Social Research Project

SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES & LAW
TEESIDE UNIVERSITY
Msc. Global Development and Social Research

SOCIAL RESEARCH PROJECT
PROJECT REPORT: "How to promote community cohesion in a hostile environment" Case study: "Integration of ethnic minority communities in the City of Sunderland"

GAUTHIER LUTETE MATHO
MODULE LEADER: DAVE MORLAND
MAY 2013

Table of Contents
Table of Contents 2
"How to promote community cohesion in a hostile environment" Case study: "Integration of ethnic minority communities in the City of Sunderland" 5
Introduction 5
Purpose of the Study 7
Research Questions 8
A review of the Literature 8
Defining Community Cohesion 9
Existing Studies of Community Cohesion: 10
Introduction to Community Development Theories 11
Defining Community Cohesion 12
Structural Views of Cohesion 12
Social Dimension of Cohesion 13
Other Considerations for Community Development and Cohesion 14
The link between Community Size & Cohesion 14
Member Composition 15
City of Sunderland 15
Brief Introduction 15
Ethnic Groups in Sunderland 16
Gypsies and Travelers 17
The Current Scenario of Community Cohesion 18
Issues related to community safety 19
Problems in Accessing Health and Social Care Services 21
Social Isolation 22
Problems in Accessing Work/Education 22
Racial Stress 23
Steps taken by Authorities and Community Groups to promote Cohesion 24
Arts and Cultural Activities 25
Indirect Plan for Community Cohesion 25
Government Policy 32
Improving governance 33
References 35
Annexure-A Philosophy Part 40
Defining Cohesion 40
Annexure-B Research Methodology 55
Research Approaches 59
Quantitative Research 59
Qualitative Research 60
Pragmatic approach to research (mixed methods) 60
Advocacy/participatory approach to research 61
Rationale on Research Approach Selection 61
Strengths and weaknesses of the case study method 62

"How to promote community cohesion in a hostile environment" Case study: "Integration of ethnic minority communities in the City of Sunderland"

Introduction

Current research report is primarily an exploration of ethnographic characteristics of the multiethnic, multicultural community of Sunderland. In completing this report I felt difficulty in finding an appropriate ethnographic model to follow because of the type of community. While during the past few years, anthropologists have dealt with the problems of plural societies however social complexity is a new topic which anthropology lacks knowledge. In my work I have come to the conclusion that to promote cohesion in a multiethnic and multi-cultural community we need strong leadership as well as realistic political negotiations that should be adopted as a continuous process.

During past years many events took place in Sunderland that reveals tensions among ethnic minority groups in Sunderland in including;

• In March 2003, Peyman Bahmani an asylum seeker from Iraqi was murdered in Sunderland

• Escalation of number racist incidents, which led to setting up of the ARCH initiative to record incidents and their frequency.

• “Right wing” contest are organized on regular basis during the last 2 years to protest against Mosque project involving Quran burned

• English Defense League (EDL) promoted an anti-Islamic agenda prior to the Sunderland football games last season.

• In November 2012, a football fan of Sunderland Football Club was seen making monkey gestures to West Bromwich, Romelu Lukaku

These examples are related to one ethnic group in Sunderland. (http://www.sunderlandpartnership.org.uk)

As stated in a news article by Evening Chronicles (2009), Sunderland is a “diverse, multi-racial, multi-cultural and multi-faith city” (p.12). It is due to its diversity that many problems arise. To promote cohesion among people from different cultures and ethnicity we need to eliminate tensions. Cohesion is a multidimensional term that not only involves attracting factors toward a community but also the forces to remain in the community. Through this study I seek to explore ways community cohesion can be promoted in Sunderland. The study aids in understanding the ways to community cohesion using case study of City of Sunderland. This study focused on cohesion and the specific role it serves for developing harmony and peace in a community with people from diverse cultures living together. In particular it is significant because it investigates the relationship with communities having shared context but with different member composition. While there is adequate research concerning both community development and the concept of cohesion, little work has been devoted to focusing on how cohesion can be promoted in Sunderland which is a multicultural city having more minority groups as compared to other parts of the world. It is evident from the collaborative review of studies related to that it is a multidimensional notion. (Cota, Evans, Dion, Kilik, & Longman, 1995) and it plays an integral part in the development of a community (Kipnes & Joyce, 1998; Wheelan, 2005a). It is evident from previous research that there is a need to further investigate the factors that influence cohesion, specifically in relation to community development (Cota, Evans, et al.; Kipnes & Joyce). Other studies have proposed that community cohesion is a complex process of community functioning (Corey & Corey, 1987; Stockton & Hulse, 1981) and have suggested that research on cohesion could be improved by offering specific insight concerning cohesion at particular community stages (Bednar & Kaul, 1985). The dimensions of cohesion as defined by Treadwell, Veeraraghavan, et al. (1996) include member acceptance, information sharing, stick togetherness, leader dependence, and task orientation. This study examined these factors of cohesion and specifically, this study postulates how to How to promote community cohesion in a hostile environment" Case study: "Integration of ethnic minority groups in the City of Sunderland

Purpose of the Study

This study aims at providing further investigation to promote construct of community cohesion and extends the current literature by exploring the ways cohesion can be promoted in a community consisting of diverse ethnic minority groups. The research is imperative in understanding the factors and methods that may be beneficial to ethnic minority groups in Sunderland. It is evident from previous research that implementation both task and social cohesive strategies at various points throughout the life of communities ensures proper development and, ultimately, productivity.

