The goal of the chapter is to highlight the experiences and struggles of Afro-Latino during the 1960’s political movements as well as their fight to assert both of their identities. The chapter also conveys the connection of Afro-Latinos with African-American community and Latino community as though setting Afro-Latinos to bridge the two. From Carlos Cooks’s Buy Black campaign to Sherezada Vicioso’s Discovering myself, chapter five chronicles the complexity of Afro-Latin@ identity and how it relates to the society during the 60s Chapter five is a collection of speeches, personal essays, memoirs, and poems written different Afro-Latin@ key figures at the time. For the most part, they were written from a first person perspective…
Upon reading “Freedom in the making: the slaves of hacienda La Esperanza, Manatı´, Puerto Rico, on the eve of abolition, 1868–76” I was given a better insight into what the slaves here endured. “In 1869 slaves comprised a minority of over 41,000 persons in Puerto Rico, or 7 per cent of the total population.” This specific set of events provided mental images and a more truthful look at the way they were forced to live their lives. These slaves were in the sugar cane fields of La Esperanza and were trying to fight for their freedom. Although they endured physical harm on a regular basis, they were able to report any cases of punishment they thought of as severe or clear cases of deprivation going unnoticed by authorities. “Some of these complaints revealed a harshness of punishment beyond the limits admitted by the law. Slaves complained of excessive punishment, too many working hours and night shifts, insufficient food or even clothes. The law forbade all types of punishment except…
The CESPA Roundtable Discussion on Cuba was about the five professors insights on questions about Cuba moderated by Dr. Jorge Garcia. One question was asked to the panel and the panel gave an answer due to their experience in Cuba and as a scholar in Casa de las Americas. The main questions asked by the moderator were about Casa de las Americas, identity, and Cuban society and quality of life. There were questions asked by the audience that allowed the panel to talk about different issues that contributed to expanding the discussion to the audience.…
In the book, I explore how Afro-Cuban activists used the exact same rhetoric that the government employed in the campaign against racial discrimination. However, they turn the rhetoric on itself in order to pressure the government to provide more rights and resources to Afro-Cubans. Once the revolutionary government began using antiracist rhetoric and linked it to the Revolution, some Afro-Cubans responded with even more robust…
In 1985 author, historian, and Professor Rebecca J. Scott released her very well received book, Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860-1899. Using clear, direct prose, Scott condenses nineteenth-century Cuba's multicolored social geography, its indirect legal schemes, and the complicated social and racial tensions that determined the course of emancipation, which she explains was a process. Scott’s argument is simply that the emancipation of slavery in Cuba did not occur simply because of the power that Spain had in the region, or because of economic inconsistencies. In reality, Scott claims, slave emancipation was a prolonged, slow-going process that came to fruition through a series of social, legal and economic transformations.…
The 1959 revolution brought about perhaps the most considerable change the island of Cuba has ever seen in its recent history, causing a complete remodelling of everyday life. Under Castro’s rule, the new regime challenged old politics of the state and people by tackling issues such as race and gender. Though it may have taken a while for the government to successfully implement considerable changes, most got their starting point under the revolutionary wave due to the need to eradicate Cuba of its backwards thinking policies. One controversial topic however that should have been confronted yet was perhaps even supported to some extent, was homophobia. There are numerous theories as to why discrimination against homosexuals lasted so long whereas discrimination against black people for example, was an issue tackled immediately by the revolution. Twenty years later however and homosexuals in Cuba were still experiencing the discrimination from the state and its people. A film which attempts to portray this experience is ‘Fresa y Chocolate’ (Strawberries and Chocolate) which does so by touching upon topics of employment, culture and education regarding homosexual lifestyle in 1970s Cuba. This essay will discuss through examination to what extent is ‘Fresa y Chocolate’ an accurate depiction.…
He believed that while Cubans had the utmost respect for America, the United States was trying to annex Cuba with an ulterior motive, out of greed and desire for more land rather than out of the kindness of their hearts. Martí indicated that Cubans who had fought in war or those that had built a home throughout hostile conditions would rather not have any attachments to the U.S. The second attack he invalidates is the Manufacturer of Philadelphia's false depiction of Cubans as “effeminate”, “helpless”, and “idle” (pg 2). He defends Cubans by writing that, “ fought against the climate; mastered the language; lived by their honest labor, some in affluence, a few in wealth... they never feared competition as to intelligence or diligence...”…
