Pirate Radio Case Study

Another change that has occurred in the time-line of pirate radio concerns the actions of unlicensed stations becoming more hostile towards the state and authority, using the medium for community building from within societies and pushing for democratisation and decentralisation of media. Taiwan is a good example in this instance because its radio market is so crowded and full of various content. The broadcasting market in Taiwan has also rapidly changed in recent years due to the fast paced movement towards democracy there (Ke, 2000). Pirate radio is open to everyone and, in the case of Taiwan, has become much more interactive than other ‘old media’ productions. The boundary between pirate radio and its users is vague — the programme and the
Unlicensed radio wanted to counteract the existing problems in the monopolised structure. Interviews with staff revealed that specific aims of the pirate stations were directly connected to current social problems and endeavoured to reflect the needs of ordinary people. Many of the stations were also concerned with the interests of underrepresented groups of people in society such as women, aborigines, elderly and disabled people (Ke, 2000). Interestingly enough after 1987, political parties also began using unlicensed radio due to the fact that all broadcasting was state controlled and therefore did not allow for opposition — even in a democracy. Opposing political parties used underground broadcasting to undermine the establishment. From this case study performed by Ke we can see how pirate radio has developed into a medium for social reform movements and a platform for protest — protests which often cause conflicts between the people and government. While 1960’s pirates were rallying for commercial interest, it can be clearly seen that pirate radio can have uses that are much more profound and of a nature beneficial to social
Dick & McDowell’s (2000) work looks at precisely this; some members of the community embrace the label of ‘pirate’ and the connotations that come with it — “Pirate emblems adorn their logos, web pages, and station literature.” (Dick & McDowell, 2000, p. 331). This ownership of the term is somewhat of a reclaiming process, operators enjoy flouting the law and not being caught so the ‘pirate’ term is almost like a badge of honour. However, the community is not unanimous. Many reject the associations of ‘pirate’ because they feel it is “overly judgemental or normative” (Dick & McDowell, 2000, p. 331), they feel that this overtly criminal representation will damage their credibility and hamper their fight for freedom of expression. As an alternative the phrase “Free radio” is offered as a more positive description of the practise. Alternative broadcasts can be seen as ‘free’ from two perspectives; Unlicensed broadcasts are not shackled by government control or regulations, giving them free reign over their content. Activists for free radio believe that all citizens should have the right to free and equal access of radio. Secondly, alternative radio can be free for listeners — there is no monetary cost to the audience (Dick & McDowell, 2000). Free radio has been adopted by many and speaks much more to the liberated nature of the medium. The research of Dick and McDowell