Research Questions

An understanding of previous literature on community cohesion and develop will help to provide insight into promoting cohesion in Sunderland. Will Sunderland communities develop cohesion over time? What are different strategies that may be adopted to promote cohesion in Sunderland? What is the relationship between community size and cohesion? What is the relationship between cohesion and community effectiveness?

A review of the Literature

Defining Community Cohesion

Typically the construct of cohesion was defined as a function or process to develop communities. In the view of Corey (1985) and Yalom (1995) cohesiveness is a significant stipulation for communities that are desirous of progressing toward productive stages. It has been suggested by Carron and Brawley (2000) that for gaining an insight into construct of cohesion, we must try to develop our knowledge to understand the nature of communities. According to Griffin and Pennscott (1991) cohesion is the key factor in developing a community, while Evans and Jarvis (1980) suggested that cohesion is a significant element of different types of communities and community processes. Cohesion has been labeled by some as the most imperative variable for community processes (Lott & Lott, 1965) and can be used as reconciling factor to format community and improve its productivity (Bollen & Hoyle, 1990).

Existing Studies of Community Cohesion:

Existing studies on community cohesion and development as well as theories of development within communities offer a significant basis for the current study and to explore ways to promote community cohesion in Sunderland. Further a review of the history of community cohesion provides foundation to investigate how cohesion has developed with the passage of time and how it creates harmony among diverse groups community. The research on cohesion and community has surfaced diverse research discipline over the years that include social sciences of community psychology, sociology, and anthropology. From the social sciences point of view there emerged an interest in spatial behavior among minority ethnic groups started providing motivating data about efficiency, productivity, leadership, and other variables. As research started building upon various disciplines related to community cohesion; the variability related to the goals, tasks, roles, structure, and processes of different communities helped researchers to developing different theoretical models of community functioning. It is obvious that all the communities do not have the similar functioning and developmental processes. That is why, it is important to review the historical succession of research related to community cohesion and development for identification of the common denominators of processes that strand through most of the community types and help to examine new and particular areas of research that may augment our understanding. Strategies to promote cohesion in a community can be developed and implemented basing upon sound theory and research. The literature that has been reviewed for the purpose of current study broadens our understanding of cohesion and community development in addition to the provision of a base for good organizational planning.

Introduction to Community Development Theories

The concept of what are the elements of a community as well as the common attributes that mostly communities share. It is appropriate to discuss the nature and definitions of communities as communities have been defined on the basis of particular dimensions. In early researches extremely differing ideas have been presented regarding the nature of communities. For example French social psychologist Gustav Le Bon (1895) declared that communities have the power to influence characteristics of an individual and thus can be used for controlling the minds of its members for good or evil. McDougall (1920) also supported this concept of community with a mind of its own. However social psychologist All port (1924) opposed this idea and argued that communities are not real but instead a combination of common interactions connecting members. Lewin (1951) who is considered pioneer in community research proposed we can explain an individual behavior in terms of the nature of the community or communities to which he/she belongs. A middle ground approach was developed by Social psychologist Asch (1952) who figuratively compared the property of communities for studying the properties of water and examined how variables constituting water are interdependency. Theory of interdependence was introduced in 1959 by Thibaut and Kelley which made efforts for explaining individual behavior related to the outcomes of reward/cost within community members. Thus researchers started recognizing communities both as the outcome of individual contributions in addition to community interaction (Lewin, 1947; Mead, 1934; Warriner, 1956).

The task-social and individual-community dimensions were presented by Hare (1976) which according to him occur in most types of communities. While explaining these dimensions, he proposed that individual members of a community usually prioritize these in the following manner: “(a) individual socio-emotional, (b) individual task, (c) community socio-emotional, and (d) community task”. The rationale behind Hare’s order is that individuals and communities are unable to focus upon task-related activities if their own socio-emotional needs are not satisfied. This is the theory that has been followed by most of the contemporary researchers related to the nature of communities. This helps to understand orientations of individuals as well as community (Ellis & Fisher, 1994; Johnson & Johnson, 2003; Wheelan, 2005a).

Communities have also been defined in terms of their specific focus (Johnson & Johnson, 2003). As per this definition the communities have many similarities that have given strength to study communities in using a broad approach. (Bass, 1990; Bennis & Shepard, 1956; Ellis & Fisher, 1994; Gouran & Fisher, 1984; Johnson & Johnson; Lewin, 1947; Shaw, 1976; Wheelan, 2005a).

