Folktale

Sydney Carls-Diamante: Understanding the Filipino through Meta-Mythology

53

Understanding The Filipino Through Meta-Mythology
Sidney Carls-Diamante
MA Philosophy
De La Salle University

Introduction

T

he treatment of the supernatural is terrain that leaves much exploration in philosophy. Yet, a society’s concept of supernatural beings constitutes the earliest stage of its method of knowledge acquisition: Before science was organized to answer the questions of the world, tales involving otherworldly entities provided our ancestors with detailed explanations for why certain things existed and why the processes of nature took place the way they did. One may even go so far as to posit the supernatural world as early science, because its constituents were systematically used to determine causes in the world. But unlike science, the concepts laid out by the panorama of the supernatural provide a clearer reflection of the worldview of its people of origin. While both science and mythology arise from the need to answer the questions of what, how, and why, their methods of arriving at the answers are radically different. Science bases its claims on the results of processes designed to eliminate or minimize subjectivity, while mythology incorporates the cultural components of the people of origin. While science aims at uniformity in understanding phenomena, mythology is too tightly enmeshed in culture that no two mythological systems can be identical. Thus, the supernatural can be used as a text in the hermeneutics of a people.
The cultural approach is one of the three perspectives taken in the study of Filipino philosophy (the other two being the traditional and national approaches). It seeks to cull points of points of identification of the Filipino people from different expressions of culture: the arts, literature and folklore, language, religion, and even food. One might say this method lifts off character traits of the Filipino from unsuspecting elements of nationality.
Yet, one may also vouch for the effectiveness of this approach by arguing that observing what someone does spontaneously is an excellent way to get to know his character. The storytellers behind the myths did not think of what others would read between the lines of their tales. With no other means of arriving at answers to their cosmological questions, early societies

54

DALUMAT

constructed their worldview around their mythology while the latter served as a concretization, even a record, of the former. One may argue, and with good reason, that this is a circular process, but it is nonetheless a dynamic one, with worldview and mythology both feeding on and drawing from each other. Though mysticism would eventually be dispelled as empirical verification became increasingly possible, the worldview that had developed along with mythology had already embedded itself into the people and their culture. Though the number of Philippine supernatural beings is incalculable, there are common themes pervading Philippine mythological consciousness.
This paper aims through meta-mythological examination of the most commonly occurring themes in the folklore of the Philippines to derive an understanding of the Filipino from a philosophical perspective. Asserting the uniqueness of the Filipino is not the principal aim of this paper, though such may take place as corollaries of the discussion. The conclusion may arise that this paper makes absolute and inflexible declarations about the
Filipino psyche; this is not the case, for any hermeneutics seeks not to pronounce categorical judgments but to attain understanding of its object of study. This paper is inductive in nature, and being so does not focus on exceptions but on generally observed trends. Throughout this paper the
Filipino people will be referred to as “the Filipino” rather than “Filipinos,” as the latter gives the impression of being an impenetrable universal.
The Philippines is a composite of hundreds of linguistic groups (the term preferred by the late ethnomusicologist Dr. Jose Maceda) each with its own distinct culture, language, and mythological system. While many elements in the folklore of different linguistic groups from the same region overlap, there is still variation in each group’s treatment of mythological concepts. Different regions may thus contain different leanings in their folklore. For instance, one who enters the spirit world in lowland mythology may be unable to leave, but his Cordillera counterpart who travels to the other world may return unharmed. But either way, venturing into the other world in not something one must ordinarily do. Due to this diversity of cultures, the mythology of the Philippines is not as unified as that of its
European counterparts. The cultural diversity of the Philippines proves problematic to unifying Philippine mythology, which, thankfully, is not the concern of this paper. Yet it is possible to come up with anthologies of
Philippine literature, and Philippine cookbooks, albeit divided into regional categories. Furthermore, the presence of the Philippine constitution and the term “Filipino” when referring to nationality or citizenship prove that there is indeed something that can be called Philippine. Thus, there is no reason to deny mythology the national umbrella.

