Psychology of Music

Psychology of Music http://pom.sagepub.com Music listening, coping, peer affiliation and depression in adolescence
Dave Miranda and Michel Claes Psychology of Music 2009; 37; 215 originally published online Mar 10, 2009; DOI: 10.1177/0305735608097245 The online version of this article can be found at: http://pom.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/37/2/215

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Psychology of Music Psychology of Music Copyright © 2009 Society for Education, Music and Psychology Research vol 37(2): 215–233 [0305-7356 (200904) 37:2; 215–233] 10.1177/0305735608097245 http://pom.sagepub.com

Music listening, coping, peer affiliation and depression in adolescence

DAV E M I R A N DA A N D M I C H E L C L A E S
U N I V E R S I T É D E M O N T R É A L , C A NA DA

A B S T R A C T This study was conducted with 418 French-Canadian adolescents from Montréal (Canada) and had three objectives: (1) to find empirical evidence that music listening in adolescence can lead to peer affiliation based upon music preferences; (2) to find out whether three styles of coping by music listening (original self-report scale: emotion-oriented, problem-oriented, and avoidance/disengagement) are related to depression levels in adolescence (French version of the Beck Depression Inventory: Bourque & Beaudette, 1982); (3) to examine whether peers’ depression levels and coping by music listening are moderators of the relation between Metal music preference and depression levels in adolescent girls. The results of a peer nomination procedure indicated that music preferences and depression levels of participants are related to those of their peers. In girls, problem-oriented coping by music listening is linked to lower depression levels, whereas avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening is linked to higher depression levels. In boys, emotion-oriented coping by music listening is linked to higher depression levels. Finally, Metal music listening is related to higher depression levels in girls only if they affiliate with peers that are more depressed. The implications of the research regarding the music listening and psychosocial development and adjustment in adolescence are discussed. KEYWORDS:

adolescence, coping, depression, music, peers

Music listening is a paramount source of enjoyment and entertainment in adolescence, while the time dedicated to it rises markedly and averages between two and three hours daily (North, Hargreaves, & O’Neill, 2000; Roberts, Henriksen, & Foehr, 2004; Zillmann & Gan, 1997). This increase in music listening coincides with adolescents’ normative passage from childhood to adulthood – an intense life course transition characterized by specific developmental tasks and psychosocial challenges (Lerner & Steinberg, 2004). Although various authors have already outlined the relevance of this conjuncture between music listening and developmental tasks in adolescence (e.g., Larson, 1995; Saarikallio & Erkkilä, 2007; Schwartz and Fouts, 2003; Zillmann & Gan, 1997), the study of music listening in adolescence remains neglected by mainstream developmental psychology. Nevertheless, research is gradually

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recognizing the importance of music listening in adolescence for developmental tasks and psychosocial adaptive functions, such as self-actualization, individual and cultural identity, socialization and integration with peers, and emotion regulation (e.g., North et al., 2000; Russell, 1997; Schwartz & Fouts, 2003; Tarrant, North, & Hargreaves, 2000; Zillmann & Gan, 1997). The developmental function of music listening in adolescence can be understood in terms of two kinds of motivation: social (e.g., socialization with peers and identity) and individual (e.g., mood-regulation or coping) (Bakagiannis & Tarrant, 2006). This study suggests that the developmental significance of music listening in adolescence can be further understood in light of its possible relationships with depression, as its symptoms are indicators of impaired psychosocial well-being. Depression is quite prevalent in adolescence and has deleterious effects on psychosocial adjustment, functioning, and development (Lewinsohn & Essau, 2002; Petersen et al., 1993). Relationships between music listening and depression in adolescence can be predicted on the basis of music’s intrinsic ties with human emotions (Collier, 2007; Juslin & Sloboda, 2001; Peretz & Zatorre, 2003) and its involvement in emotion regulation from early childhood (Trehub, 2003) and into adolescence (e.g., North et al., 2000). In sum, this study investigates the extent to which peer affiliation according to music preferences (social motivation) and coping by music listening (individual motivation) can account for a number of relationships between music listening and depressive symptoms in adolescence.

