Racial Stereotypes
Racial prejudice was defined by Allport , one of the first researchers in psychology to investigate the issue, as "an aversive or hostile attitude towards a person who belongs to a group, simply because he or she belongs to that group, and is therefore presumed to have the objectionable qualities ascribed to that group. It is an antipathy based on a faulty and inflexible generalization" (Allport, 1954).
Racial prejudice exists on 3 levels: behavioral, cognitive and affective. The actual discrimination or unequal treatment towards a particular group based on their race is the behavioral component of racial prejudice. The cognitive component is made up of stereotypes. Stereotypes are categories of cognitions concerning the members of a particular group. These cognitions are usually simple, often over generalized, and frequently inaccurate. Stereotypes are not simply abstractions about group categories. They can act as "cognitive filters" through which we select what information to use, what to ignore, and how to interpret it. Stereotypes do not exist in isolation. They are accompanied by emotions, which are usually expressed in terms that can be distributed along a continuum ranging from the intensely negative to the very positive. (Simpson and Yinger, 1972)
The emotional level is a major element of racism, …show more content…
because it serves as the motivation for stereotyping. Stereotypes would not be so powerful without affective links. After the cognitive level has been challenged and undermined, one continues to maintain stereotypes at the emotional or affective level. As the intensity of emotion increases, so does the level of prejudice. This paper will explore the influence of emotions on one 's unconscious and conscious inclinations towards stereotyping and racism.
Fear, anxiety, disgust and anger are all emotions that exist at the root of racism. According to an evolutionary perspective, fear is one of the most motivational emotions humans have in their bodies to keep them alive. It protects humans from danger, by motivating them to fight back when they are being threatened. This "fight" manifests itself in many different ways, but in the context of racism it is in the form of discrimination towards an out-group. This explains racism as a means of "fighting back" when an individual 's fear has been aroused due to perceived threat to an one 's fundamental needs by the out-group.
Fear exists in the reptilian brain, the very basic area of the brain and it can sometimes be aroused unconsciously. Fear can cause neurotransmitters to fill the brain, bringing an individual to such a heightened state of arousal that the cause of fear becomes internalized. (Le Doux, 2002) In the context of racism, if an individual or group is identified with that arousal, an association is made that is not easily removed.
This evolutionary logic leads to many thoughts about factors in modern day society leading to the acquisition of new stereotypes and prejudices, as well as the endurance existing stereotypes and prejudices. For example, a recent study conducted by Schaller, Park and Mueller investigated the effect of ambient darkness and thoughts about danger on stereotypes about Blacks. The participants were placed in either a well lit or dark room, then they were presented photographs of black males and asked to rate how much they represented the cultural stereotype. The study also included a separate questionnaire to assess each participant 's thoughts of living in a dangerous world. The results showed that when the participants were in the well lit room, their level of perceived danger in the world did not have an effect on the intensity of their stereotypes of blacks. However, when the participants were in the dark room, stereotypes of blacks were more intense in association with their level of perceived danger in the world. To people everywhere darkness is a threat, it presents danger due to vulnerability and has evil connotations. This study clearly illustrates the relationship between racism and fear. (Schaller, Park & Mueller, 2002)
Inter-group anxiety has been proven to be another motivator for racial prejudice. "High levels of intergroup anxiety may amplify normative behavioral patterns, cause cognitive and motivational information processing biases, intensify self-awareness, and augment emotional reactions" (Stephan & Stephan, 1985). Stephan and Stephan proposed that "intergroup anxiety" stems mainly from the anticipation of negative consequences for oneself during contact. Much of the intergroup anxiety may be caused by minimal previous contact with the outgroup, the existence of large status differentials, and a high ratio of outgroup to ingroup members. Stephan and Stephan 's own study of Hispanic Americans ' perceptions of Anglos showed that high voluntary contact was negatively associated, and that high believed dissimilarity and stereotyping were positively associated, with intergroup anxiety. It was predicted that increased contact (under appropriate conditions) would be associated with decreased intergroup anxiety and that, in the context of our field study of minority and majority religious groups, intergroup anxiety would be higher for minority group members. (Stephan & Stephan, 1985)
The Social-identity theory is widely used as an explanation for prejudice. According to Social-Identity theory, an individual attains self-concept and self-esteem through membership to a particular group. A high need for esteem and belonging are often associated with racism because of the psychological need it fulfill it to feel superior, (which in actuality is a state of inferiority). In order for individuals to feel as though their group is meaningful and has status, it is unconsciously necessary for them to place others below them. In applying emotion to this model of prejudice, it is evident that fear of rejection acts as a motivator for out-group discrimination in order to protect one 's own ego.