Sydney Carls-Diamante: Understanding the Filipino through Meta-Mythology

55

Because this paper deals with general themes found in Philippine mythology and not specific myths and entities, I have decided not to include in-depth discussions of these. The handful of myths found here have been recounted solely for illustration, while the supernatural beings mentioned do not need to be described. Translations or approximations of the names of these entities will suffice. References to Western myths are also made in this paper, to elucidate similarities and differences between the Westerner and the Filipino.
The word “spirit” (as in spirit world and spirit beings) is used loosely in this paper. It is used for the sake of convenience, to refer to supernatural beings and their realm. Spirit is a poorly translated approximation of
Philippine nomenclature for the supernatural, for many of our “spirit beings” are also in part material, or at least can be perceived by the senses. A linguistic problem, thus, is present. The Visayan term for supernatural beings, “dili ingon nato” or “those not like us” tersely captures the dissimilarity between them and humans. On the other hand, the English term “spirit” implies a dichotomy that cannot be bridged. If the term were used in a strict sense, any interaction whatsoever between the supernatural and mortal worlds would be impossible to speak of. Western philosophy does not lack in its emphasis of such a dichotomy, as exemplified by ancient Greek and Cartesian dualisms. Integrated Worldview
In the Cordillera tale of the star wife (Eugenio 113-114), a hunter discovers beautiful winged women who took off their wings to bathe in the lake. Realizing they were stars, he stole one pair of wings and waited to see which of the maidens it belonged. After their bath, the star maidens donned their wings and returned to the sky, leaving behind their companion whose wings had been stolen. The hunter then took that star maiden to be his wife. They had a child together and lived happily, until the star wife stumbled upon her wings. She put her wings on and returned to the sky without her husband’s knowing it. In the Bontoc version of the tale, the star wife would return every night to her husband’s home to nurse her child until he was old enough to be weaned. In the Igorot version, the star wife took their son with him. The husband’s despair at losing his wife and son was heard by the god
Lumawig, who instructed him to climb the rope that would be let down from the sky that he would be reunited with his wife. Wisely, Lumawig provided them with a road—the rainbow—so they would be able to visit the earth any time they pleased.
The Filipino, unlike the Westerner, does not dichotomize the world.
Rather, the Filipino has an integrated worldview. In his view, space is nonhomogenous (Mercado 126): Thus, unlike his occidental counterpart, he is able to conceptualize a world in which spirit beings and humans can co-

56

DALUMAT

exist. Many peoples in the Philippines believe spirit beings live with us, but we just cannot see them (Nono). For the Filipino, seeking harmony between the two worlds is a matter of course. In the view of the westerner, the nature of space is such that it can accommodate entities only of one particular substance. On one hand are the idealists whose claim is summarized by G.
E. Moore as “the universe is spiritual,” and on the other are the materialists who view matter and motion as the sole substances of the world. The difficulty in addressing the concept of spiritual beings mingling with material entities is a common problem encountered by Western metaphysics. For the west, the existence of God and spiritual beings must be proven, but for the Filipino the existence of these entities is a fact (Mercado 167). The
Western universe has a tendency towards exclusivity, but the Filipino universe is a melting pot of substances.
Humans can enter the spirit world, sometimes unwittingly, sometimes by coercion, or sometimes even deliberately. Both Philippine and
Western mythology warn us against taking food or drink from spirit beings, lest we be taken into their world forever or at least lose track of the passage of time. In Philippine mythology, the prohibition on eating anything offered by a supernatural being is a humanistic issue: A human cannot be happy in the spirit world for long, just as a spirit being in the human world will long to return to her or his own realm. Though a supernatural being’s return to the otherworld is normally possible, a Filipino tricked by an engkanto (fairy folk) into entering the spirit world is usually lost forever. The ancient Greek may be unwilling to reciprocate a deity’s love may do so for personal reasons or out of fear of another deity’s jealousy, but the Filipino’s unwillingness to enter any kind of relationship with an engkanto stems from the notion of eternity. Cyclical View of Time
The absence of the desire for immortality in Philippine mythology is striking. Ambrosia, the eternal youth of the classical deities, selling one’s soul to the devil, and vampirism are some examples that reveal the Western world’s desire to transcend old age and death. Mercado writes that “for the
Westerner time wasted is gone forever. But for the Filipino there is always tomorrow” (Mercado 112). The contrast between western sayings
“Opportunity knocks but once” and “Time is gold” and the Filipino adages
“Paglipas ng dilim may araw pang darating” (Mercado 113) and “Cry tonight and you’ll be happy tomorrow” (Sta. Romana-Cruz 63a) is stark. Mercado points out that the westerner’s preoccupation with the past is evidenced by their predilection for histories, biographies, and even diaries.
Unlike the Western mind which views time as linear, the Filipino’s concept of time is cyclical (Mercado 111-112). Because the Filipino tends to think cyclically, he believes that all things have a beginning and an end. Thus,