Music listening and peers in adolescence
Adolescents are socially motivated to listen to music, given that this enables them to be members of musical subcultures providing a range of social cognitions, attitudes, values, cultural symbols, interests, identities, behavioural codes, sources of knowledge, role models, and a sense of belonging with peers (Bakagiannis & Tarrant, 2006; North & Hargreaves, 1999; North et al., 2000; Raviv, Bar-Tal, Raviv, & Ben-Horin, 1996; Russell, 1997; Zillmann & Gan, 1997). These subcultures essentially stem from aesthetic tastes for music, which can be defined as taste cultures that are subject to cultural and historical variations (Russell, 1997; Zillmann & Gan, 1997). Five stable music preference factors can be identified in the current cultural context of FrenchCanadian adolescents: Metal (e.g., heavy metal, punk rock, alternative rock); Soul (e.g., hip hop, R&B, reggae); Pop (e.g., pop music, pop rock), Classical (e.g., classical, jazz, blues, worldbeat), and Electronic (e.g., techno, trance) (Miranda & Claes, 2007). Zillmann and Gan (1997) suggest that music listening in adolescence is embedded in a transition from socialization with parents to increased socialization with peers, which leads to peer affiliation based upon music preferences – small peer groups who gain significant gratification from belonging to a music cultural elite. Raviv et al. (1996) also suggest that sharing music preferences and music listening activities with peers provides a sense of belonging in adolescence. Thus, from these considerations, musical subcultures in adolescence can be conceptualized as peer groups. Peer groups are relatively small groups of adolescents who frequently interact directly with each other, such as friendship cliques, sports teams, or even deviant gangs (Brown, 2004). Furthermore, Zillmann and Gan (1997) propose that music preferences in adolescence can also create virtual music taste cultures – primarily psychological constructs
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that nevertheless provide adolescents with a ‘badge’ or sense of belonging to some mass media culture. They further add that these taste cultures are difficult to define objectively as they are not necessarily tangible groups of adolescents who actually interact with each other. Related work from Bakagiannis and Tarrant (2006) suggests that musical preferences can contribute to social identity in adolescence and bring adolescents from different social groups together by creating a larger social category based upon music preferences. From these considerations, musical subcultures in adolescence can arguably relate to the concept of peer crowds. Peer crowds are social cognitive representations of large groups of adolescents who do not necessarily interact directly with each other, but who nevertheless share a common social identity based on reputation (Brown, 2004). High school peer crowds (e.g., ‘Jocks’, ‘Populars’, ‘Brains’) are typical of such social phenomena in adolescence (see Prinstein & La Greca, 2002). In sum, musical subcultures in adolescence are theorized to be shaped by direct socialization with peers and social cognitions from the influence of mass media – both phenomena being psychologically meaningful and complementary. However, to our knowledge, no studies demonstrate that musical subcultures in adolescence can embody peer groups as such. In the absence of such empirical evidence, musical subcultures in adolescence could be closer to the concept of peer crowds.

Music listening and coping in adolescence
Music listening in adolescence also involves individual motivations, given that adolescents spend most of their music listening time in privacy (North et al., 2000; Roberts et al., 2004). In fact, at the individual level, adolescents identify music listening as one of their most important coping strategies (Arnett, 1995; Larson, 1995). Uses and gratifications theory (see Arnett, 1995; Gantz, Gartenberg, Pearson, & Shiller, 1978; Rosengren, Wenner, & Palmgreen, 1985) posits that adolescents actively select media according to their personal characteristics and the social situations they confront (Roe, 1995). This theoretical framework predicts that music listening is used by adolescents as a strategy for coping with life stresses. A similar theory is that of moodmanagement, suggesting that adolescents can employ music listening to regulate emotions (e.g., Zillmann & Gan, 1997). Schwartz and Fouts (2003) summarize three processes by which adolescents can regulate their emotions with music listening: (1) distraction from unwanted moods; (2) solace and validation of their personal issues; (3) catharsis in relation to negative emotions. Thus it is possible to suggest that music listening as an adaptive function can be primarily conceptualized as emotion-focused coping in adolescence, which could be more present in girls (e.g., North et al., 2000). This perspective is compelling; however, one can also ask whether other forms of coping by music listening are equally employed in adolescence.
TOWA R D S A N E X T E N D E D M O D E L O F C O P I N G B Y M U S I C L I S T E N I N G IN ADOLESCENCE