A newer model of prejudice; Intergroup Emotions Theory, combines this social identity perspective with the assumptions of appraisal theories of emotion.
Intergroup Emotions Theory claims that emotions are caused by the collective aspect of the self. For example, when an outgroup is appraised as threatening an ingroup, negative intergroup emotions such as fear or anger may result, and become part of a general prejudice against the outgroup that may motivate discriminatory behavior. Thus, Intergroup Emotions Theory holds that emotions experienced by individuals with respect to their group memberships make a unique contribution to prejudice and intergroup
relations.
In association with the Intergroup Emotion Theory which recognizes the appraisals and attribution process in racial motives. Esses, Haddock and Zanna point out that there is more to prejudice than merely the attribution of stereotypes to groups. Their research suggests that the emotions elicited by a particular group are important in determining one 's level of prejudice. When one is in a good mood, he or she is likely to evaluate members of out-groups more favorably than when he or she is in a bad mood. (Esses, Haddock & Zanna, 1993)
Another example of the role emotion plays in predicting racial prejudice is illustrated in a study by Esses and Dovidio. They found that when white students were shown a videotape of a black man experiencing discrimination in several situations and asked to focus on their feelings about each situation, they felt more positive toward blacks and were more willing to interact with blacks in the future than students who were told to pay attention to their thoughts in this regard.
Aversive racism is yet another way in which emotion is seen as a factor in racism. Aversive racism is accompanied by feelings of anxiety, which are caused by intergroup expectancies and by the contribution of ignorance that often coexists with fear. Gaertner and Dovidio state that aversive racism is excluded from conscious awareness and amplifies positive behaviours toward a minority group. Negative feelings follow these overly positive behaviours. Gaertner and Dovidio indicate that there are several possible negative emotions involved such as discomfort, anxiety, uneasiness, disgust and even fear. These emotions occur because of the extreme cognitive exercise necessary to avoid expressing unacceptable racist comments. Once again it is being suggested that negative emotions mediate the relationship between stereotypes, which are unavoidable, and prejudice that includes affect. (Gaertner and Dovidio, 1986)
The studies mentioned throughout this paper prove that emotions play a significant role in human tendencies towards racial prejudices. It is also evident that these tendencies can be in many ways unconscious. However, much of this research has also shown that if humans are made more aware of the role that their emotions play in these prejudice thoughts and actions, they can learn to monitor them consciously. Also other research has noted that by increasing intergroup contact racism between groups will decrease. Racial prejudice is a major social problem that must be alleviated and more research in this area will always be beneficial in helping society become more unified.
Works Cited
Allport, The Nature of Prejudice, Doubleday, 1958
Esses, V. & Dovidio, J. (2002). The role of emotions in determining willingness to
engage in intergroup contact. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 29, 637-649.
Esses, V. M., Haddock, G., & Zanna, M. P. (1993). Values, stereotypes, and emotions as
determinants of intergroup attitudes. In D. M. Mackie & D. L. Hamilton (Eds.), Affect, cognition and stereotyping: Interactive processes in group perception (pp. 137-166). San Diego: Academic Press.
Gaertner, S. L., & Dovidio, J. F. (1986). The aversive form of racism. In J. F. Dovidio & S.
L. Gaertner (Eds.), Prejudice, Discrimination, and Racism. Orlando, FL: Academic Press.
LeDoux, Joseph. The Synaptic Self: How Our Brains Become Who We Are. Viking, 2002.
Schaller, M., Park, J., & Mueller, A. (2002). Fear of the dark: Interactive effects of beliefs
about dander and ambient darkness on ethnic stereotypes. Personality and Social Bulletin, 28, 1242-1254.
Simpson G.E. & Yinger J.M, Racial and Cultural Minorities. An Analysis of Prejudice and
Discrimination, New York 1972, p.24.