Sydney Carls-Diamante: Understanding the Filipino through Meta-Mythology

57

the notion that something will go on eternally is daunting to him. Though the stories vary when it comes to the reason for the eternity of a relationship with an engkanto, they generally agree that such a relationship forfeits any hope of liberation. Though it is possible to avoid being ensnared by an engkanto (e.g. by turning one’s clothes inside out), tales wherein a human is actually able to escape the clutches of the engkanto are extremely rare.
Because the Filipino sees time as cyclical, he is aware of change.
Though he may not always welcome drastic change especially regarding institutions, change in both personal and external circumstances come as no surprise to him. The Filipino might not like change, but he is nonetheless capable of adapting to it. In fact, the Filipino is said to have a remarkable ability to cope, because his awareness that no situation is permanent allows him to be optimistic even when faced with great adversity. Yet, the Filipino is prone to sinking into a comfort zone, often resisting change when he feels that the current situation is working for him. What terrifies the Filipino is not the prospect of living with an engkanto—some say that an engkanto lover or friend will do anything to make his or her human companion happy— but the notion that there is no possibility of leaving when one grows dissatisfied with the relationship. For the Filipino, being in an unpleasant situation is not as horrifying as the realization that there is no possibility for the situation to change.
Being Taken by Appearances
The engkantos are often described as beautiful human-like creatures that do not age. They have the capacity to change their shape, sometimes taking on animal or plant forms. Some of them are benevolent and others evil. The engkantos are usually sly, using trickery to lure unsuspecting humans into their lair. Often, they do this because they are attracted to the physical appearance of the person; other times, they simply wish to make mischief.
The Filipino has often been described as having an “uncritical mind”
(Mercado 81). He is easily taken by appearances. The stern admonitions against being taken by the beauty of an engkanto or a diwata (nymph or goddess) reflect this tendency of the Filipino. It is a tendency of humans in general to associate goodness with beauty and evil with ugliness. The deities of Olympus, with their perfect physical form, were the “fulfillment of the
[Greeks’] search for beauty” (Hamilton 16). The Filipino often assumes that creatures that are not pleasant to behold must be treated with caution. Thus, he does not need much reminding to stay away from the kapre (cigar-smoking ogre) or tikbalang (creature whose upper body is that of a horse and lower body that of a man) or old woman who looks as though she is a mangkukulam
(crone or witch). The engkantos pose more problems for the Filipino, for they are beautiful creatures.