Adolescence is characterized by several developmental challenges and an increase in various significant risks and stressors, but adolescents are generally able to cope effectively with these (Arnett, 1999; Cicchetti & Rogosch, 2002; Compas, 2004). Daily
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stressors in adolescence, such as those pertaining to school, peers, and parents, are significantly related to impaired psychological adjustment (Hampel & Petermann, 2005; Seiffge-Krenke, 1993). Adolescents’ coping behaviour is conceptualized as a conscious volitional response to stressful events (Compas, 2004; Compas, ConnorSmith, Saltzman, Harding-Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 2001). Thus, music listening can be thought of as being used intentionally by adolescents for coping with daily stressors. Furthermore, coping is multidimensional and can be organized hierarchically (Folkman & Moscowitz, 2004; Skinner, Edge, Altman, & Sherwood, 2003). We attempted to extend the theoretical framework within which to explain coping by music listening in adolescence by delineating three different dimensions of coping by music listening: problem-focused; emotion-focused; and avoidance/disengagement. Our theoretical framework was inspired by these three coping dimensions, as they are often distinguished in the mainstream literature on coping: problem-focused coping is oriented towards resolving or minimizing the impact of a stressor; emotion-focused coping is oriented towards regulating or reducing negative emotions generated by a stressor; avoidance/disengagement coping involves denying the stressor or engaging in withdrawal from taking action (see Carver & Scheir, 1999). Finally, using a coping strategy in adolescence does not automatically guarantee its effectiveness. In this regard, the review of Compas et al. (2001) on coping in childhood and adolescence indicates that problem-focused coping is related to better psychological adjustment (i.e., fewer internalizing symptoms, such as depression), whereas emotion-focused coping and disengagement coping are related to reduced psychological adjustment (i.e., more internalizing symptoms). In terms of music listening as problem-focused coping, it is conceivable that music listening can be used deliberately by adolescents in order to reflect upon the resolution of stressful situations they confront (e.g., school achievement, peer relations, parental relations). For instance, music listening can be used to relieve boredom in order to complete homework and chores (Saarikallio & Erkkilä, 2007). Generally, media are used by adolescents as an important source of information in order to reflect on possible solutions to their problems (Roberts et al., 2004). Adolescents can consider their favourite music artists to be knowledgeable authorities who are reliable advisors regarding their personal issues (Raviv et al., 1996). Music listening is indeed reported by adolescents to be used as a framework for reflecting and working on their personal issues (e.g., as one way of enhancing mental imagery and coming up with new ideas and insights) (Saarikallio & Erkkilä, 2007). In terms of music listening as emotion-focused coping, several studies designate music listening as an emotion regulation strategy in adolescence (Schwartz & Fouts, 2003). While emotion-focused coping is not maladaptive in and of itself, adolescents who frequently cannot avoid giving vent to negative emotions may be psychologically less well-adjusted (Compas et al., 2001). Saarikallio and Erkkilä (2007) found that adolescents who listened to music in order to relieve negative moods felt worse initially, though they may subsequently have experienced some improvement. Adolescent girls who use music listening for the vicarious release of negative emotions also report fewer suicidal risks (Lacourse, Claes, & Villeneuve, 2001). Nevertheless, it has also been reported that adolescents who experience sadness after listening to their favourite music present more depressive symptoms (Martin, Clarke & Pearce, 1993).
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In terms of music listening as avoidance/disengagement coping, it may be possible that adolescents listen to their favourite music, for instance, to avoid thinking about problems with parents, friends, or incipient school exams. It has already been pointed out that music listening may be used by adolescents for distraction from stressful issues, and adolescents report themselves as listening to music to forget about school work and stress (Saarikallio & Erkkilä, 2007). Recurrent avoidance may be deleterious to psychological adjustment and some results indicate that music listening in adolescence can be related to avoidant coping (Hutchinson, Baldwin, & Oh, 2006).
P E E R A F F I L I AT I O N A N D C O P I N G A S M O D E R ATO R S O F T H E L I N K B E T W E E N M E TA L M U S I C A N D D E P R E S S I O N

Empirical studies have documented relationships between Metal music, more depressive symptoms, and suicidal ideations in adolescent girls (e.g., Martin et al., 1993; Scheel & Westefeld, 1999). The existence of such relationships sustains the debate as to the potentially detrimental effect of some Metal music songs’ aggressive and negative lyrics on adolescents, which is a recurrent issue of concern for parents and health practitioners (American Academy of Pediatrics, 1996; Lacourse et al., 2001). Thus we anticipated that affiliation with peers who are more depressed and maladaptive coping by music listening could be involved in the links between Metal music listening and depression. First, there is increasing evidence for peer affiliation based upon depressive symptoms in adolescence (Bukowski & Adams, 2005; Deater-Deckard, 2001). For instance, Hogue and Steinberg (1995) describe a phenomenon of peer homophily, whereby adolescents can affiliate with peers who have similar levels of depression, which in turn reinforces their symptoms through socialization. This peer contagion can be accounted for by co-rumination on depressive symptoms and depressogenic cognitions among peers – a process which is more prevalent in adolescent girls (Rose, 2002; Stevens & Prinstein, 2005). Given that Metal music listening can form an adolescent music subculture that is presumably shared with peers (Russell, 1997; Zillmann & Gan, 1997), Metal music’s link to depression in adolescent girls could be accounted for by peer affiliations with peers who are more depressed and subsequent co-rumination. Second, adolescents who feel sadder after listening to Metal music have more depressive symptoms (Martin et al., 1993). Thus it is conceivable that Metal music’s link to depression in adolescent girls could be accounted for by maladaptive emotionoriented or avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening. As Metal music explores more negative themes (e.g., distress, suicide, and death; Hansen & Hansen, 1991), emotion-oriented or avoidance/disengagement coping using it can perhaps lead to rumination or social withdrawal and be associated with more depressive symptoms in girls.

Objectives and hypotheses
The first objective of this study was to find empirical evidence that music listening in adolescence can lead to peer affiliation based upon music preferences. Theoretically, musical subcultures in adolescence can create some peer affiliation; therefore, we
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hypothesized that the music preferences of participants should present similarities with those of their close peers. The second objective of this study was to find out whether three strategies of coping by music listening (emotion-oriented, problem-oriented, and avoidance/disengagement) were related to depression levels in adolescence. We developed three hypotheses from the mainstream coping literature (e.g., Compas et al., 2001): problem-oriented coping by music listening should be associated with lower depression levels; emotion-oriented coping by music listening should be associated with higher depression levels; avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening should be associated with higher depression levels. Furthermore, the literature has reported that adolescent girls use more music listening for emotion regulation than boys (North et al., 2000); therefore, we assumed that these anticipated associations would be stronger in girls than in boys. The third objective of this study was to examine whether peers’ depression levels and coping by music listening were moderators of the relation between Metal music and depression levels in adolescents girls. We expected that Metal music listening should be related to higher depression levels in adolescent girls only if they affiliated with more depressive peers or if they either employed high emotion-oriented or avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening.

