Leisure Sociology

Leisure in contemporary UK society is characterised by social and economic inequality. Critically evaluate this assertion with reference to gender and work and unemployment.
In order to evaluate the assertion that has been posed the primary imperative is to understand what leisure is. It is true to suggest that there is “no clear agreement about the meaning of the term leisure” (Kelly, 2009). However, when examining some of the definitions that have been applied to leisure it is possible to create a clearer picture of what leisure is and can be. Leisure has been more broadly defined as “social and enjoyable activities that are a part of everyday life” (Rublee & Shaw, 1991, P138) whilst leisure also “provides opportunity to identify exploration and
skill building” (Kleiber, 1995, P5). Dumazedier (1967) believed that leisure is activity - apart from the obligations of work, family and society - to which the individual turns at will, for either relaxation, diversion or broadening his knowledge and his spontaneous social participation, the free exercise of his creative capacity. Parker (1976) agrees that leisure differs from work and their inherent obligations stating that leisure is free from work and obligations; it also encompasses activities which are characterised by feelings of comparative freedom. Similarly Parrv and Long (1988) believed that leisure time is ‘free time’ which can be identified by having three distinct components of non-work, non-obligation and non-constrained. Some authors have taken a more politicised view of leisure definition. Coalter (1997) argued “that much theorizing and research in leisure studies takes place within a normative citizenship paradigm which regards public leisure provision as a central component of social citizenship and largely ignores the predominantly commercial nature of modern leisure”. Through examining the literature on leisure it can be agreed that there is no one clear definition of leisure. However, many definitions agree that leisure is non-work, enjoyable and evokes feelings of freedom. Feminists have criticised this way of conceptualising leisure as being ‘gender blind’ and for viewing women as deviant cases, or solely as part of the family (Deem, 1986). A number of feminists working in the field of leisure have argued convincingly that leisure has a different meaning to men and women (Green et al, 1990; Kelly, 1972; Parker, 1983).
The purpose of this essay is to examine if social issues of gender and work effect leisure participation and choice. In order to investigate these issues thoroughly there are specific questions that must be addressed. With regard to the effect of gender on leisure it is important to ascertain the barriers that women face in their pursuit of leisure. Having investigated these barriers the essay will assess whether these barriers are the result of social stereotypes and if these barriers, be they stereotypes or otherwise, result in an inequality between men and women. This essay will also discuss whether work and unemployment acts as an enabler or a constraint with regard to leisure activities. Further to this it will seek to discover if there is an inherent inequality in the leisure choices and activities of the employed compared to the unemployed.
There are a number of practical barriers that effect women’s participation in leisure and also the options that they have available to them. According to recent research women are still earning on average 19.9% less than their male counterparts (Office for National Statistics, 2011). This could certainly be identified as an inequality within UK society but this disparity in income doesn’t necessarily have a significant affect on leisure for women. Research has argued that access to personal spending money is a “less significant constraint than prevailing norms about appropriate behaviour for women” and that it is “these norms that influence perceptions of women 's entitlement to time and resources for leisure, and how it may be spent” (Green, Hebron & Woodword, 1989). Although finances may not be the one significant constraint on women’s leisure it would be naïve to make the assumption that it has no negative effect on their leisure choices. For instance economic constraints are evident in women’s report of lack of transportation as a common barrier to participation (Deem, 1986; Huntor & Whitson, 1992; Searle & Jackson, 1985. Cited in Shaw, 1994). This lack of transportation can also give rise to concerns with regard to women’s personal safety. Convenient and safe transport is seen as a vital vehicle enabling access to most leisure activities (Tsai, 2009). The British Crime Survey (2007) reported that 47% of women felt unsafe waiting for public transport compared to only 21% of men.
There is evidence that women are disadvantaged with their overall time available for leisure and are more constrained when compared to men with regard to household obligations and family commitments (Horna 1989; Searle & Jackson, 1985; Witt & Goodale, 1981. Cited in Shaw, 1994). Women are more likely to be regarded as the ‘emotion-providers’ belonging to the private sphere of the household/family, whereas men are viewed as the ‘bread-winners’ occupying the ‘public’ sphere of work, politics and leisure (Tsai, 2009). The stereo typical view of a ‘woman’s place’ still has undoubted effects on leisure choices amongst women. Many women’s role as primary caregiver effects not only the time they have available for leisure but also develops a lack of a sense of entitlement to leisure which Bialeschki (1991) believed was unique to women. The evidence of these traditional gender roles highlights an inequality in social life and these inequalities contribute to a disparity of leisure activity between the sexes.
There is evidence to suggest that personal barriers affect leisure choices for women. Women’s concern about their body image effects their leisure participation (Best, 2010). Men’s ideal body image is seen as strong and muscular (Drewonski & Yee, 1987) where as women’s ideal shape is based around thinness (Martz.et.al 1995). Research by Cash & Henry (1995) has found that if a woman’s body image falls short of what she considers to be social expectations, then this will significantly reduce her participation. These social expectations of female body image are perpetuated by the media. Studies have documented how television typically emphasizes the physical appearance and the “idealized” body image of women (e.g Downs, 1981; Lovdal, 1989; Signorielli, 1989). These social pressures have been identified as the main impetus behind an individuals need to conform to body shape standards (Fallon,1990; Stormer & Thompson, 1996) and present a clearly evident barrier to the choices women have in their leisure choices. It is important at this point to highlight the fact that issues with regard to body image are not exclusive to the female gender however it is much less of an issue for males. Donaldson (1996) found that only 10% of men surveyed were dissatisfied with their body and 65% liked themselves the way they were. This is in stark contrast to the research of Charles & Kerr (1986) whose research showed that 88% of women interviewed were unhappy with their body. This dissatisfaction with their bodies can often in turn give rise to a lack of self-confidence. This lack of self-confidence affects the choices women perceive to be open to them when choosing leisure activities.