His view were shaped and influence at the early age of 16 when he was imprisoned for five years then exiled to the United States later. As a writer in the United States he formed a group of insurgents to eventually invade Cuba to start a revolution and release the nation from Spain’s control. He saw that Latin America blindly followed the world as an easily manipulated and exploitable puppet. Unlike Sarmiento, Marti believed that Latin America and Cuba in particular, should focus on securing freedom and independence so that they could then preserve tradition and culture rather than blindly follow a tyrannical Eurocentric power. The revolution slowly but surely was successful but not without the help of pressure and aid from the United States. Marti feared that the United States would just be another controlling tyrant to oppress Cuba economically and culturally. The fears are summed up by Marti said, “When a local problem arises, we are less likely to seek the answer in London or Paris. Our styles may originate in France but our though is becoming more American. The new generation rolls up its sleeves, gets its hands dirty, and sweats. It is getting results. Our youth now understands we are too prone to imitate and that our salvation lies in creativity. ‘Creativity’ is the password of this new generation.” (Marti, 9-10) In the end Marti’s fears turned to reality as the United States occupied Cuba in the early 1900’s effectively controlling the economy and almost crushing the sugar industry in Cuba causing a severe time of struggle in the…
In the film Black in Latin America, Professor Henry Louis Gates Jr. takes an in-depth look at the island of Hispaniola, divided into the nations of the Dominican Republic and Haiti. In Hispaniola, the conflicting attitudes of the Dominicans and Haitians concerning their African ancestry is the main focus. The people of both nations share a largely African heritage, but their attitudes concerning this past are very different. While Dominicans tend to stress their “whiteness”, Haitians tend to embrace their African heritage with great pride. The documentary follows Gates from Santo Domingo to the Dominican Port-au-Prince, Cap Haitien and other parts of Haiti. This film has an eclectic mix of history, interviews with…
White supremacy is not a social issue that only affects the United States. In all parts of the world, people of color are seen as inferior compared to those with more standard European, “white” features. A place where this ideology takes a rather ironic twist is in the Dominican Republic. Although a grand majority of the Dominican people can be considered mulatto or of a mixed European and Black genealogy, many rejected their African descendants. Being “negro” is frowned upon in the Dominican Republic because it is a characteristic associated with the country’s neighbor on Hispañola, Haiti. The feud between Haiti and the Dominican Republic can be traced back to the 19th century and can be seen in modern times in the Dominican Republic’s attempt…
This picture was taken on the outskirts of Panama City en route to Casco Antiguo. The type of houses depicted in the picture has a lot to do with the word outskirt; it exemplifies the two dynamics that exist within Panama. In the picture, you can see small shack like houses clustered together, a housing plan that usually denotes homes of lower income residents, and in the background, there are the notorious skyscrapers of the affluent Panama City. This conflicting setup is the truth for all of Panama. All of the people who occupy the upper class and are well off dominate the center of Panama, whereas all those who occupy the lower class are marginalized to the outskirts and borders of Panama.…
Under Castro, Cuba wanted to extend the ideals of revolution to other parts of the world to show that change can happen and that nations should not be victims of imperialism. Cuba promoted revolution around the world in places like Africa and Latin America. The leaders of the revolution were encouraging citizens in other nations to revolt, thinking it could result in greater power for lower-class…
In the United State, the 1950’s is commonly referred to as the era of conformity. Prosperity of the post war years left people dazzled by new technology, commuting to the suburbs and settling into wholesale purchase of the American Dream. Women were donning aprons and pearls, the uniform of the perfect house wife while men were bowing to bosses, briefcase in hand, to fulfill their breadwinner duties. Just ninety miles south of the Florida coast, however there was a tremendously different kind of era underway. Thousands of Cubans took up arms against Dictator Fulgencio Batista, determined to see a successful revolution that would bring justice to the poor and rights to the oppressed. Women also joined the revolution by the hundreds, using their skirts to transport bombs, their pocket books to smuggle cash and their homes to hide guerrillas. Revolutionary women played an active and heroic role in the Cuban Revolution in the late 1950’s often risking everything in the name of justice. In this paper, I will utilize personal testimonies of women revolutionaries as well as scholarly commentary to explore the motivation, ambition and role of women in the Cuban Revolution from 1953-1959. Additionally, I will look at what Fidel Castro and the leadership of the July 26 Movement articulate to be women’s role in the revolution and consider how this contributes to women’s liberation. I conclude that women did not join the anti-Batista movement in spite of their femininity but instead were motivated to join the Revolution by reasons unique to their experience of pre-revolutionary Cuba as women in traditional gender roles. As such, the role they played in the revolution was consistent with traditional gender ideology and the jobs they did were most…
Cuba is changing. The “special period” has ended and Cuba is progressing out of its heavily ruling fist. A change in power and new relations with the United States has sparked cultural changes in Cuba, but not without dissonance. One of the largest fears in Cuba is of how to implement new policy and adapt to new ways of thinking. Amid signs of change and growth, many Cubans are hesitant to believe in a new structure of government and are tending to resort back to old habits and following old practices…
He elaborated on his stance by mentioning how “the phenomenon of women’s participation in the revolution was a revolution within the revolution... the revolution is occurring among the women of our country!”(2) His speech at the Presidential Palace in Havana emphasized that Cuban women were succeeding in the revolutionary development. The crowd was ecstatic to hear Castro’s feminist praise as he illuminated the efforts of women and guaranteed his spectators that there was plenty in store for Cuban women as more jobs and opportunities opened up. This movement, commenced the emancipation of women from gender discrimination in Cuba; a nation on the verge of a socialist…