Method
PA RT I C I PA N T S A N D P RO C E D U R E

The initial sample was composed of 467 French Canadian adolescents attending 9th, 10th, and 11th grades in a Montreal (Canada) French high school. Participants filled out a self-report questionnaire in class, which included on the cover page information regarding the research purpose, a consent form, and confidentiality details. Research assistants also informed participants about the purpose of the research and confidentiality at the beginning of the class. Participants selected for this study had to have been listening to their favourite music for at least one year and had to listen to a total of at least one hour of music each week. The final sample includes 418 adolescents aged between 15 and 19 years (M 15.74; SD .83) with equivalent numbers of girls (n 215) and boys (n 203). About half of the participants’ parents were born outside Canada (mothers 48.8%; fathers 53.1%). Family structure was generally intact, with 25.7% of parents being separated or divorced. The majority of the parents were in full-time employment (mothers 68.2%; fathers 88.1%), and had completed at least high-school education (mothers 90%; fathers 86.3%).
MEASURES

Music preferences Music preferences were assessed using a 33-item scale in which factorial validity was already established (variance explained 54.80%; Miranda & Claes, in press). It measures French-Canadian adolescents’ liking for each of five music listening factors: Metal, Soul, Electronic, Pop, and Classical. Participants reported their level of preference on a five-point scale (1 ‘I do not like that at all’; 5 ‘I like that a lot’) for each of the 33 music styles (e.g., jazz), with representative artists as examples (e.g., Miles Davis). In this study, the five factors of music preferences present a satisfactory

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internal consistency: Metal ( Classical ( .88).

.90); Soul (

.89); Electronic (

.84); Pop (

.64);

Depression Depression levels were assessed with a French version of the 21-item Beck Depression Inventory (Bourque & Beaudette, 1982). Using a scale of 0 to 3, participants reported to what extent and how often they had experienced diverse depressive symptoms during the previous two weeks. This scale displays an excellent internal consistency in the present study ( .90). Music preferences and depression in peers Peer nomination is an established method in the field of peer relations and depression in adolescence (e.g., Hoffman, Cole, Martin, Tram, & Seroczynski, 2000; Hogue & Steinberg, 1995; Kiesner, 2002; Phillips, Lonigan, Driscoll, & Hooe, 2002; Swenson & Rose, 2003). The following procedure enabled the researchers to measure the music preferences and depression levels reported by participants’ peers. Participants were asked to provide the names of their three best friends (girls or boys) attending 9th, 10th, and 11th grades in their high school. The three nominated peers were themselves participants in this study. Thus it was possible to establish objective measures of music preferences and depression in close peers by calculating the peer group mean from the self-reported scores of the nominated peers. Coping by music listening Ten items measured three styles of coping by music listening across stressful situations in adolescence: emotion-oriented; problem-oriented; avoidance/disengagement. Participants read this statement: ‘When I am stressed by problems at school, with friends, and family, I listen to my favourite music to…?’. On a 5-point scale (1 never; 5 always), participants indicated the extent to which they employed each coping behaviour through music listening: emotion-oriented (e.g., ‘help myself gain more positive emotions…’); problem-oriented (e.g., ‘help myself reflect better…’); avoidance/disengagement (e.g., ‘avoid thinking about my problems…’). The initial scale contained 15 items, although five items were dropped during validation. Four items using the expression ‘to imagine’ were too ambiguously related to fantasy constructs (e.g., ‘imagine I am my favourite music artist…’). One item referred to ‘helps to give energy for leisure activities’, which had lesser theoretical validity for problem-oriented coping. The final 10-item scale explains 62.71% of variance (principal axis factoring): emotion-oriented (29.22%); avoidance/disengagement (18.53%); problemoriented (14.96%). However, the problem-oriented factor had a limited extraction value (Eigenvalue .916). This scale has a satisfactory internal consistency: emotionoriented ( .88); avoidance/disengagement ( .85); problem-oriented ( .69). Importance given to music vs lyrics in songs A five-point bipolar single-item measure of importance given to music vs lyrics asked participants to rate the extent to which they liked songs for the lyrics or the music (1 for the lyrics; 5 for the music).

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Results
P R E L I M I NA RY A NA LYS E S

We were interested in probing the extent to which gender differences were present in our measure of coping by music listening in adolescence. Table 1 reports the descriptive statistics for the three coping dimensions by music listening in adolescent girls and boys (emotion-oriented, problem-oriented, and avoidance/disengagement). A MANOVA was conducted and indicated a significant gender effect (Wilks’ .94; F(3, 414) 9.66, p .001). Univariate post hoc analyses indicated that girls scored significantly higher than boys on all coping dimensions (p .05): emotion-oriented (F(1, 416) 21.31); problem-oriented (F(1, 416) 6.01); avoidance/disengagement (F(1, 416) 25.12).
P E E R A F F I L I AT I O N BA S E D U P O N M U S I C P R E F E R E N C E S A N D D E P R E S S I O N

Correlations were conducted to examine the correspondence between self-report ratings of participants and the self-report ratings of their peers at school. Participants’ mean music preferences correlated significantly (p .01) with the mean ratings of their close peers: Metal (r .45); Soul; (r .45); Pop; (r .38); Electronic; (r .24); Classical (r .15). Depression levels of participants also correlated significantly with the mean level of their close peers (r .14; p .01).
COPING BY MUSIC LISTENING AND DEPRESSION LEVELS