According to Hargreaves (1994) ‘sport is a major source of gender division and the sportsman is a symbolic focus of male power’. This focus of male power in sport is once again a stereotype that continues to be perpetuated by the media. Phillips (1997) discovered that 95.1% of radio coverage, 56.2% of television coverage and 79.1 % of newspaper coverage was dedicated to male sport. This is compared to figures of 1%, 2.7% and 10.7% for women’s sports respectably. The extreme disparity between the coverage has an effect on female sporting role models. Biskup & Pfister (1999) discovered that athletes were ranked last by females in terms of identifying role models whilst Ewans and Lashuk (1989) found that sportsmen were identified as role models significantly more than sportswomen. This attitudes towards sportswomen as role models could also be affected by social perceptions of femininity. Despite legal and social changes, "sexist ideology still pervades sport" (Eitzen & Sage, 1993, p. 347) and athletic participation and achievement continues to be equated with a loss of femininity. These social attitudes still permeate society and have a negative effect on female sport participation. However, it can also be argued that women are consumers of these media images of sport and adopt the role of consumer rather than performer (Messner, 2002).
When examining the effects of work and unemployment it is a common assumption to focus upon the financial benefits that work provides and explain leisure benefits within this context. Leisure is commonly seen as a form of recovery from the stresses of work (Best, 2010). The obvious benefit of work is financial gain however does this financial gain necessarily dictate improved leisure options? If a person is described as money rich the typology suggests you will be time poor. The harder a person works, the richer you become, the less time you have. Following this thesis the less time you have for leisure the less time you have to recover from the stresses of work. Therefore the theory that financial game improves leisure activity cannot always be a correct assumption. Indeed, work can have a disabling effect on leisure time which in turn can have a negative effect on mental health. Subsequently the work-leisure balance has become a pressing social issue as work has come to dominate life in many western civilizations (Walmsley, 2008).
The immediately obvious disability with unemployment is a lack of finance. A seemingly natural conclusion prevalent in modern society is that a lack of money results in a lack of leisure options. At a complete opposite with the employed the unemployed are time rich but money poor (William & Winderbank, 1995). This theory would suggest that the unemployed have a clear increase in leisure time. However, Fineman (1987) argued that unemployment did not involve an increase in leisure time but an extension of free time and that the absence of work confuses the meaning of leisure. Because of this inequality in leisure time and free time the unemployed engage in social leisure activities less frequently than employed participants and solitary leisure activities more frequently. The unemployed also report higher perceived latent deprivation, higher depressive affect and lower self-esteem (Walters & Moore, 2010). In summary unemployment can lead to a deterioration in physical and mental health, the reduction in the range of leisure options available and a decline leisure spending of those effected (Walters & Moore, 2010; Roberts, Lamb, Dench & Brodie, 1989; Brenner, 1979). Jahoda’s (1979, 1992) deprivation theory argued that unemployment deprives people of time structure and a link with a collective purpose of an enforced activity. Evans & Haworth (1991) suggest that leisure activities may fulfil the latent functions of employment nominated by Jahoda. Haworth & Ducker (1991) agreed with this theory but didn’t believe it was leisure activities per se that satisfied these functions but rather the type of activity. They suggest ‘active leisure’ such as playing a game or sport or going to the theatre produced higher levels of fulfilment. In addition Walters & Moore (2010) proposed that participation in leisure activities that are meaningful, rather than simply frequent, may be a constructive and readily achievable coping response during unemployment. As stated earlier the unemployed are cash poor therefore these ‘meaningful’ activities are often inaccessible to them financially. As capitalist states continue to define paid employment as the basis of social inclusion and social belonging (Best, 2010) the unemployed suffer doubly negative effects from both their unemployment and their lack of leisure.
In conclusion it can be agreed with some certainty that leisure in UK society is characterised by inequalities brought about through gender and unemployment. Women clearly face barriers to leisure participation and are at a specific disadvantage to their male counterparts. Issues such as finance, safety, body image, sexuality, male domination and media images all contribute to the constraint models that act as restrictors on women. Most importantly it can be agreed that the large majority of these constraints are the result of ingrained social attitudes and stereotypes of women. However, it can be argued that women share some responsibility for the perpetuation of these stereotypes (Berna & Skrypnek, 1982).
The employed and unemployed both face barriers with regard to leisure pursuits. The employed are able to access a larger range of leisure pursuits due to the financial benefits they receive from their work. This access, however, is limited by the time constraints placed on them by their employment. In opposition the unemployed are unrestrained by time constraints although this freedom of time is limited by how that time can be filled. Research suggests that an imbalance between work and leisure can have serious physical and psychological effects. The employed do however have a greater affect the implementation of lifestyle changes. This has led to the emergence of evidence of a changing work ethic and a movement towards a more leisure orientated lifestyle amongst the employed (Walmsley, 2008).
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