1988). Filipino Politics: Development and Decay. Cornell University Press. p. 289. ISBN 978-0-8014-9926-5. 40. ^ Pace, Eric (September 29, 1989). "Autocrat With a Regal Manner, Marcos Ruled for 2 Decades". The New York Times. Retrieved January 24, 2011. 41. ^ Pollard, Vincent Kelly (2004). Globalization, democratization and Asian leadership: power sharing, foreign policy and society in the Philippines and Japan. Ashgate Publishing. p. 50. ISBN 978-0-7546-1539-2. 42. ^ Parnell, Philip C. (2003). "Criminalizing Colonialism: Democracy Meets Law in Manila". In Parnell, Philip C. & Kane, Stephanie C. Crime 's power: anthropologists and the ethnography of crime. Palgrave-Macmillan. p. 214.ISBN 978-1-4039-6179-2. 44. ^ "Ferdinand E. Marcos". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved November 19, 2007. 45. ^ a b Boyce, James K. (1993). The political economy of growth and impoverishment in the Marcos era. Ateneo de Manila University Press. p. 10. ISBN 978-971-550-096-8. 46. ^ See Hutchcroft, Paul David (1998). Booty capitalism: the politics of banking in the Philippines. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-3428-0. 50. ^ Nadeau, Kathleen M. (2002). Liberation theology in the Philippines: faith in a revolution. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 21. ISBN 978-0-275-97198-4. 51. ^ Kang, David C. (2002). Crony capitalism: corruption and development in South Korea and the Philippines. Cambridge University Press. p. 28. ISBN 978-0-521-00408-4. 52. ^ Sidel, John Thayel (1999). Capital, coercion, and crime: bossism in the maPhilippines. Stanford University Press. p. 21. ISBN 978-0-8047-3746-3. 53. ^ Boyce, James K. (2002). The political economy of the environment. Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 43–44.ISBN 978-1-84376-108-2. 54. ^ George de Lama; Dorothy Collin (Feb. 26, 1986). ""Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules"". Chicago Tribune. 55. ^ Halperin, Jonathan J. (1987). The Other Side: How Soviets and Americans Perceive Each Other. Transaction Publishers. p. 63. ISBN 978-0-88738-687-9. 56. ^ "Philippines blast wrecks Marcos bust". BBC News. December 29, 2002. Retrieved November 19, 2007. 57. ^ Brysk, Alison (2005). Human rights and private wrongs: constructing global civil society. Psychology Press. p. 82.ISBN 978-0-415-94477-9. 58. ^ Hrvoje Hranjski (September 12, 2006). "No hero 's resting place as Imelda Marcos finds site for husband 's grave".The Scotsman (UK). Retrieved November 19, 2007. 59. ^ Schirmer, Daniel B. & Shalom, Stephen R. (1987). The Philippines reader: a history of colonialism, neocolonialism, dictatorship, and resistance. South End Press. p. 361.ISBN 978-0-89608-275-5. 60. ^ Stephens, Beth (2008). International human rights litigation in U.S. courts. BRILL. p. 13. ISBN 978-1-57105-353-4. 63. ^ "Court ruling hinders Marcos victims seeking funds".USA Today. June 12, 2008. 64. ^ "Alfred McCoy, Dark Legacy: Human rights under the Marcos regime". Hartford-hwp.com. Retrieved October 20, 2008. 65. ^ Alexander Martin Remollino (September 17, 2006)."Marcos Kin, Allies Still within Corridors of Power".Bulatalat. Retrieved November 19, 2007. 66. ^ Benjie Oliveros (September 17, 2006). "The Specter of Martial Law". Bulatalat. Retrieved November 19, 2007. 67. ^ Ezrow, Natasha M. & Franz, Erica (2011). Dictators and Dictatorships: Understanding Authoritarian Regimes and Their Leaders. Continuum Publishing. p. 135.ISBN 978-1-4411-7396-6. 68. ^ Henry, James S. & Bradley, Bill (2005). "Philippine Money Flies". The Blood Bankers: Tales from the Global Underground Economy. Basic Books. p. 43. ISBN 978-1-56025-715-8. 69. ^ Larmour, Peter & Wolanin, Nick, ed. (2001). Corruption and anti-corruption. Asia-Pacific Press. pp. 99–110.ISBN 978-0-7315-3660-3. 70. ^ "Article Index - INQUIRER.net". Archived from the original on November 12, 2005. 71. ^ "Honolulu Star-Bulletin Editorials". Starbulletin.com. Retrieved October 20, 2008. 72. ^ "Hunt for tyrant 's millions leads to former model 's home – National – www.smh.com.au". Sydney Morning Herald(Australia). July 4, 2004. Retrieved October 20, 2008. 73. ^ "Jovito R. Salonga, Some highlights". Hartford-hwp.com. Retrieved October 20, 2008. 74. ^ Villanueva, Marichu A. (March 10, 2006). "Imee’s ‘20–20’". The Philippine Star. Retrieved January 29, 2010. 75. ^ Lacsamana, Leodivico Cruz (1990). Philippine History and Government (Second ed.). Phoenix Publishing House, Inc.ISBN 971-06-1894-6. p. 189. * Aquino, Belinda, ed. (1982). Cronies and Enemies: the Current Philippine Scene. Philippine Studies Program, Center for Asian and Pacific Studies, University of Hawaii. * Bonner, Raymond (1987). Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy. Times Books, New York ISBN 978-0-8129-1326-2 * Celoza, Albert F * Salonga, Jovito (2001). Presidential Plunder: The Quest for Marcos Ill-gotten Wealth. Regina Pub. Co., Manila * Seagrave, Sterling (1988): The Marcos Dynasty, Harper Collins