Two hierarchical regressions were performed in order to find out if the three dimensions of coping by music listening (emotion-oriented; problem-oriented; avoidance/disengagement) accounted for a significant proportion of variance in depression levels of adolescent girls and boys. In the first step of each regression, the importance given to lyrics and the time they spent listening to music per week were controlled. In the second step of each regression, a nested stepwise procedure was programmed to determine which of the three coping dimensions accounted best for the variance in depression (the criteria were p .05 for entering the equation model and p .10 for exiting the equation model). Results of the regression analysis for girls are presented in Table 2. In the first step, importance given to lyrics and time spent listening to music accounted for a significant proportion of variance in depression (R2 6%; F(2, 212) 6.56, p .01). In the second step, avoidance/disengagement coping accounted for an added proportion of variance ( R2 8%; F(3, 211) 19.22, p .001). In the third step, problemoriented coping also accounted for an additional proportion of variance ( R2 2%;

TA B L E

1 Means and standard deviations for the three dimensions of coping by music listening in adolescent girls (N 215) and boys (N 203)

Coping dimensions Emotion-oriented coping Avoidance/disengagement Problem-oriented coping
Note: *p .05 **p .01 ***p

Total 3.41 (1.05) 3.11 (1.17) 3.36 (.96)
.001

Girls 3.64 (.99) 3.38 (1.07) 3.47 (.92)

Boys 3.18 (1.07) 2.82 (1.20) 3.24 (1.00)

F 21.31*** 25.12*** 6.01*

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F(4, 210) 3.94, p .05). In this third and last step, avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening predicted higher depression levels ( .34; t 4.84; p .001) and problem-oriented coping by music listening predicted lower depression levels ( .14; t 1.99; p .05). Emotion-oriented coping did not predict depression levels ( in .16; t 1.74, p .05). Results of the regression analysis for boys are presented in Table 3. In the first step, importance given to lyrics and time spent listening to music did not account for a proportion of variance in depression (R2 1%; F(2, 200) 1.43, p .05). In the second step, emotion-oriented coping accounted for an additional proportion of variance ( R2 4%; F(3, 199) 8.35, p .01). In this second and last step, emotion-oriented coping by music listening predicted higher depression levels ( .20; t 2.89; p .01). Avoidance/disengagement ( in .10; t 1.14) and problem-oriented coping by music listening ( in .11; t 1.35) did not predict depression levels (p .05).

TA B L E

2 Hierarchical regression predicting depression levels in adolescent girls (N 215) from coping by music listening (emotion-oriented; problem-oriented; avoidance/disengagement)

Predictors Step 1 Lyrics’ importance Listening time Step 2 Lyrics’ importance Listening time Avoidance/disengagement Step 3 Lyrics’ importance Listening time Avoidance/disengagement Problem-oriented Total R2
Note: *p

t .06 .23 .06 .18 .28 .07 .19 .34 .14 .93 3.35** .87 2.74** 4.38*** 1.06 2.94** 4.84*** 1.99*

R2

.058**

.079***

.016*

15.3%; F(4, 210)
.05 **p .01 ***p

9.47***

.001

TA B L E

3 Hierarchical regression predicting depression levels in adolescent boys (N 203) from coping by music listening (emotion-oriented; problemoriented; avoidance/disengagement)

Predictors Step 1 Lyrics’ importance Listening time Step 2 Lyrics’ importance Listening time Emotion-oriented Total R2 5.4%; F(3, 199)
.05 **p .01 ***p

t .09 .07 .07 .08 .20 1.26 .95 1.04 1.10 2.89**

R2

.014

.040**

3.77*
.001

Note: *p

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P E E R S ’ D E P R E S S I O N A N D C O P I N G A S M O D E R ATO R S O F T H E L I N K B E T W E E N M E TA L M U S I C A N D D E P R E S S I O N

Table 4 presents the results of the three hierarchical regressions that were conducted using procedures for moderation effects with centred scores (Cohen, Cohen, West, & Aiken, 2003). Three moderation effects were tested for the link between Metal music preference and depression levels in adolescent girls: emotion-oriented coping by music listening (emotion-oriented coping Metal music); avoidance/disengagement by music listening (avoidance/disengagement Metal music); peers’ depression levels (peers’ depression Metal music). In the first regression, the second step indicated that the interaction term between emotion-oriented coping and Metal preference did not account for a proportion of variance in depression ( R2 1%; F(3, 211) 1.23, p .05). In the second regression, the second step indicated that the interaction term between avoidance/disengagement coping and Metal preference did not account for a proportion of variance in depression ( R2 1%; F(3, 211) 3.19, p .05). In the third regression, the second step revealed that the interaction term between peers’ depression levels and Metal preference accounted for an additional proportion of variance in depression ( R2 2%;
4 Three moderated hierarchical regressions predicting depression levels in adolescent girls (N 215) from three interaction terms: Emotion-oriented coping Metal music; avoidance/ disengagement Metal music; peers’ depression Metal music

TA B L E

Predictors Regression 1 Step 1 Metal Emotion-oriented Step 2 Emotion-oriented Total R2 7.4%; F(3, 211) 5.65** Metal .07 .13 .23

t

R2

1.92 3.47** 1.11

.069** .005

Regression 2 Step 1 Metal Avoidance/disengagement Step 2 Avoidance/disengagement Total R2 12.7%; F(3, 211) 10.26*** Metal .12 1.79 .013 .12 .31 1.85 4.84*** .114