Defining Community Cohesion

Previous research has focused on defining community cohesion which led to a production of a diverse opinions and views. Amongst the earliest definitions the one that gained significant attention was suggested by Festinger (1950) according to whom community cohesion is “all the forces acting on the members to remain in the community” (p. 274). However, even this definition has often been misquoted resulting from years of misunderstood assumptions (Mudrack, 1989). Shaw (1981) described cohesiveness as the degree that members like each other and desire to remain a part of the community. Langfred (1998) suggested a definition of cohesion as “the extent to which community members feel a part of the community and their desire to remain in the community” (p. 127). There are other definitions which focus on factors that force members to remain in the community such as, communal buoyant attitudes (Lott & Lott, 1965), attraction to the community (Cartwright & Zander, 1968; Evans & Jarvis, 1986), “community connectedness” (Budman et al., 1993, p. 202), and “a basic bond or uniting force” (Piper, Marrache, Lacroix, Richardsen, & Jones, 1983, p. 93). Yet agreeing too many others like Carron (1982), Mudrack objected broad and simplistic definitions. Carron (1982) defined cohesion as “a dynamic process which is reflected in the tendency for a community to stick together and remain united in the pursuit of its goals and objectives” (p. 124). In his discussion of cohesive communities, Hare (1976) also described that members of such communities will “stick together” (p. 10). This concept of cohesion i.e., sticking together has also been reflected by Treadway et al. (1996, 2001) as one factor of their GCS. From the above discussion it is clear that there is a lack of a unified definition for community cohesion which has been a challenge, specifically as mostly definitions depend on community structure, composition, task/relationship orientation, or other influences (Cota, Evans, et al., 1995; Evans & Jarvis, 1980; Gross & Martin, 1952; Kipnes & Joyce, 1998; Mudrack; Piper et al.).

Structural Views of Cohesion

In order to understand the structural view of community requires knowledge of community processes as well as different community types (Evans & Jarvis, 1980). Yes, the main issue related to the structure of cohesion look upon the views of dimensionality (Cota, Dion, & Evans, 1993; Cota, Evans, et al., 1995; Glass, 2002). As per community and cohesion structure communities are divided into single dimensional and multidimensional view. The single-dimension view is very simplistic and vague while the multidimensional view is very comprehensive and cannot be applied to most community types.

Single-dimensional Perspective: Cohesion in the research that supports single-dimensional view has been regarded as surrounded by the sphere of community harmony. Piper et al’s (1983) “basic bond” (p. 93) view, Lott and Lott’s (1965) “mutual positive attitudes” view, in addition to others (as cited in Cota, Evans, et al., 1995) have provided an extensive one-dimensional structure to cohesion. Piper et al. (1983) asserted that “a proliferation of subtypes of cohesion will serve to further confuse an already confusing literature” (p. 103).

Multidimensional view: A heuristic multidimensional view of cohesion in a community was presented by Cota, Evans, et al. (1995) signifying both principal and secondary dimensions. In primary dimension, cohesion is seen in its broad aspects that can be traced in most of the community types, while secondary dimensions are applicable to particular types of communities only.

Social Dimension of Cohesion

The communities that are cohesive are more effective as they “require little energy to maintain the community and therefore the community can direct most of its energy towards goal accomplishment” (Wolfe and Box, 1987. p. 250). Also it has been suggested that communities which are highly cohesive might tend to socially oriented.

Social dimension: Cohesion and conflict. As community member share their beliefs, values, and opinions occurrence of conflict is not only inevitable but also dangerous to develop and promote community cohesion (Coser, 1956; Deutsch, 1971; Johnson & Johnson, 2003; Wheelan, 2005a). The social dimension deals with interlinks between community members which depend on each other for achieving individual or community goals. There is a good deal of literature identifying patterns of conflict subsequent to the community orientation (Bennis & Shepard, 1956; Johnson & Johnson; Tuckman, 1965; Wheelan, 2005a).

From the review of literature it is evident that, cohesion and conflict are particularly linked to each other within the social dimension. Wheelan (2005a) stated that “cohesion and conflict are inextricably linked. You can’t have one without the other” (p. 75). It has been proposed by Witteman (1991) that conflict is positively linked to community cohesion and satisfaction of its member. It has also been asserted by some researchers that intercommunity conflict is essential for community cohesion (Coser, 1956; Napier & Gershenfeld, 1985). Lind (1999) in her study related to virtual work teams; proposed that conflict “serves as a mediator between community type, cohesion, and trust”. Although the idea of conflict as a factor in increasing community cohesion has been supported by Ellis and Fisher (1994) yet a negative association was presented by them:

“If conflict goes too long and does not get resolved effectively it will decrease cohesiveness in the community. This is why a leader’s skill in conflict resolution is particularly important. Although conflict can increase member commitment to the community, it will have the opposite effect if not resolved. Sometimes community members simply do not want to communicate with members who do not share their opinion. At the same time, members who feel that their attitudes and values are not being confirmed may begin to withdraw from the community”. (p. 220)

Reviewing the research on cohesion and conflict Wheelan (2005a), presented various types of conflicts as well as strategies that are helpful to manage them. Wheelan (2005a) asserted that “successful conflict management strengthens cohesion and morale” (p. 76).

Other Considerations for Community Development and Cohesion

There are two explicit superfluous factors that are considered to be associated with community development and cohesion: community size and member composition. The development and cohesion of a community is influenced by comprehensive array of internal and external forces. According to previous studies these factors include “communication, goals, tasks, leadership, member roles, norms, and methods of conflict management” (Whelan, 2005a).