58

DALUMAT

In both western and Filipino folklore, a beautiful maiden often has many suitors. However, the similarity stops here. In the West, the girl’s character traits are often enumerated either to complement or provide irony to her beauty, reflecting the dualistic tendencies of Western thought. In
Filipino tales, when a maiden is said to be beautiful it is assumed that she is also righteous. Only when the opposite is the case is a description of her character necessitated. One such instance is the legend of Mt. Malindig.
Maria Malindig, the beautiful but wicked queen of Marinduque, was punished for her insolence with the destruction of her palace and its replacement with a mountain. (Paterno 44-49).
Though the handsome or beautiful villain often occurs in both
Western and Philippine folklore, these two vary in their treatment of such a character. In Philippine folklore, the protagonist is often good looking and the villain is usually ugly, reflecting the Filipino’s reluctance (or inability) to dichotomize. Just as the Filipino’s view of the world is holistic, so is his view of human beings. A person may be physically healthy, but if he is of bad character (masamang budhi) he is not healthy at all (Mercado 70). The westerner’s handsome villain reflects the dualism of his thought: the material,
i.e. the body, can be regarded independently of the spiritual, i.e. the personality. For the Filipino, there is no such dualism, for one cannot exist completely independent of the other. To the Westerner “what’s inside that counts” may make sense, but for the Filipino a consciousness apart from a body is inconceivable.
The treatment of the engkanto reveals the Filipino’s tendency to be taken by appearances while issuing admonitions against making judgments based on superficial criteria. That the engkanto receive such dual treatment displays the Filipino’s awareness of his shortcomings in this particular area.
While the Filipino may not be conscious that in his view the world is nonhomogenous or that he perceives cycles when referring to time, he knows that hasty, ill-founded conclusions are not advisable.
Consciousness of Status
Being forbidden to reciprocate an engkanto’s love also reflects the
Filipino’s fear of overstepping class boundaries. The Filipino was once characterized by his strong sense of community, which seems to have weakened with the rise of urbanization, but continues to be perceptible in the pre-industrial communities at present. Mercado writes that while the westerner puts a premium on private property and personal space, the
Filipino is concerned with his neighbor (Mercado 146). For the Westerner it is proper to mind one’s own business and not intrude into others’ affairs, but the rural Filipino who leaves a neighbor to his own concerns is considered indifferent and unsociable. In fact, a Filipino who displays such coldness might even come under suspicion that he or she is an aswang or ghoul (Tan).

Sydney Carls-Diamante: Understanding the Filipino through Meta-Mythology

59

While the boundaries of property and personal life are not as marked for the Filipino as they are for the Westerner, the Filipino is very much aware that there is an appropriate code of behavior for every station in life. Mercado writes that “Filipinos stress duties in their non-egalitarian or hierarchic society” (Mercado 149). Though the Filipino has no caste system, he is highly conscious of his social status. While the Filipino may not worry about trespassing onto a neighbor’s property or interfering in someone else’s personal life, he is very strict about toeing the lines of class boundaries.
Servants may use po and opo, terms usually reserved for older people, when addressing masters younger than they lest they appear rude. In situations where members of different classes mingle, those from the lower classes tend to defer to their richer companions even though they do not know one another. Even something as simple as entering through the front door of the home of someone belonging to a higher social class as one is an exercise in discretion. The Filipino may be at the least reluctant and at the most forbidden to use the front door of a person richer than he. In gatherings, the
Filipino often gravitates towards others whom he believes belong to the same class as he, and will feel ill at ease (naiilang) when mixing with people whom he perceives to be wealthier or poorer than he. Such behavior is supported by the tendency of the Filipino to be uncritical and to make judgments based on appearances.
Desire for Harmony and Pakikisama
The consciousness of social status of the Filipino is an implication of his concept of non-homogenous space. Different entities can co-exist and can do so harmoniously, provided they maintain their proper places in the world at all times. The Filipino believes that upsetting the natural order of things results in disaster. Because the Filipino is neither purely materialistic nor purely idealistic, philosophically speaking, it is not too difficult for him to believe in the unperceived. Thus, for him it is conceivable that an element beyond the reaches of his senses influences the turn of events. To lessen the abstraction and to aid understanding, the Filipino often attributes these external forces to the doings of the spirits. Because conceived deities are colored with the character traits of their creators, the Filipino is conscious that these spirits can also be offended, not unlike humans. This paradigm, coupled with the belief that the spirits, being higher in the cosmological hierarchy than human beings, are powerful entities, motivates him to remain on their good side. He fears that if the spirits are displeased, they will not hesitate to make the offended suffer.
Still conforming to his non-dichotomous worldview, the Filipino tends not to separate consciousness from material dimensions. The Filipino regards disrespect for property and material extensions of being as a sign of disrespect towards the person. This explains why the Filipino is often slighted