Regression 3 Step 1 Metal Peers’ depression Step 2 Peers’ depression Total R2 4.4%; F(3, 211) 3.27* Metal .16 2.23* .022* .13 .08 1.88 1.12 .022

Note: Variables were centered before the interaction term was created (see Cohen et al., 2003). *p .05 ** p .01 ***p .001

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F(3, 211) 4.96, p .05). Consequently, post hoc slope analyses were conducted for the relation between Metal preference and depression. At low levels of depression in peers, Metal music preference did not predict depression levels ( .02; t .21; p .05). At high levels of depression in peers, Metal music preference predicted higher depression levels ( .27; t 2.91; p .01).

Discussion
P E E R A F F I L I AT I O N BA S E D U P O N M U S I C P R E F E R E N C E S A N D D E P R E S S I O N

The first objective of this study was to find empirical evidence that music listening in adolescence could lead to peer affiliation based upon music preferences. Music preferences in adolescence can potentially create musical subcultures that provide various social cognitions and behavioural codes (e.g., Zillmann & Gan, 1997). It was expected on the basis of the literature we reviewed that these musical subcultures in adolescence could generate some peer affiliation; thus we hypothesized that music preferences of participants should present similarities with those of their close peers. The significant correlations between the five music preferences of participants and those reported by their close peers support our hypothesis. Hence, these results could suggest potential peer affiliation processes based upon music preferences in adolescence, which should be further investigated in longitudinal studies. Moreover, these results were based on peer nomination procedures, therefore they offer some objective empirical evidence that music preferences can be partially shared and shaped by direct socialization with peers. As mentioned before, Brown (2004) defines peer groups as small groups of adolescents who frequently interact with each other. Thus our results support the notion that musical subcultures in adolescence can actually represent peer groups of adolescents who interact directly with each other, at least in the social environment of high schools. This idea is in keeping with those of the authors who suggest that musical preferences in adolescence involve peer affiliation and contribute to the formation of peer groups (e.g., Zillmann & Gan, 1997). On the other hand, musical subcultures are also thought of as being significant psychological constructs, which are not always tangible peer groups but also virtual taste cultures shaped by the mass media (e.g., Zillmann & Gan, 1997). These virtual taste cultures are considered to be difficult to define objectively as groups of adolescents who actually interact with each other (Zillmann & Gan, 1997). However, musical preferences in adolescence can be related to broad and significant social identities (e.g., Bakagiannis & Tarrant, 2006). As mentioned previously, peer crowds are social cognitive representations of large groups of adolescents who share a common social identity based on reputation in high schools, yet without necessarily interacting directly with each other (Brown, 2004). Therefore, musical subcultures may be akin to the concept of high school peer crowds. Furthermore, peer crowds can provide adolescents with significant social opportunities (e.g. friendships) and generate different adjustment outcomes (e.g. deviancy, depression) (see Prinstein & La Greca, 2002). Thus high school peer crowds as a concept probably provide an interesting framework within which to study larger music taste cultures in adolescence. In addition, the correlations between the music preferences were either small or medium in size, which can indicate that music preferences in adolescence also reflect
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individual taste that is not necessarily shared with peers. Although our results suggest that music preferences in adolescence can partially stem from direct socialization within peer groups, they are probably subject to other sources of influence, whether individual, such as personality traits (e.g., North, Desborough, & Skarstein, 2005) or again social, such as family members. Past studies have reported that adolescents can overestimate or underestimate their classmates’ music preferences or even adjust their individual music preferences, albeit when stated publicly in front of the class – probably as an attempt to conform to what they believe are their classmates’ music preferences (Finnäs, 1987, 1989). Our results primarily suggest that individuals’ music preferences in adolescence are actually only shared moderately with their closest peers at school. These results can also be related to the cross-cultural findings of Tarrant et al. (2000), which indicate that although English and American adolescents do listen to music for reasons pertaining to the fulfilment of social needs (e.g., popularity), they also listen to it for more individual reasons such as self-actualization (e.g., creativity) and the fulfilment of emotional needs (e.g., enjoyment). Finally, the depression levels of adolescents correlated significantly with the mean level of their close peers. This result is congruent with recent studies conducted with adolescents, which provide evidence of peer affiliation based upon depression levels or peer contagion of depressive symptoms among peers (e.g., Rose, 2002; Stevens & Prinstein, 2005).
COPING BY MUSIC LISTENING AND DEPRESSION LEVELS