The link between Community Size & Cohesion

Size plays in important role in development and cohesion of a community. Johnson and Johnson (2003) noted that in larger communities there are fewer opportunities for members to intermingle. Bass (1990) proposed negative relationship between community size and member interaction. Similarly, Seashore (1954) concluded that in smaller communities there is tendency of higher levels of cohesion. Hackman (2002) also found that communities which are smaller in size are most effective and higher in cohesion.

There are other studied which associated increased community size to counterproductive behavior. For example, Ringlemann, the French engineer named for the Ringlemann Effect, explored a contrary link between the number of people in the process of a task and the quality of their performance (Kravitz & Martin, 1986). A similar study was conducted by Latané, Williams, and Harkins (1979) who concluded that with the increase in community size, its member’s motivation and efforts are decreased. Wheelan (2005a) suggested that the communities that are smaller in number are more productive and do not take much time to develop. (Lisk, 1998).

Member Composition

Certain aspects of member composition have been considered to be influential to community development and cohesion. Forsyth (1999) argued homogenous communities are superior to heterogeneous communities as regards problem solving and decision making process. Yet there is significant amount of research supporting the notion that with the passage of time, heterogeneous communities become more creative and produce higher quality decisions (Johnson & Johnson, 2003).

City of Sunderland

Brief Introduction

Sunderland is a local government district of Tyne and Wear, in the North East England. It is city as well as a metropolitan borough. The city has been named after its principal settlement, Sunderland, yet it has a greater area which consists of the towns of Hetton-le-Hole, Houghton-le-Spring, Washington, and a variety of inhabited villages.

Sunderland was formed in 1974 as the Metropolitan Borough of Sunderland on the basis of the Local Government Act 1972 provisions by amalgamating four previous local government districts of County Durham. In 1992 the district gained status of city, on the succession of the 40th anniversary of the Queen Elizabeth II 's. According to Census 2001 the total population of the city was 280,807. Majority of the populations resides in the 'Sunderland Urban Area '

Ethnic Groups in Sunderland

Sunderland is well known for its diverse community which comprises several cultural and social origins. “It is a diverse, multi-racial, multi-cultural and multi-faith city, but also has broader equality issues to consider. Sunderland is the largest city in the North East region, which grew out of the industrial revolution.”(Evening Chronicle, 2009, p.12) The major ethnic groups include White Irish, Black Caribbean, Black Africans and Asians. Further is has also been found that BME population in Sunderland is increasing significantly. During the year 2008 to 2009 a decrease in White British population from 263,200 to 262,300 was seen. Comparatively during the same time period BME population is estimated to be increased by 9.6%. Also the majority of BME population is young as among the city’s population above the age of 65 the ratio of BME group is only 0.5%.

Sunderland has been selected as a case study for current research because the figures of last 10 years show a rapid change in the ethnic groups but also as a Community Development Worker I have been confronted to issues around the community cohesion in the City. (Table-1)

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Source: Table EE1, ONS Mid-2009 Estimates

According to data from the Office of National statistics, related to mechanism of change in population during 2009-2010, an annual increase in the international in-migration has been seen in Sunderland. The statistics also revealed a substantial growth of 68% of international in-migration from “1686 in 2007-08, to 1976 in 2008-09 and 2836 in 2009-10” (p.2). An increase in the number of asylum seekers has also been noted as a result of government’s dispersal policy since 1999 which was 170 in September 2011 with 100 single households and 24 families. Most of the asylum seekers come from Iran, Iraq and Zimbabwe.

Gypsies and Travelers

No exact number of Gypsies and Travelers within UK found. It has been estimated by the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) there might be between 270 to 360,000 Gypsies and Travelers in England who live in bricks and mortar homes, almost three times the number keeping up a roaming lifestyle (Commission for Racial Equality 2006). According to the Official government statistics the number of gypsy/traveler caravans has been estimated to be 17,437 been on different locations in England (Source: Communities & Local Government).

The information on the exact number of gypsies/travelers coming to Sunderland is limited besides the fact that the number varies year by year. There is also no authentic and in-depth data related to the numbers of Gypsies and Travelers living in the city in bricks and mortar homes. This reveals that Gypsies or travelers still live in Sunderland without access to basic amenities/services together with health care and education facilities.

From the above analysis it is evident that minority ethnic groups in Sunderland are diverse and expose to dynamic changes. Also all these facts and figure reveal that minority ethnic groups may be facing many concerns and issues (Sunderland.gov.uk)

The Current Scenario of Community Cohesion

It is a common misconception that racism and race-related issues are no longer a major concern in today’s society... Despite advancements made in the pursuit of equal rights and opportunities for people of color, the primacy of equal rights within the societal dialogue has waned and a racially stratified system of power and privilege still remains in place and continues to preserve the racial status quo. (For examples see Omi, 2008; Smedley & Smedley, 2005; and Iwamoto & Liu, 2010.)

Though, in Sunderland many people think positively about community integration in their local area. Though the number of individuals in ethnic minority groups is growing but it is considerably smaller as compared to white population. Due to their small number this group is scary because majority of them live in pockets across the City. For the residents who live in well-established areas have a high feeling of belonging within this area, yet, the individuals living in areas that are not well established it is a problem.

