Gang Membership in the US Anyone who has studied gangs over a period of time will admit that the more one studies them, the more complex they are. At best, we can come to understand a bit about certain features of gangs at given points of time. Gangs are dynamic, flexible and ever-changing. This paper will analyze gang membership, who becomes a gang member and what are some of the reasons behind gang memberships in the US. It is undecided exactly where gangs surfaced in the US, but researchers have tracked them back to the time of the American Revolution. Originally, gangs centered themselves exclusively in larger cities such as New York, Philadelphia and Chicago. These groups were usually characterized as being associated with the migration and immigration into the country at the time. Most of the youth gang members consisted of three main groups: the Irish, Jewish and Italian people of origin. Many of these individuals flocked to the cities in the United States where they could find consistent work. “In the late 1800s, 1920s, 1960s, and during the 1990s the US experienced significant influxes of people into the country that led to the evolution of the more modern day gangs, with increased level of violence.“ (Rizzo, et al. 2003) Rizzo (2003) pints out that gangs are usually structures build by adolescents who have had stressful family and community based experiences. Gangs are defined as “self-formed groups, united by mutual interests that control a particular territory (empire- as they are called), facility or enterprise; uses symbols in communications and is collectively involved in a crime.” (Hamilton, et al. 2002). There are many different levels (measures of involvement) and characteristics in the overall gang structure; hardcore, associated, fringe, want-to-be, and could-be members are all levels of membership in the gang world. According to Rizzo (2003), the wearing of certain gang colors, the flashing of gang signs and hanging out with the “crew” are also a part of everyday gang culture. “Studies have shown that the age of active gang members ranges between 12 to 24 years old, in addition, the number of male members dominates over female members.” (Vigil, et al. 2003). The level of gang membership has grown by alarming numbers. ” In some areas of the United States, such as in St. Louis, associating with a gang is simply a rite of passage into adulthood.” (Clarke, et al. 2003). Some of the appealing aspects of gang membership are: a sense of belonging, a form of protection, respect and purpose within their own sub-cultures and bonding rituals within their street community. Recent national law enforcement studies have broken down percentages of who has entered into the gang community. Although nationality has not been a proven variable of deciding who enters into gangs, it gives researchers an idea of their makeup. A general breakdown of the gang population at one point includes: 48% African Americans, 43% Hispanics, 5% Caucasians and 4% Asians. In order to suppress gang membership and activities, one first has to understand who and why people are driven to this lifestyle. What are some of the influential factors which can have an impact on adolescents joining gangs? Some of the playing factors are: family, school, peer persuasion, individual behavior, gender issues and negative community factors. When looking at family, experts have pointed out that where there is instability, economic hardship, structural problems, violence within home and sibling delinquency, statistically, there are higher levels of gang activity. Many researchers have found that adolescents whose families have failed to fulfill their basic needs (mainly families that live in poverty) feel a sense of hopelessness as a result of being unable to purchase wanted goods and services. Young people living in poverty may find it difficult to meet basic physical and psychological needs which can lead to a lack of self-worth and pride. One way to earn cash is to join a gang involved in the drug trade. Also many gang members come from homes where they feel alienated or neglected. They may turn to gangs when their needs for love are not being met at home. Stress is another leading factor connecting adolescents and gang membership. It is relatively new area of focus, according to experts. They have just begun to clarify a direct link between exposure to stress and criminal activity. Using the General Strain Theory researchers are investigating this newly found factor; long–term consequences for behavior in addition to more stressful events and behavior. Many of the adolescents researchers studied have had a direct link to a number of negative or traumatic life impacting events (pre-adolescent years), which have led certain people into the gang world. The concept behind this theory points out how stressful events have been connected to the behavioral and mental health of the at risk adolescent. According to Vigil (et al. 2003) violence can be attributed to adding to the stress levels of adolescents who join gangs. He goes on to add that pent up rage for one reason or another may play an important role in the path an adolescent might take. For instance, sexual abuse or exploitation experiences (pre-adolescence), possibly by family members or peers could lead to the carrying over of indecisive and unpredictable behavior, later in life, pushing the individual towards gang membership. Self-imagery also plays an important role in deciding gang membership. For those individuals who do not have high levels of self-esteem, there is a greater chance of getting involved in deviant behavior eventually leading to gang involvement. Usually people with low self-esteem are always looking for other people’s approval and acceptance and they would do almost anything to fit in. Essentially, self-esteem of the adolescent ties in to their role model and head of household they are living in (who these individuals look up to and what are their expectations in life). It is most important to understand that there are many reasons why an adolescent may be turned on to gang membership like cultural conflicts, poverty, family association with gangs, personal devaluation etc. but risk factors can come from anywhere, meaning that all adolescents are different (individualistic). Realistically, some of these major factors seem to have been embedded into certain