The second objective of this study was to find out whether three strategies of coping by music listening (emotion-oriented, problem-oriented, and avoidance/disengagement) could be related to depression levels in adolescence. On the basis of the literature on coping and adolescent development (Compas et al., 2001), we expected that problemoriented coping by music listening would be associated with lower depression levels, while emotion-oriented coping and avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening would be associated with higher depression levels. We also anticipated that these associations would be stronger in girls, given that previous studies reported adolescent girls’ greater use of music listening for emotion regulation (North et al., 2000). Our results confirm that problem-oriented coping by music listening is associated with lower depression levels, yet only in girls. Nevertheless, this result remains partially in keeping with the literature review of Compas et al. (2001), which underscored the finding that problem-oriented coping is related to lesser internalized symptoms in adolescence. In fact, our findings suggest that music listening can probably be used consciously by adolescents as problem-oriented coping. There are two converging explanations for the gender difference in the link between problem-oriented coping by music listening and depressive symptoms. First, several popular songs contain lyrics about developmental issues important to adolescents (Schwartz & Fouts, 2003) and adolescents report identifying with song lyrics for solace and advice (Raviv et al., 1996; Saarikallio & Erkkilä, 2007). Second, girls in this sample actually reported more problem-oriented coping by music listening on average than boys. Consequently, compared to adolescent boys, girls may use songs in their problem-oriented coping by music listening directed at resolving stressful situations (e.g., school achievement, peer relations) more often and more effectively. This is an adaptive behaviour that could result in fewer depressive symptoms.
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Results indicated that emotion-oriented coping by music listening was not related to depression levels in adolescent girls, but it was linked to higher depression levels in boys. This result is still in keeping with the literature, which suggests that emotionoriented coping could be related to more internalized symptoms in adolescence (Compas et al., 2001). However, maladaptive emotion regulation, such as unregulated negative emotional release, is more at issue (Compas et al., 2001). In emotionoriented coping behaviours, men may be more likely than women to engage in emotional venting (e.g., anger) in response to achievement and relationship stressors (Tamres, Janicki, & Helgeson, 2002), which are arguably addressed in this study (e.g., school, friends, family). Furthermore, adolescent girls report on average more emotion regulation with music listening (North et al., 2000) and were found potentially to benefit more from emotional vicarious release by music listening (Lacourse et al., 2001). In short, adolescent boys may be more prone than girls to engage in maladaptive emotion-oriented coping by music listening, probably through venting, which in turn would be associated with their depressive symptoms. In fact, adolescent girls from this sample reported more emotion-oriented coping by music listening than boys. Hence, regarding the link between emotion-oriented coping by music listening and more depression in boys, although our interpretation is provisional, the quality of emotion regulation by music listening is probably more at stake than the quantity. Results also verified that avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening was indeed associated with higher depression levels in adolescent girls but not in their male counterparts. This result is again partially in keeping with the literature (Compas et al., 2001), which indicated that avoidance/disengagement coping is related to more internalized symptoms in adolescence. The present gender difference is analogous to findings from Seiffge-Krenke and Stemmler (2002), which indicate that avoidant coping is related to depressive symptoms only in adolescent girls. Avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening can perhaps be misused by some adolescent girls in order to avoid thinking about problems that need immediate reflection or action. This in turn could be associated with more depressive symptoms. Girls’ withdrawal from useful social support by solitary music listening could be implicated. For instance, there are reports that girls who listen to lyrics on interpersonal issues while alone in their room can present a dysphoric mood, while the presence of a friend turns the listening of these lyrics into a positive experience (Larson, 1995). In fact, music listening in adolescence generally occurs in private (e.g., North et al., 2000), and adolescent girls in this sample reported more avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening than boys. However, this interpretation remains speculative. Thus, future work should investigate more thoroughly whether the fact that girls usually spend more time than boys listening to music (Roberts et al., 2004) could put them at greater risk for maladaptive patterns of avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening. Overall, these results indicate that adolescents report using music listening deliberately to cope with daily stress, which supports the findings of previous studies that have already suggested such phenomena of coping by music listening in adolescence (Arnett, 1995; Larson, 1995). Moreover, adolescent girls reported more use of coping by music listening than boys, whether emotion-oriented, problem-oriented, or avoidance/disengagement coping. This is in accordance with recent studies on coping in adolescence, which report that girls employ more coping behaviours than boys (e.g., Wilson, Pritchard, & Revalee, 2005).
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P E E R A F F I L I AT I O N A N D C O P I N G A S M O D E R ATO R S O F T H E L I N K B E T W E E N M E TA L M U S I C A N D D E P R E S S I O N

The third objective of this study was to examine whether peers’ depression levels and coping by music listening could act as moderators of the previously documented relationship between Metal music and depression levels in adolescent girls (Martin et al., 1993). We expected that Metal music listening would be related to higher depression levels in adolescent girls only if they affiliated with peers who were more depressed or if they employed either high emotion-oriented or avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening. Our results support our hypothesis that Metal music is related to higher depression levels in adolescent girls only insofar as they affiliate with peers who are more depressed. Given that Metal music listening can form an adolescent music subculture shared with peers (Russell, 1997; Zillmann & Gan, 1997), which our results confirmed, it is possible that Metal music’s link with depression in adolescent girls can be accounted for by peer affiliation with depressed peers and consequent corumination, perhaps sustained by Metal music’s more negative lyrics (e.g. those concerning distress, suicide, and death; Hansen & Hansen, 1991). Potential contagion of depression can indeed be accounted for by co-rumination of depressive symptoms – a process which is more prevalent in adolescent girls (Rose, 2002; Stevens & Prinstein, 2005). Our results do not support the notion that Metal music’s link with depression in adolescent girls can also be accounted for by maladaptive coping by music listening. Although adolescents who feel sadder after listening to Metal music display more symptoms of depression (Martin et al., 1993), our results do not support the idea that Metal music’s link with depression in adolescent girls can be accounted for by maladaptive emotion-oriented coping. Finally, our results do not support the suggestion that Metal music’s link with depression in adolescent girls can be accounted for by maladaptive avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening. Nonetheless, this last moderation effect (avoidance/disengagement Metal) almost significantly accounted for variance in girls’ depression (p .08). Thus, more research should be undertaken to test this hypothesis further.