Issues related to community safety

In the city of Sunderland, people from black and minority ethnic (BME) groups are experiencing many types of disadvantages in living in the city. The individuals belonging to this group are “victims of prejudice, discrimination, harassment and abuse”. Yet, these disadvantages are not more restrained and they may be facing difficulties to benefit from facilities, services and solutions designed for supporting the city population. Because the minority ethnic groups in Sunderland are not only diverse but also small in number due to which the city and its public agencies are unable to understand their needs fully. (James Davis, 2012)

It has been found that people from BME communities are usually victims of discrimination and hate crime. In the year 2011, 275 hate crimes were reported to the ARCH partnership. The point to note here is that the number of incidents actually occurring is under reported. Several incidents occurred all through the city, both against individuals and businesses in which younger BME and white residents were involved in affrays. It is evident from the previous MORI surveys that members of BME feel do not walk alone because of safety problems in the city Centre at night.

The systemic oppression of people of color through direct or indirect acts of racial discrimination and prejudice has been found to have wide-ranging negative consequences for the health and well-being of minority group members (Allison, 1998; Alvarez et al., 2006; Chen et al., 2006). While statistics show that the overall incidence of direct (explicit and blatant) acts of racism such as hate crimes, violence, assault, and harassment committed toward racial minorities on the basis of race has decreased in recent years, this does not necessarily indicate that all forms of racism are in decline (Alvarez et al., 2006; Kuo, 1995).

For the last few years many conflicts and racial abuse for ethnic minority groups have been reported in Sunderland including chanting, attacking and harming the individuals representing different minority groups. Below are few examples;

In October 2012, Dany Rose fell prey to racial hatred when he was playing against Serbia in under-21 Match.Daniel Lee "Danny" Rose is an English footballer who plays for Tottenham Hotspur. Rose reported that the tension started in the beginning when he went for warm-up the Serbia players started monkey chanting. Rose when to Assistant Manager’s office and informed him what was happening who advised him to try go through it by the end of game. Yet during match too he faced monkey chanting from the Serbia players on every ball he hit. When the match ended the referee asked him to hit the ball after which Serbia players started punching and hit him and he was injured. (guardian.co.uk,, 2012)

The properties of individual from minority ethnic groups have been attacked. In 2012 the shop of a Muslim Syed Miah was attacked with a concrete lump. The family of Miah has been owner of this business since 1990. The award winning ‘Take It Home Indian Style’ is situated in Silksworth Lane, Barnes and the owner of the shop was shocked to know of this racial hatred incident as according to him Barnes is a nice area where he was not expecting such tragedy. (Sunderland Echo, 2012)

In 2007, an Asian student was attacked by a gang of white youth. The gang hit 17 years old, Didar Ahmed with sticks, punched his face and injured him out of racial hatred. The judge who was seeing this case revealed his concerns saying that, "It is worrying to any court to find there are gangs of young men who are attacking each other whatever their racial origin may be, but it is particularly worrying if it is white youths and Asian youths." (Griffiths, Chloe. 2007)

Mosque demonstration has been a major event that augmented racial differences and violence in the community. There have been protests against this incident and killings and injuries resulted.

These are few examples of community tensions and conflicts in Sunderland. Such conflicts lead to many negative consequences for the community members. Research indicates that both direct and indirect racism contributes to racism related stress. Harrell (2000) developed a model of racism-related stress grounded in existing theory and research on racism, multicultural mental health, and the stress process. She conceptualized racism-related stress as the stress from the dynamics of racism that might result from race-related transactions between individuals or groups and their environment. Her model of racism-related stress identifies six different types of racism-related stress including racism-related life events, vicarious racism experiences, daily racism micro stressors, chronic-contextual stress, collective experiences of racism, and trans-generational transmission of group traumas. This stress is above and beyond the typical, normal or expected day-to-day life stress; it is perceived to take a toll on or exceed the individual and collective resources available to an individual and/or threaten that person’s well-being. Harrell (2000) and other researchers (Pieterse & Carter, 2007; Utsey & Constantine, 2008; Liang & Fassinger, 2008) have consistently found that racism-related stress generally is a significant contributor to mental health and well-being for racial minorities, including both African Americans and Asian Americans.

Problems in Accessing Health and Social Care Services

In addition to the incidences of racial hatred of which some have been described above, the ethnic minority groups face problems in accessing different services. Research has revealed that, general services for instance libraries and leisure centers usually don’t have adequate facilities according to the needs of a diverse population. Also service related to the BME group are usually situated within rigorous pockets in the city, where mainstream and local population reside due to which the individuals who are living outside of these areas feel it difficult to access these services

As regards the social and health care services, it has been reported by International Community Organization of Sunderland (ICOS) that BME population face many hurdles in accessing these services in particular the GP services. The BME population is also facing problems in accessing mental health services. For instance it has been reported that women from South-East Asian communities are suffering from high level of mental illness. In addition to this several asylum seekers suffer from post-traumatic disorder. Further, the individual from polish community have been reported to commit more suicides. All these characteristics reveal that there is a need to focus on meeting the needs of these groups.

Social Isolation

As BME population is only 4% of the total population in Sunderland. This is why some black and minority ethnic people feel social isolation because it is possible that they don’t have full access to the widespread social and family networks. Similarly many asylum seekers who have applied for residency in city but their applications have been refused. So, they are also facing social isolation.