60

DALUMAT

when one criticizes his attire, actions, and even handwriting. In the earlier stages of society, property would have been regarded as the primary concrete representative of a person. Property was hard evidence of wealth and success, and determined a person’s importance in the community. The Filipino regards property as “of me” rather than “belonging to me.” Though the spirits did not acquire property nor did they need to, they definitely had dwelling places.
Haunted man-made structures are a later foreign influence on Philippine mythology; native lore places nature as the habitations of the spirits. Maria
Makiling (the goddess of Mt. Makiling) does not show herself to humans any longer because she is angered at the way her mountain is being abused.
The balete tree (Ficus) must never be harmed because doing so will infuriate the spirits dwelling in it. Because the ordinary Filipino does not have direct or regular contact with the spirits, the best way for him to express his respect for them is to treat their dwelling places, i.e. nature with utmost reverence.
The Filipino’s belief in behavioral causation is reflected in sayings such as “kung ano yung tinanim yun din ang aanihin” and “ang nagtanim ng hangin, bagyo ang aanihin.” In Western philosophy, freedom is a much debated philosophical problem, with determinists in one camp and rooters for absolute freedom in the other and countless positions in between. But for the Filipino, every action has an effect or a consequence, thus it is always best to be on the safe side. While respect for nature is the best way to ensure peace with the spirit world, pakikisama (sense of community) is how the
Filipino achieves and maintains harmony with his living human neighbors.
The westerner’s tendency towards individualism has roots in
Descartes’ cogito; I can be sure only of my own existence, thus I must prioritize it. Thus, a large part of Western philosophy has the “I” as the departure point of discussion. On the other hand, the Filipino is strongly oriented towards community and family, and therefore puts a premium on relationships. Out of the Filipino’s concern for others arises the concern about what others will think of him. He would rather suppress his true feelings for the sake of civility rather than ruffle a few feathers by telling the truth. In fact, the Filipino often resorts to “courteous insincerity” (Mercado 98) when he feels that the truth is quite unpleasant. Many times, the Filipino thinks it better to compromise his stand on matters rather than risk offending somebody. When the Filipino does decide to make a stand, he usually makes sure the majority is of the same mind as he.
Mercado points out something interesting: The Filipino’s morality is structured upon a strong sense of retribution rather than a conscience orientation (Mercado 187). An alarming corollary of this is that the Filipino’s discipline and behavior is extrinsically motivated. There is thus a tendency towards relativism, which is seen in the willingness to compromise principles for the sake of preserving relationships. While this is by no means an absolute,

Sydney Carls-Diamante: Understanding the Filipino through Meta-Mythology

61

categorical statement, it must nonetheless be regarded as a warning and a call to reexamine our character formation.
The Filipino is not accustomed of thinking of himself as an island, so to speak. When he achieves success, it is not proper for him to enjoy the fruits of his labor by himself or with his immediate family only: there is his extended family to think of. Nepotism is a common practice in the Philippines, because of the strong emphasis on the family, while the padrino system
(patronage) seeks to make the most out of—even taking advantage of friendships. Thus, the Filipino is not used to thinking of himself as being alone, and has developed a dislike for it. This trait extends into mythical thought in the form of co-existing with an invisible world (Mercado 96). Many
Philippine superstitions tell us that there are spirits constantly lurking around waiting to inflict harm on or snatch away mortals, and many myths caution us that though there is no one present, the spirits know what we are doing.
On a more mundane level, the Filipino normally prefers to be with a companion, even in situations where there is a need for privacy (Mercado
96). In the same passage, Mercado writes that Filipinos undergoing counseling or therapy sessions often have a chaperone with them.
Pakikisama is treacherous ground. On one hand, it allows the
Filipino to build a strong community that is based on helping one another.
Yet ironically,On the other hand because the Filipino is socialized to prioritize the needs of others before his own, this sense of community may be perverted into the crab mentality Filipinos are infamous for. A Filipino who takes steps to improve his standing is seen as selfish or opportunistic, and risks the disapproval of his peers. For the Filipino, it is either we prosper or succeed all together or not at all.
Retribution
The Tinggians have a story of a great flood. Humitau, a sea goddess and guardian of the sea-king Tau-mariu, was abducted by the hero
Aponitolau. Angered at having lost his favorite handmaid, Tau-mariu sent a flood to drown Aponitolau. However, upon the advice of his mother the goddess of wind and rain, Aponitolau fled to the Cordilleras with Humitau.
Humitau, tricked by Aponitolau into eating mountain food, lost the capacity to dwell in the sea. Not wanting her to drown, Tau-mariu ordered the flood to recede, but as punishment for Aponitolau’s crime he swore to sink ships and drown those on board. (Jocano 5-7).
A common theme pervading Filipino mythology is the fear of offending the spirits. If we remain in the domain of mythology, the reason for being careful not to offend the spirits is simply because they exact harsh punishment. But looking behind the mythical shroud, we find that the
Filipino’s fear of offending the spirits is actually the fear of damaging

