In her formative article, Golden Age of Separate Spheres?, Amanda Vickery discusses at length the issues with the separate spheres dichotomy and how it has potentially stunted the discussions within women’s history. The majority of her essay concerns the historiography of women’s history and how, in many ways, using the framework of separate spheres allowed the field to develop and thrive. However, one of her chief criticisms is the way this model is often oversimplified. Vickery states that “in itself” the separate spheres model is not “proof that the majority of women in comfortable households had no engagement with the world outside their front door” and I feel this is particularly relevant to aristocratic women. Within their historiography, there are only a few works focused on singular, prevalent aristocratic women, chiefly the Duchess of Devonshire and Mary Derby, who, unlike many of their sisters, conducted their politics more publicly. The other books and articles on this subject are more general histories of aristocratic women, which are by no means less valid or important, but it makes the juxtaposition between the histories of middle-class and working class women and the histories of aristocratic women all the more obvious. Again, to return to the feminist narrative of women’s history, the separate spheres framework makes it hard to fit political aristocratic women into the already established designs of the field, and it is because of separate spheres that it is easy to dismiss them. Unlike middle-class and working class women of these periods, who battled against the oppressive regiment of the separate spheres model, aristocratic women were content with their position in society and did very little to challenge it. They benefitted from the institution of patriarchy immensely; they had wealth and comfort, had a freer rein on their interests and opinions, benefitted from more
In her formative article, Golden Age of Separate Spheres?, Amanda Vickery discusses at length the issues with the separate spheres dichotomy and how it has potentially stunted the discussions within women’s history. The majority of her essay concerns the historiography of women’s history and how, in many ways, using the framework of separate spheres allowed the field to develop and thrive. However, one of her chief criticisms is the way this model is often oversimplified. Vickery states that “in itself” the separate spheres model is not “proof that the majority of women in comfortable households had no engagement with the world outside their front door” and I feel this is particularly relevant to aristocratic women. Within their historiography, there are only a few works focused on singular, prevalent aristocratic women, chiefly the Duchess of Devonshire and Mary Derby, who, unlike many of their sisters, conducted their politics more publicly. The other books and articles on this subject are more general histories of aristocratic women, which are by no means less valid or important, but it makes the juxtaposition between the histories of middle-class and working class women and the histories of aristocratic women all the more obvious. Again, to return to the feminist narrative of women’s history, the separate spheres framework makes it hard to fit political aristocratic women into the already established designs of the field, and it is because of separate spheres that it is easy to dismiss them. Unlike middle-class and working class women of these periods, who battled against the oppressive regiment of the separate spheres model, aristocratic women were content with their position in society and did very little to challenge it. They benefitted from the institution of patriarchy immensely; they had wealth and comfort, had a freer rein on their interests and opinions, benefitted from more