Problems in Accessing Work/Education

The individuals from BME group face difficulties in acquiring education and employment. The main barrier is language for both adults and children. The number of education projects specially designed for addressing the needs of this group is few.

Similarly, majority of individuals from BME population are employed by independent agencies. These employees have restricted employment rights, lack of access to health care, sickness pay and holiday entitlement and are often poorly paid.

There are some minority groups in Sunderland who have limited access to work and adult education. For instance, it was pointed out by Shakti project that several women from ethnic groups in the North East do not have enough economic independence and majority of such women belong to South East Asian communities.

Racial Stress

Research demonstrates that the accumulation of experiences with racism and racial micro stressors, or racial micro aggressions, has been linked to negative psychological consequences such as decreased self-esteem, poorer quality of life and racism-related stress for racial minorities like Asian Americans (Utsey, Chae, Brown & Kelly, 2002; Liang, et al., 2004; Sue & Sue, 2008). Sue et al. (2007) discussed ways that micro aggressions can pose barriers to forming genuine cross-racial relationships, may impair performance for persons of color due to taking up considerable spiritual and psychic energy and contributes to inequities. Solórzano, Ceja and Yosso (2000) supported these effects for African Americans in focus group interviews with 34 African American college students regarding their experiences and reactions to racial Micro-aggressions. They found that experiences of racial micro aggressions created a negative racial climate for participants and contributed to feelings of self-doubt, discouragement, and isolation in the lives of their African American participants.

There are many variables and personal characteristics that have been shown in previous research to influence whether racial minority members perceive a discrete event as racist or subsequently stressful, including the context of the situation, as described above (Operatio & Fiske, 2001),as well as sensitivity, awareness, and salience of racial stimuli. Variables related to understanding the process of radicalization and its relation to ethnicity may be particularly relevant for Asian Americans in racism-related stress research (Markus, 2008). These variables may include racial identity, ethnic identity and racial empowerment that may reflect resistance to racism-related stress.

Steps taken by Authorities and Community Groups to promote Cohesion

Many steps have been taken by the Sunderland authorities to promote community cohesion. Equality Act 2010 has been established and enforced since 1st October 2012. Under this Act different pieces of equality legislation have been combined and are aimed at improving discrimination protection in the area. Some parts of the Act have been enforced while some to its articles will be implemented in future by the new government.

At community level different groups and associations have been established such as the Sunderland Partnership’s Inclusive Communities Group, Jambo Africa Limited, Young Asian Voices (YAV), Sanghini, Groundwork North East, International Community Organization of Sunderland (ICOS), KNW Partnership Ltd, Sunderland Black and Minority Ethnic Network (SBMEN), Sustainable Enterprise Strategies (SES), Sunderland Bangladeshi Community Centre, Voluntary and Community Action Sunderland (VCAS)

The government has introduced strategies aimed at promoting harmonious relationships among community members. The city council is aimed at promoting equality among its citizens by providing equal opportunities and eliminating discrimination to all apart from their “age, gender, race, color, nationality or ethnic origin, disability, faith, marital status, family circumstances, sexual orientation or class” (Evening Chronicle, 2009, p.12). The council is also committed to provide opportunities to people for participation in social, cultural and economic activities equally and benefit from these. (Evening Chronicle, 2009)

Policies and programs were introduced by local council to involve people from every ethnic group and with the aim that these programs will “make improvement to the businesses, public services and to everyone’s quality of life” (M2 Press wire, 2004, p.1).

Arts and Cultural Activities

Joint arts programs with the participation and representation of all ethnic groups are being conducted in order to promote cohesion within community. UK government is also aware of the effectiveness of art and culture to promote cohesion and has taken steps such as National Social Cohesion Summit held in July 2012.Under this summit resolutions were taken recommitting South Africa and its people to seek a more compassionate society that is “characterized by democracy, respect for human rights and promotion of access to opportunities for all” (Targeted News Service, 2013, p.1). the resolution made a commitment to the people of South Africa for renewing their commitment to cure the sharing out of the past worries and pains as well as to establish a society rooted in values of democracy, social justice and basic human rights. (Targeted News Service, 2013)

Indirect Plan for Community Cohesion

In a research study on “"In the context of a shift away from municipal multiculturalism towards community cohesion, and in the light of renewed debates around difference, national identity and Britishness, this article sets out a geographically informed theoretical framework which focuses upon the spatial (re)construction of racial and ethnic identities." Clayton and colleagues (2009) sets out a geographically informed theoretical framework which focuses upon the spatial (re)construction of racial and ethnic identities.

Emma Uprichard (2002) in her report on a work shop which was conducted on the topic of class, race and community summarized the research papers of different participants stating that various regions of the world have rapidly and completely eliminated their industrial bases. In today’s world communities are facing with diverse type of problems beyond unemployment and financial problems. Communities tend to promote a sense of "folding in on oneself" as because communities usually try to find new structures upon the basis of which it can reinvent itself. The processes of social and economic regeneration were also found to be linked to maintaining a “sense of pride, dignity and respectability”. An important point that was particularly highlighted by the participants of this conference was an emergent international viewpoint on deindustrialization.

