Since the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center in 2001, ‘Islamic fundamentalism’ has been a rallying cry for the mass media, representing what is believed to be the oppressive nature of Islam in its most radical form. This approach to the media representation of Islam has been taken seriously by the Chinese government, who frame the political opposition of Uyghur nationalists in the province of Xinjiang as a branch of Al-Qaeda terrorist activities (Fuller & Lipman 340-341). However, the historical relationship between the Chinese government and Xinjiang, has led many scholars to question the portrayal of fundamentalist Islam in Xinjiang. Destructive state policies towards ethnic minorities in Xinjiang, such as the treatment of Uyghur Muslims by Chinese nationalists during the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, and the recent “Strike Hard” campaign, have contributed to the eradication and radical re-interpretation, of Islamic practices in Xinjiang (Steele 6; Waite 254-255). By analyzing the development of fundamentalist Islam in China through a historical framework, I will attempt to deconstruct the notion that fundamentalist Islam in China is an ahistorical, purely antifeminist, oppressive ideology. Rather, the expansion of Wahhabism and Hanbali shari’ah, which are widely associated with conservative, extremist Islamic ideologies, is a product of larger historical, political and social factors within the state of Xinjiang. By viewing fundamentalist Islam as solely an oppressive ideology, this eliminates space for women’s agency, and eliminates how historical and socio-political factors have perpetuated its oppressive policies. Therefore, the impact of religious and political dynamics in the region on Uyghur women should also be deconstructed. My paper will explore the intersectionalities of ethnicity, gender, religion within the experience of Uyghur women in Xinjiang, China. Uyghur Muslim women embody multiple, conflicting
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