This is my position that covers the highlights of the report Prison Rape: A Critical
Review of the Literature, which analyzes obstacles and problems that must be overcome
to effectively measure sexual assault at the facility level. Each bold heading in this
summary refers to the same bold heading contained in the larger report.
Federal Legislation. The Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003 calls for research and
policy changes to minimize sexual victimization of incarcerated juveniles and adults. The Act
also calls for a zero tolerance policy; national standards for the detection, prevention, reduction,
and punishment of prison rape; collection of data on incidence; and development of a system to …show more content…
hold prison officials accountable. Also, the Bureau of Justice Statistics is to design a
methodology to assess the prevalence of prison sexual assault and monitor adult prisons, jails,
and juvenile facilities. In the findings section of the public law, there is a claim from unnamed
experts that a conservative estimate of victimization suggests that 13 percent of inmates in the
United States have been sexually assaulted.
Defining Sexual Victimization Prevalence and Incidence. Research should distinguish
various levels of sexual victimization from completed rapes to other forms of sexual coercion.
Any measurement process will have to distinguish between the prevalence and incidence of the
events. Prevalence refers to the number of people in a given population who have ever had a
sexual assault experience. Incidence refers to the number of new cases. This distinction is
important, because prevalence can be high, but the number of new cases is low due to some kind
of intervention or enforcement of policy. Aside from one study conducted by the Bureau of
Justice Statistics (BJS) in 1997, all other studies conducted in the United States included fewer
than 50 prisons in total. In 2000, BJS reported there were 1,668 federal and state prisons.
There has also been one study of sexual victimization in a jail system. In 1999, the
Bureau of Justice Statistics reported there were 3,365 jails in the United States. Studies Involving
Primarily Men, or Men and Women. Studies by Tewksbury, and Castle (2003), Carroll (1977),
Chonco (1989), Moss, Hosford, and Statistics (1997) reported on primarily male samples, or a
combination of female and male samples. The Butler and Milner and Butler et al., studies were
conducted as part of a larger health assessment in the prison system in New South Wales,
Australia. Details of each of these studies are covered in the full report. U.S. National Probability
Sample of Rape during Incarceration. The only attempt at a U.S. national probability sample of
adults in state and federal prisons was conducted by BJS in 1997. In that study, 0.45 percent of
men and 0.35 percent of women prisoners reported they had experienced an attempted or
completed rape during a previous incarceration.
U.S. National Probability Sample of Forced Sexual Activity among Youth in Juvenile
Facilities. There has also been a national probability sample of youth living in juvenile facilities
because they are accused or convicted of a crime. The Survey of Youth in Residential Placement
(SYRP) was sponsored by the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Over
7,000 juveniles participated (75 percent response rate) and detailed questions about forced sex
were asked. The results will be released soon. Aside from the New South Wales and BJS
studies, most other research papers report survey return rates of 50 percent or less. Many
response rates are 25 percent or lower. The prevalence estimates in this research less typically
referring to the entire period of incarceration. When forms of sexual pressure are included, these
estimates increase to an upper limit of about 21 percent or less except for a couple of prisons.
National and system probability samples which are designed to give an estimate of victimization
for the entire jurisdiction, reported sexual victimization rates of 2 percent or less. There are few
incident studies, and these have little, or no, information on how to construct an appropriate
denominator to get a percentage or rate.
A "back of the envelope" estimate places this at no more
than 2 percent in a given year, based primarily on the one jail system study conducted in the
1960's and as low as 0.69 percent based on one prison study. Women's victimization
percentages appear to be lower than men's.
These studies use different methods to establish the level of victimization
(questionnaires,interviews, informants, administrative records); they use different questions, and
they use different time frames. Definitions vary widely from rape to sexual pressure. Some of
these estimates rely on self-reported victimizations, while others are based on the perceptions of
inmates and staff on the overall level of victimization in the prison. These latter estimates always
appear higher than self reports, and it is unclear what these latter estimates mean since there is no
presumption that inmates or staff actually witness all of the sexual assaults they claim are
occurring. Most studies fail to report how long the sexual assault victim has been in prison
making it difficult to compare prisons across jurisdictions, due to the likelihood of different
exposure
periods. In an effort to get a summary estimate of the level of sexual victimization, a meta-
analysis was conducted to provide a calculation of an average estimate over all of the studies,
even though any single study may not meet conventional levels of statistical significance. Results
of the meta-analysis indicates an average prison lifetime sexual assault prevalence of 1.91
percent. This means that 1.91 percent of inmates have experienced a sexual victimization over a
lifetime of incarceration. This estimate is based primarily on studies which report completed
victimizations, although it incorporates some studies which also include serious attempts of
sexual assault and one study that includes sexual pressure.
Social Desirability of Responses and the Nature of Sensitive Questions. Prison sexual
assault surveys are similar to surveys conducted in the community eliciting information on other
sensitive behaviors. Survey participants tend to underreport behaviors that are perceived to be
against society's norms (socially undesirable), that invade privacy, and that may be disclosed to
third parties despite precautions by researchers to protect confidentiality. The legislation
recognizes that to report the best and worst prisons, jails, and juvenile facilities with respect to
their ranking on sexual victimization, there will have to be some adjustment in the rankings to
"level the playing field." For example, it is unfair to compare prisons that contain different
inmate security compositions. Adjusting the victimization rates to make prisons appear
equivalent is a technically difficult problem. Since there are consequences to low rankings, the
adjustments and resulting rankings will also be controversial.
Summary. The task framed by the Prison Elimination Act of 2003 presents problems of
estimation, validity, and bias. The correctional setting amplifies the problems encountered when
researchers measure sensitive and stigmatized behaviors in the community. Most of the literature
has been concerned with adult prisons. While there are difficulties encountered in prisons, there
will be additional problems in jails and juvenile facilities. Jails have high turnover rates. To get
compliance from adolescents, in most jurisdictions you need the consent of their parents. While
the task is a formidable one; it is worth the effort, even if prison rape is a relatively rare event.
The data can be used to raise or allay concerns depending on the results of the jurisdiction. The
survey results can be used to train staff and inmates. The data may lead to better classification
of victims and assailants, which will help to reduce the level of sexual assault. The American
Correctional Association has already promulgated new standards that address prevention,
detection, and records collection associated with sexual assault. Because there is no validity
check on the outcomes, there will probably always be some controversy associated with the
results of a facility-based estimate. The adjustments to the estimates required by the public
law will probably amplify that controversy. Furthermore, there are critics of correctional
administration and some researchers who argue that prison sex is part of a subculture of sexuality
Most analysts doing work in this domain do not commonly understand that. They argue that to
fully understand the level of sexual victimization, one must first understand the language and sub
cultural definitions used by the confined. The data may also lead to a more objective
understanding of the actual level of prison sexual victimization that will either support or
invalidate the assumptions inherent in the Rape Elimination Act that make it appear prison rape
is endemic in American correctional institutions. However, since there is no independent
assessment of the validity of the self-reported incidents, there may well be dissatisfaction with
the results of a national probability assessment regardless of the outcome. The opinions
expressed in this paper are those of the authors' and should not be construed as the opinions or
the policy of the National Institute of Justice, the Office of Justice Programs, or the U. S.
Department of Justice.