There is wide research showing the importance of ethnicity in domestic politics: in initiation, duration and termination of internal conflicts. Some argue that ethnicity is a primary foundation of human nature, which consecutively holds a vital sway in decision-making. As has been argued by Shils (1957), the modern society is not a Gesellschaft characterized by unfriendly associations and missing integrative forces excluding interest or compulsion. Quite the opposite, the modern society is a Gemeinschaft held together by “infinity of personal attachments, moral obligations, primordial affinities and civil sense.” The primitive properties either organic or physical related to the environment and separate with social framework are important, because human beings consider these qualities while their actions and interactions with each other. Horowitz (1985) has given importance to ethnicity referring it to be a “form of greatly extended kinship” in which the “idea, if not always the fact, of common ancestry makes it possible for ethnic groups to think in terms of family resemblances…and to bring into play for a much wider circle those concepts of mutual obligation and antipathy to outsiders that are applicable to family relations. Ethnic tie is simultaneously suffused with overtones of familial duty and laden with depths of familial emotions”. (Horowitz, 1960) Thus, ethnicity which is neither unchallengeable nor totally open and neither come into the category of natural nor universal, has been assembled with the help of a dark web of social connections partially decided by the ethnic group in which an individual is born into. “Ethnic identities are not ‘primordial’, but nonetheless based on common values, beliefs, and experiences. They are not ‘instrumental; but nonetheless usually capable of being invoked by leaders and used to sustain social movements that are likely to be more resilient and persistent than movement based solely on material or political interests.” (Gurr, 2000)

Ethnic discrimination and ethnic demographics are essential characteristics of a nation with it characteristics of powerful capability to mobilize, different dimensions of ethnicity such as casual groupings based on affinity. This is why these are important to be considered in international studies. The scholars have argued that ethnic affinity to be the key factor that may influence the occurrence of ethnic conflicts. Most researchers have supported the claim that shared ethnicity may increase the possibility of internal ethnic conflicts and interventions, above all in the case an ethnic group is facing discrimination (Ayres and Saideman, 2000; Carment and James, 2004; Ellingsen, 2000; Woodwell, 2004).

As regards the promotion, settlement patterns among ethnic groups have been considered an important characteristic by Taft (2002). Assessing the impact of ethnic minorities’ settlement patterns on the possibility of violence; she concluded that intense majorities may tend more to involve in ethnic violence comparatively to urbanites and discrete ethnic minorities.

The conflicts among ethnic groups as well as civil war are ongoing threat to peace and security in a community. These conflicts can lead to instability in the area where they are occurring in consequence to the conflict diffusion and overflow across transnational borders. While considering the duration of such conflicts we can observe insecurity becoming more salient. While the duration of civil wars is twice as long as interstate wars (Walter, 1999, 1), the duration of ethnic civil wars is longer than any other type of civil wars. This is the implication of ethnic and non-ethnic civil wars that is a supreme goal of external third-party interventions for motivation, varying from “hegemonic ambitions; concerns about regional stability; ethnic sympathy for the oppressed; a sense of international responsibility; and humanitarian concerns” (Cooper and Berdal, 1993, 197)

Few studies are there that focus on the conditions that affect intervention decisions (Carment, 2006; Cooper and Berdal, 1993). Cooper and Berdal (1993) don’t have belief and resultantly do not identified a systematic pattern for state intervention decisions. They stated that “All conflicts are different; all interventions are sui generis” (Cooper and Berdal, 1993, 195). Though they dismissed the possibility of systematic patterns, it was concluded by them that in spite of of the nature of states’ motivation to “arbitrate, ethnic sympathy, security, humanitarian concerns, or a mixture of these, successful interventions are more likely when the intervening power sees a clear national interest to be at stake” (ibid, 197). In addition to the national interest of the state, Cooper and Berdal (1993) did not systematically explore any domestic variable that may affect the decision to intervene. A series of scholars followed Cooper and Berdal (1993) who view national interest to be the key determinant of interventions (Feste, 1992, 2003; Foreman, 1972). It has been argued by Forman (1972) that “many states, particularly great powers with their enlarged spheres of concern and potential conflict, often find themselves compelled not to ignore foreign civil wars and even to treat some civil conflicts as events of potentially great international significance.” Feste (2003, p.xv) notes that “the purpose of intervening is national interest, states based and essentially coercive: to eliminate an opposition force threatening the security of the country.”

There are three types of interventions that authorities can use to eliminate conflicts and promote cohesion in Sunderland. These three types are political, economic and military interventions. Political efforts include resolving issues between ethnic and racial groups through conversation. Economically the authorities can start projects to empower minorities, can provide equal employment opportunities through legislation, and can reduce poverty and equal access to all facilities such as education; health and recreation can be provided. Military intervention should only be used in case of violent crimes occurring at large scale.