Conclusion
L I M I TAT I O N S

This study underscores the challenge of measuring a factor of problem-oriented coping by music listening, given that it had limited extraction value, while emotion-oriented coping by music listening accounted for the largest proportion of variance. An explanation may be provided by the model of Saarikallio and Erkkilä (2007), which suggests that most adaptive strategies involving music in adolescence, including mental work, are in fact sub-goals oriented at achieving mood regulation. Also, our measure of coping by music listening was not designed to establish whether adolescents primarily used the music, the lyrics, or both (see Ali & Peynircioglu, 2006, for findings relating to the differential role of music and lyrics in the relationships between songs and emotions). Furthermore, the preliminary theoretical framework underpinning this study focused on styles of coping by music listening that were considered

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as being stable across stressful situations in adolescence; however, more advanced work will need to consider that coping is mostly conceptualized as a contextual adaptive strategy that changes across stressful situations and within the unfolding of a specific stressful situation (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Future studies should focus on coping strategies by music listening as they are used by adolescents, of their own volition, in the context of specific stressful situations. Finally, this correlational study does not allow predictive or causal interpretations, and its convenience sample of French-Canadian adolescents can limit the generalization of results to other cultures. Hence, future prospective, experimental, and cross-cultural studies should be undertaken to confirm the validity of our results and interpretations.

Contribution
First, this study supports the notion that musical subcultures in adolescence can actually represent peer groups of adolescents who interact directly with each other. In turn, high-school peer crowds are an equally interesting framework within which musical subcultures in adolescence can be studied. Second, this study supports the idea that three dimensions of coping by music listening (emotion-oriented, problemoriented, and avoidance/disengagement) can be deliberately used by adolescent girls and boys in order to confront daily life stresses pertaining to school, peers, and family. Adolescent girls actually report more use of each dimension of coping by music listening. Furthermore, these coping dimensions are differentially associated with psychological adjustment. In adolescent girls, problem-oriented coping by music listening is linked to lower depression levels, whereas avoidance/disengagement coping by music listening is linked to higher depression levels. In adolescent boys, emotionoriented coping by music listening is linked to higher depression levels. These gender differences in coping by music listening are theoretically challenging and this is further compounded by the fact that various age and gender differences relative to coping in adolescence are equally reported in the mainstream literature (Williams & McGillicuddy-De Lisi, 2000). Nevertheless, gender differences in the way listening to music is used by adolescents as a coping strategy may represent developmental specificities. Compas (2004) and Compas et al. (2001) recommend that developmental specificities for coping should be investigated much further (see also Hutchinson et al., 2006, for findings relating to adolescents’ leisure activities as coping strategies). Lastly, Metal music listening is related to higher depression levels in adolescent girls if they affiliate with peers that are more depressed. It is possible that this illustrates a process of co-rumination on depressive symptoms among more depressed adolescent girls who prefer Metal music listening. In sum, the developmental significance of music listening in adolescence can be further understood in light of its possible relationships with depression. The present study elaborated on this proposal by offering empirical evidence that peer affiliation based upon music preferences, and also three styles of coping by music listening, can account for a number of relationships between music listening and depression in adolescence.
NOTE

This paper was part of the doctoral dissertation of the first author.

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AC K N OW L E D G E M E N T S

This study was supported in part by a scholarship for doctoral studies awarded to the first author by the Fonds Québécois de Recherche sur la Société et la Culture (FQRSC) from the province of Quebec (Canada).
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Miranda and Claes: Music listening and coping in adolescence Wilson, G. S., Pritchard, M. E., & Revalee, B. (2005). Individual differences in adolescent health symptoms: The effects of gender and coping. Journal of Adolescence, 28, 369–379. Zillmann, D., & Gan, S. (1997). Musical taste in adolescence. In J. Hargreaves & A. C. North (Eds.), The social psychology of music (pp. 161–187). New York: Oxford University Press.

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DAV E M I R A N DA received his PhD from Université de Montréal (Montreal, Canada) in 2007. His research interests include: psychology of music (e.g., adaptive functions of music); personality psychology (e.g., trait and social-cognitive approaches); developmental psychology (e.g., adolescence, life-span, and evolutionary perspectives); and developmental psychopathology (e.g., abnormal child psychology and prevention science). [email: [e-mail]]

MICHEL CLAES

received his PhD from Université Catholique de Louvain (Belgium) in 1976. He is currently honorary professor at the Department of Psychology at Université de Montréal (Montreal, Canada). His research interests include: theories of adolescence; developmental psychology; psychosocial adaptation; interpersonal relationships (e.g., family and peers); parental practices; and cross-cultural psychology. Address: Université de Montréal, Département de Psychologie, C. P. 6128, Succursale CentreVille, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, H3C 3J7.

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