subculture (violence). In addition there are many individuals who are accustomed to life on the streets from an early age. Vigil (2003), along with other experts has broken down their ideas about gangs and the main problems they are trying to combat. His theory points out how although the research talks about many of the problems faced by today’s adolescents, it lacks qualitative information and insight that tells us how and why people become violent. Although most of the current research has not yet been able to uncover the entire root of the problem, it has given experts a better understanding of how gangs work, and the ability to create intervention and prevention programs. When dealing with gangs, one of the methods primarily used is the suppression tactic. According to Curry et al (2002), suppression approaches, which have previously treated gangs similar to groups such as organized crimes, have been ineffective and inappropriate. The main problem with just using suppression approaches is the difficulty of properly identifying what level of involvement adolescents have within the gang structure. Adolescents, who first begin to hang with gangs, develop negative mannerism and eventually begin to participate in gang behavior. As of now, the suppressive efforts, which are generally associated with law enforcement officers, have been making some changes within the gang’s world but there is a need for other programs which would focus on a wide range of problems and needs of today’s adolescents before they fall prey to gang membership. The best way of dealing with gangs, is not by trying to stop them but by creating programs that prevent gangs from creating. Although significant progress is being made in identifying the major risk factors for youth and adolescent gang involvement, much more information is needed to specify the developmental sequence by which these risk factors operate. This knowledge will be very useful in the development of prevention and intervention programs. Progress also needs to be made in developing comprehensive programs that combine prevention, social intervention rehabilitation and suppression of gang violence. “Preventing children and adolescents from joining gangs appears to be the most cost-effective long-term strategy. “ (Luyt, et al. 2001). The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms has implemented a school-based gang prevention curriculum, Gang Resistance Education and Training (G.R.E.A.T.). Evaluation has shown positive preliminary results. “Students who complete the G.R.E.A.T. program reported lower levels of gang affiliation and self-reported delinquency, including drug use, minor offending, property crimes, and crimes against persons; because of a lack of program evaluations, however, little is known about the effectiveness of these interventions.” (Luyt, et al. 2001)
Conclusion
Understanding why and what drives people to join gangs is a very complex study full of controversy but one that needs to continue in order to try to create programs and prevention methods that will reach our nation’s children. With gangs always creating and spreading in the US, it is very important to look at some of the social issues and immediate environment that may lead or play a great factor into an adolescent’s decision to become a gang member. This paper has analyzed some of the issues people that become gang members face (family structure, low self esteem, stress etc) and some of the programs that we currently have and are trying to develop in order to stop gang members from joining gangs before it is too late.
Annotated Bibliography
Curry, G., Decker, S., & Egley, A., et al. (2002). Gang involvement and delinquency in a middle school population. [Electronic version]. Justice Quarterly, (2), 275-292. Retrieved on August 10, 2008 from www.proquest.com
The authors of this article look at the relationship between self-reported gang involvement and self-reported delinquency. Although this relationship has been confirmed in a number of studies there have been fewer studies on the relationship between self-reported hang involvement and officially recorded delinquency. This article examines variation in self-reported gang involvement, operationalized as three distinct categories-no involvement, gang involvement but not membership, and gang membership-and its relation to both self-reported and officially reported delinquency for a population of middle school youths.
Eitle, D., Gunkel, S., & Van Gundy, K., et al. (2004). Cumulative exposure to stressful life events and male gang membership. [Electronic version]. Journal of Criminal Justice, 32, 95-111. Retrieved on August 11, 2008 from www.proquest.com
In this article, the authors examine some risk factors that predict gang membership among a cohort of South Florida boys. Using both prospective and retrospective data, the authors evaluated the role of early exposure to stressful life events in predicting joining a gang, controlling for other risk factors. The analysis revealed that while cumulative preteen stress exposure was not found to be a significant predictor of gang membership, the association between such exposure and the dependent variable might be mediated through other factors. A subsequent analysis of association with gang members/gang–like behavior related a similar pattern-race, family financial problems, and preteen cumulative exposure to stressful life events each found to predict association/behavior and involvement with gangs.
Luyt, R., & Foster, D.et al. (2001). Hegemonic masculine conceptualization in gang culture. [Electronic version]. Journal of Psychology, (3) 31-33. Retrieved on August 10, 2008 from www.proquest.com
This article discusses a research sought to investigate the relationship between gang processes and differing forms of masculine expression. Three hundred and sixty male participants, drawn from secondary schools within Cape Town, were included in the study. These schools were in areas differentially characterized by gang activity. The questionnaire used, included the newly devised Male Attitude Norm Inventory designed to explore hegemonic conceptualizations of masculinity. Through a series of tests, as well as supportive qualitative data, participants from areas characterized by high gang activity were found to support these hegemonic elements to a significantly greater extent.