62

DALUMAT

relationships. Many origin myths in the Philippines and in the West alike tell of humans being punished by the spirits or the gods. The legend of the spider tells of Minerva punishing the weaver Arachne for her arrogance. The handsome Narcissus, for spurning the love of countless nymphs, was caused to be unable to take his eyes of his reflection in the water and then turned into a flower. Dryope picked a flower from a lotus tree, not knowing it was actually a nymph in disguise. Though truly remorseful, she was herself turned into a tree. (Hamilton 292). These punishment-themed myths act as parables that teach one which behavior is proper and which is not. They reflect the values important to the ancient Greeks, such as temperance and respect for nature. However, their Philippine counterparts are more cautionary than didactic. The Greek deities often exact punishment on those with whom they have taken offense. At times, when deeply insulted, they curse the descendants of the offending party as well. In other cases, such as that of the Minotaur, human sacrifices are demanded, but not on too a massive scale. (Furthermore, the Minotaur was not a deity.) Rarely do members of the Greek pantheon involve as many innocent people in their fury as their
Philippine counterparts do.
The vengefulness of Philippine spirits reveals the Filipino’s tendency to be uncritical. The Greek values reason, and knows that he must not be unjust in his anger; their goddess Nemesis who stands for righteous indignation personifies these traits. He knows that it is irrational to make people who have done him no wrong suffer the consequences of another’s actions. Legendary condemnations in Hades, such as that of Sisyphus,
Tantalus, and the Danaids, reflect his view that punishment must correspond to the misdeed in order to be just. The Filipino, on the other hand, takes insults very seriously. Though he may forgive the offender, he will never forget the offense (Mercado 65). The Filipino must be appeased, and often is unreasonable in his demand for consolation. The Filipino, unlike his western counterpart, is unable to compartmentalize another’s action, in accordance with his holistic view of the world and therefore of man. A person cannot be regarded as separate from his actions; thus, instead of being angry with something the other has done, he will be angry with that person.
Conclusion
Cosmology plays a major role in the structuring of other metaphysical concepts, which in turn lead to the formation of other philosophical issues.
The non-homogenous worldview is the genesis of all the other characteristics of the Filipino tackled in this paper. The notions a people have of the substance the universe is composed of determine what can be allowed to exist in the universe. When the components are determined, they must be organized; the next step therefore is to establish the relationships things in the world have with each other. Yet establishing connections alone is not