Stephan, W. G., & Stephan, C. W. (1985). Intergroup anxiety. Journal of Social Issues,
41(3), 157-175.
Racial prejudice exists on 3 levels: behavioral, cognitive and affective. The actual discrimination or unequal treatment towards a particular group based on their race is the behavioral component of racial prejudice. The cognitive component is made up of stereotypes. Stereotypes are categories of cognitions concerning the members of a particular group. These cognitions are usually simple, often over generalized, and frequently inaccurate. Stereotypes are not simply abstractions about group categories. They can act as "cognitive filters" through which we select what information to use, what to ignore, and how to interpret it. Stereotypes do not exist in isolation. They are accompanied by emotions, which are usually expressed in terms that can be distributed along a continuum ranging from the intensely negative to the very positive. (Simpson and Yinger, 1972)
The emotional level is a major element of racism, …show more content…
because it serves as the motivation for stereotyping. Stereotypes would not be so powerful without affective links. After the cognitive level has been challenged and undermined, one continues to maintain stereotypes at the emotional or affective level. As the intensity of emotion increases, so does the level of prejudice. This paper will explore the influence of emotions on one 's unconscious and conscious inclinations towards stereotyping and racism.
Fear, anxiety, disgust and anger are all emotions that exist at the root of racism. According to an evolutionary perspective, fear is one of the most motivational emotions humans have in their bodies to keep them alive. It protects humans from danger, by motivating them to fight back when they are being threatened. This "fight" manifests itself in many different ways, but in the context of racism it is in the form of discrimination towards an out-group. This explains racism as a means of "fighting back" when an individual 's fear has been aroused due to perceived threat to an one 's fundamental needs by the out-group.
Fear exists in the reptilian brain, the very basic area of the brain and it can sometimes be aroused unconsciously. Fear can cause neurotransmitters to fill the brain, bringing an individual to such a heightened state of arousal that the cause of fear becomes internalized. (Le Doux, 2002) In the context of racism, if an individual or group is identified with that arousal, an association is made that is not easily removed.
This evolutionary logic leads to many thoughts about factors in modern day society leading to the acquisition of new stereotypes and prejudices, as well as the endurance existing stereotypes and prejudices. For example, a recent study conducted by Schaller, Park and Mueller investigated the effect of ambient darkness and thoughts about danger on stereotypes about Blacks. The participants were placed in either a well lit or dark room, then they were presented photographs of black males and asked to rate how much they represented the cultural stereotype. The study also included a separate questionnaire to assess each participant 's thoughts of living in a dangerous world. The results showed that when the participants were in the well lit room, their level of perceived danger in the world did not have an effect on the intensity of their stereotypes of blacks. However, when the participants were in the dark room, stereotypes of blacks were more intense in association with their level of perceived danger in the world. To people everywhere darkness is a threat, it presents danger due to vulnerability and has evil connotations. This study clearly illustrates the relationship between racism and fear. (Schaller, Park & Mueller, 2002)
Inter-group anxiety has been proven to be another motivator for racial prejudice. "High levels of intergroup anxiety may amplify normative behavioral patterns, cause cognitive and motivational information processing biases, intensify self-awareness, and augment emotional reactions" (Stephan & Stephan, 1985). Stephan and Stephan proposed that "intergroup anxiety" stems mainly from the anticipation of negative consequences for oneself during contact. Much of the intergroup anxiety may be caused by minimal previous contact with the outgroup, the existence of large status differentials, and a high ratio of outgroup to ingroup members. Stephan and Stephan 's own study of Hispanic Americans ' perceptions of Anglos showed that high voluntary contact was negatively associated, and that high believed dissimilarity and stereotyping were positively associated, with intergroup anxiety. It was predicted that increased contact (under appropriate conditions) would be associated with decreased intergroup anxiety and that, in the context of our field study of minority and majority religious groups, intergroup anxiety would be higher for minority group members. (Stephan & Stephan, 1985)
The Social-identity theory is widely used as an explanation for prejudice. According to Social-Identity theory, an individual attains self-concept and self-esteem through membership to a particular group. A high need for esteem and belonging are often associated with racism because of the psychological need it fulfill it to feel superior, (which in actuality is a state of inferiority). In order for individuals to feel as though their group is meaningful and has status, it is unconsciously necessary for them to place others below them. In applying emotion to this model of prejudice, it is evident that fear of rejection acts as a motivator for out-group discrimination in order to protect one 's own ego.