Rizzo, M., et al. (2003). Why do children join gangs? [Electronic version]. Journal of Gang Research, 11(1), 65-74. Retrieved on August 10, 2008 from www.proquest.com
In this article the author discusses family dysfunction and structure as a potential factor in gang membership. He thinks that finding the root of the problem is the only way of creating programs and methods that will predict and stop gang affiliation.
Vigil, J., et al (2003). Urban violence and street gangs. Annual Review of Anthropology, (3), 225-242. Retrieved on August 12, 2008 from www.proquest.com
In this article, the author tries to answer the question what causes urban gang violence and can we better understand the forces that shape this type of adolescent and youth behavior? He looks at researchers that have relied primarily on data gathered from survey quantitative approaches. This review traces some of these developments and outlines how frameworks of analysis have become more integrated and multidimensional. A multiple marginality framework lends itself to a holistic strategy that examines linkages within the various factors and the actions among them and notes the cumulative nature of urban street gang violence. Questions that are being addressed in this more integrated framework are: where did they settle? What jobs did they fill? How and why did their social practices and cultural values undergo transformations?
Bibliography: Curry, G., Decker, S., & Egley, A., et al. (2002). Gang involvement and delinquency in a middle school population. [Electronic version]. Justice Quarterly, (2), 275-292. Retrieved on August 10, 2008 from www.proquest.com The authors of this article look at the relationship between self-reported gang involvement and self-reported delinquency. Although this relationship has been confirmed in a number of studies there have been fewer studies on the relationship between self-reported hang involvement and officially recorded delinquency. This article examines variation in self-reported gang involvement, operationalized as three distinct categories-no involvement, gang involvement but not membership, and gang membership-and its relation to both self-reported and officially reported delinquency for a population of middle school youths. Eitle, D., Gunkel, S., & Van Gundy, K., et al. (2004). Cumulative exposure to stressful life events and male gang membership. [Electronic version]. Journal of Criminal Justice, 32, 95-111. Retrieved on August 11, 2008 from www.proquest.com In this article, the authors examine some risk factors that predict gang membership among a cohort of South Florida boys. Using both prospective and retrospective data, the authors evaluated the role of early exposure to stressful life events in predicting joining a gang, controlling for other risk factors. The analysis revealed that while cumulative preteen stress exposure was not found to be a significant predictor of gang membership, the association between such exposure and the dependent variable might be mediated through other factors. A subsequent analysis of association with gang members/gang–like behavior related a similar pattern-race, family financial problems, and preteen cumulative exposure to stressful life events each found to predict association/behavior and involvement with gangs. Luyt, R., & Foster, D.et al. (2001). Hegemonic masculine conceptualization in gang culture. [Electronic version]. Journal of Psychology, (3) 31-33. Retrieved on August 10, 2008 from www.proquest.com This article discusses a research sought to investigate the relationship between gang processes and differing forms of masculine expression. Three hundred and sixty male participants, drawn from secondary schools within Cape Town, were included in the study. These schools were in areas differentially characterized by gang activity. The questionnaire used, included the newly devised Male Attitude Norm Inventory designed to explore hegemonic conceptualizations of masculinity. Through a series of tests, as well as supportive qualitative data, participants from areas characterized by high gang activity were found to support these hegemonic elements to a significantly greater extent. Rizzo, M., et al. (2003). Why do children join gangs? [Electronic version]. Journal of Gang Research, 11(1), 65-74. Retrieved on August 10, 2008 from www.proquest.com In this article the author discusses family dysfunction and structure as a potential factor in gang membership. He thinks that finding the root of the problem is the only way of creating programs and methods that will predict and stop gang affiliation. Vigil, J., et al (2003). Urban violence and street gangs. Annual Review of Anthropology, (3), 225-242. Retrieved on August 12, 2008 from www.proquest.com In this article, the author tries to answer the question what causes urban gang violence and can we better understand the forces that shape this type of adolescent and youth behavior? He looks at researchers that have relied primarily on data gathered from survey quantitative approaches. This review traces some of these developments and outlines how frameworks of analysis have become more integrated and multidimensional. A multiple marginality framework lends itself to a holistic strategy that examines linkages within the various factors and the actions among them and notes the cumulative nature of urban street gang violence. Questions that are being addressed in this more integrated framework are: where did they settle? What jobs did they fill? How and why did their social practices and cultural values undergo transformations?
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