Sydney Carls-Diamante: Understanding the Filipino through Meta-Mythology

63

enough: everything is interrelated, but how they are interrelated must be explained. The Filipino deals with these questions by forming concepts of hierarchies and cycles. Hierarchies are organized to provide order, to put things in place. The hierarchy is especially vital to the Filipino, who does not put limits on what can exist and thus must maximize his space. However, the hierarchy is not confined to cosmology: it seeps out of metaphysics to permeate all other aspects of the Filipino’s life philosophies. One must not see the hierarchy as necessarily discriminatory and oppressive, for it is one of the tools the Filipino uses to make sense of things. When the order of things is disrupted, chaos ensues. Since there are so many things in the world, they must be put in their proper places and perform their respective functions for harmony to be maintained. When something falls out of order, and since everything is interrelated, many other things are affected. Because a minor glitch occurring in a single component can cause extensive damage to the entire system, everything must be done to restore order. Thus is the Filipino’s preoccupation with staying within one’s boundaries and deference to nature.
While the hierarchy deals with the ordering of things in the universe, the cycle accounts for occurrences in the world. People belonging to mythological ages rely on induction in many aspects of life. The early Filipino would have observed that certain events take place during particular times of the year. From observation he would recognize a pattern, which would be elevated to a cycle after being proven to be without fail. Societies in preindustrial stages depend for their survival on what nature gives them, since their technology is not yet advanced enough to provide sustenance for them all year round. Thus, the early Filipino was subordinate to nature in that he structured his livelihood and activities around the cycles he observed.
This paper is not meant to assert the Filipino as different from his neighbors in the global community. In fact, many of the traits discussed here are shared by other nationalities. Likewise, the comparisons between the
Filipino and the Westerner were not made to paint a picture of one as the opposite of the other, but to illustrate how dissimilarities in national character can eventually arise from a people’s cosmology. To propose that differences in national character, if there is truly such an organized body, are born from something other than a people’s philosophical orientation and all its implications is to delve into esotericism. The psyche of a nation consists of the outcomes of subscribing to a particular worldview, or the effects of philosophy on the different aspects of life.
In using a people’s mythology and folklore to derive and understanding of their behavior, one must pay attention not only to supernatural entities but also to the recurring themes in the myths. The appearances of these entities reveal the creativity of the people, but their behavior provides countless insights on the character of their people of origin.

64

DALUMAT

Mythology speaks volumes of sincere philosophy, and supernatural beings divulge ideals and fears that cannot be expressed elsewhere.

REFERENCES
Copleston, Frederick. A History of Philosophy: Greece And Rome. London:
Continuum, 2003.
Eugenio, Damiana, ed. Philippine Folk Literature, Vol. IV: The Folktales.
Quezon City: The University of the Philippines Press, 2001.
“Filipino Proverbs.” Wikiquote. 27 Apr. 2009. Wikiquote. 26 Mar. 2009. .
Hamilton, Edith. Mythology. New York: New American Library, 1969.
Jocano, F. Landa. “Humitao.” Early Philippine Literature. Ed. Asuncion
David-Maramba. Manila: National Book Store, Inc, 1971. 5-7.
“List of mythical creatures.” Mythical Creatures and Beasts. 17 Mar. 2009.
Wetpaint. 20 Mar. 2009. .
Lumbera, Bienvenido. F ilipinos Writing: Philippine Literature from the
Regions. Pasig: Anvil Publishing, Inc, 2001.
Mercado, Leonardo. Elements of F ilipino Philosophy. Tacloban: Divine
Word University Publications, 1974.
Nono, Grace. “Interfacing Oral Traditions with Environmental Advocacy.”
2nd DLSU Arts Congress. De La Salle University Manila. 12 Feb.
2009.
Paterno, Maria Elena. The Girl Who Fell From the Sky and Other Classic
Philippine Legends. Manila: Tahanan Books, 2003.
“Philippine Mythical Creatures.” Wikipedia. 26 May 2009. Wikipedia. 20
Mar. 2009. .
Porteous, Alexander. The Lore of the Forest. London: Senate, 1996.

Sydney Carls-Diamante: Understanding the Filipino through Meta-Mythology

65

Sta. Romana-Cruz, Neni. Don’t Take a Bath on a Friday. Manila: Tahanan
Books, 1996.
Sta. Romana-Cruz, Neni.. You Know You’re F ilipino If…. Manila: Tahanan
Books, 1997.
“Supernatural Beings.” The Nature and Mystics of Superstitions.
ThinkQuest. 20 Mar. 2009. .
Tan, Michael. “Aswang, Aswang!” Sunday Inquirer Magazine. (26 Oct.
2008). 28 May 2009. .