A newer model of prejudice; Intergroup Emotions Theory, combines this social identity perspective with the assumptions of appraisal theories of emotion.
Intergroup Emotions Theory claims that emotions are caused by the collective aspect of the self. For example, when an outgroup is appraised as threatening an ingroup, negative intergroup emotions such as fear or anger may result, and become part of a general prejudice against the outgroup that may motivate discriminatory behavior. Thus, Intergroup Emotions Theory holds that emotions experienced by individuals with respect to their group memberships make a unique contribution to prejudice and intergroup
relations.
In association with the Intergroup Emotion Theory which recognizes the appraisals and attribution process in racial motives. Esses, Haddock and Zanna point out that there is more to prejudice than merely the attribution of stereotypes to groups. Their research suggests that the emotions elicited by a particular group are important in determining one 's level of prejudice. When one is in a good mood, he or she is likely to evaluate members of out-groups more favorably than when he or she is in a bad mood. (Esses, Haddock & Zanna, 1993)
Another example of the role emotion plays in predicting racial prejudice is illustrated in a study by Esses and Dovidio. They found that when white students were shown a videotape of a black man experiencing discrimination in several situations and asked to focus on their feelings about each situation, they felt more positive toward blacks and were more willing to interact with blacks in the future than students who were told to pay attention to their thoughts in this regard.
Aversive racism is yet another way in which emotion is seen as a factor in racism. Aversive racism is accompanied by feelings of anxiety, which are caused by intergroup expectancies and by the contribution of ignorance that often coexists with fear. Gaertner and Dovidio state that aversive racism is excluded from conscious awareness and amplifies positive behaviours toward a minority group. Negative feelings follow these overly positive behaviours. Gaertner and Dovidio indicate that there are several possible negative emotions involved such as discomfort, anxiety, uneasiness, disgust and even fear. These emotions occur because of the extreme cognitive exercise necessary to avoid expressing unacceptable racist comments. Once again it is being suggested that negative emotions mediate the relationship between stereotypes, which are unavoidable, and prejudice that includes affect. (Gaertner and Dovidio, 1986)
The studies mentioned throughout this paper prove that emotions play a significant role in human tendencies towards racial prejudices. It is also evident that these tendencies can be in many ways unconscious. However, much of this research has also shown that if humans are made more aware of the role that their emotions play in these prejudice thoughts and actions, they can learn to monitor them consciously. Also other research has noted that by increasing intergroup contact racism between groups will decrease. Racial prejudice is a major social problem that must be alleviated and more research in this area will always be beneficial in helping society become more unified.
Works Cited
Allport, The Nature of Prejudice, Doubleday, 1958
Esses, V. & Dovidio, J. (2002). The role of emotions in determining willingness to
engage in intergroup contact. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 29, 637-649.
Esses, V. M., Haddock, G., & Zanna, M. P. (1993). Values, stereotypes, and emotions as
determinants of intergroup attitudes. In D. M. Mackie & D. L. Hamilton (Eds.), Affect, cognition and stereotyping: Interactive processes in group perception (pp. 137-166). San Diego: Academic Press.
Gaertner, S. L., & Dovidio, J. F. (1986). The aversive form of racism. In J. F. Dovidio & S.
L. Gaertner (Eds.), Prejudice, Discrimination, and Racism. Orlando, FL: Academic Press.
LeDoux, Joseph. The Synaptic Self: How Our Brains Become Who We Are. Viking, 2002.
Schaller, M., Park, J., & Mueller, A. (2002). Fear of the dark: Interactive effects of beliefs
about dander and ambient darkness on ethnic stereotypes. Personality and Social Bulletin, 28, 1242-1254.
Simpson G.E. & Yinger J.M, Racial and Cultural Minorities. An Analysis of Prejudice and
Discrimination, New York 1972, p.24.
Stephan, W. G., & Stephan, C. W. (1985). Intergroup anxiety. Journal of Social Issues,
41(3), 157-175.