Diplomatic interventions are considered more influential with less risk involved. A diplomatic strategy will “generally have lower costs than more-intrusive forms of interventions, they pose lower levels of risk, and the decision calculus required to commit diplomatic interventions is different form that required when military and economic instruments are considered” (Regan, 2000, p.6). Military and economic interventions have the potential to influence balance of power between different community groups. In addition to this these interventions are linked to greater risk, costs and benefits. Further using all types of interventions at a time may cause the risk to decision-making processes that is unique and particular in one type of intervention and not to the other. As the balance of power on ground is changed as the result of an economic interventions, it is uncertain to pre determine the way or the direction to which this balance will change. Thus the effect of economic interventions is weaker than military intervention. For example, the economic restrictions on the Former Yugoslav Republic and Bosnia caused a change in the balance of power on the ground in an unplanned way. These interventions strengthened the Bosnian Serbs and Serbia and weakened the Bosnian Muslims for whom this intervention was applied. Furthermore, economic intervention holds a lagged effect and not immediate as compared to the effect of military intervention. An economic intervention takes a longer time to change the situation on the ground. Usually States keep reserves of equipment, materials and food supply required to govern the state and to uphold the power balance within the state. In addition, a greater will and stronger commitment is revealed through military intervention aimed at involving in the internal conflict. In case the military intervention fails there are greater political costs to decision-makers as compared to a failed economic intervention. Thus it can be concluded that decision-making process is different in a military intervention and an economic intervention. Therefore, it is required to study military intervention separately from other types of interventions.

The most compelling proponent of the method of contrasting of relatively stable and peaceful diverse communities with cities consistently troubled by ethnic violence is the political scientist Ashutosh Varshney. In Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life, he argues through carefully researched cases studies that the key factor differentiating broadly similar Indian cities that were prone to sectarian riots from those that were able to weather the same “exogenous shocks” without violence was the degree to which there existed a robust, organized and institutional network of civic organizations (2002). Established to facilitate and protect various activities and interests (business associations, labor unions, sport and gaming clubs, political parties, neighborhood improvement associations, etc), they provided forums for the development of trust and personal connections across ethnic and sectarian lines that, when such exogenous shocks did occur, could rapidly be mobilized to from peace committees, would address their membership on the need to preserve calm and order, and often collaborated closely with the local government in providing accurate information to counter rumors and finger those trying foment violence. Varshney recognizes that such associational forms most often rest on what he calls everyday forms of civil society (i.e. family-to-family relationships, individual business contacts, school friendship), but if a community is not institutionally organized above this level, his evidence shows that it is much more vulnerable to violent episodes when provoked by outside events.

Varshney argues that violence, not mere conflict, should be the object of his study (2002: 25). Conflict, differing interests and opinions strongly expressed, is the very stuff of community level politics and is not malignant per se. to consider multiethnic contexts, the suggest that the conflicts of community politics would have no ethnic content or ever be organized along ethnic lines is patently absurd. What would ethnicity mean if it never provided framework for the expression of vital interests? Thus conflict resolved without violence is the best possible scenario, not problem to be explained.

In addition to adopting a non-violent political strategy to mitigate conflicts and develop cohesion in Sunderland I recommend use of joint cultural and arts programs and sport activities that will help to promote cohesion. Recently much has been focused on the link between culture and sustainable development at international level. There is a need to explore the role of culture in cultivation social cohesion, preventing from conflict and promotion of human security.

Culture has an important place as regards an individual’s identity and people love and like their culture. Culture has been defined by UNESCO as: “The set of distinctive spiritual, material and emotional features of a society or a social group and encompasses in addition to art and literature, lifestyles, ways of living together, value systems, traditions and beliefs”. Culture is “socially transmitted behavior” and as a result it has great capability to transfer from “one geographic location to another, from one group of people to another, from one person to another, from one environment to another”.

Culture and its promotion is the right of every human and they must be facilitated to enjoy and develop cultural life and identity. However cultural rights cannot supersede national Constitution, which supreme law sets out the parameters within which the rights citizens enjoy can be exercised. Similarly in the case that cultural rights contravene with other human rights or on the rights of fellow citizens these cannot be preferred. Generally speaking no right should be used at the expense or destruction of another. Communities having multiethnic groups usually face conflicts on the demand of cultural rights by one group and the over-arching constitutional framework. For example in Sunderland we observed the demonstration of Mosque where other ethnic groups protested and demanded to replace Mosque as they are disturbed by the noise and face parking problems at the time of prayers. Though this is a matter of religion and not culture it must be tackled in a way that all community groups are satisfied.

Government Policy

Based on above discussions the following suggestions are provided for the government; • Provide Equal education/work and healthcare facilities

It has been noted that BME communities in Sunderland face problems in accessing healthcare, education and employment. The main reason is that they live in the outside pockets of the city where and feel it difficult to access these facilities. Individuals from BME group usually get jobs in independent firm which do not offer full employment rights. Government should impose laws to protect the rights of ethnic minority groups.

Projects need to be started to provide educational facilities according to the needs of BME population. They must have full access to healthcare facilities. The staff at healthcare must be trained to deal with people from diverse culture.

• Ensure safety of BME population

As has been noted above that individuals from BME group in Sunderland are victims of hate and racial crimes. They do not feel safe going alone at night. Individuals and businesses have been attacked due to racial hatred. Government should focus on making policies and institutions to ensure safety and security of ethnic minorities. Strict actions against such crimes may help to reduce the number of these incidents. Collaborative cultural and arts programs may be initiated to create trust and harmony among people of different communities.

Improving governance

In order to implement cohesion programs there is a need of an improved governance system. The government should focus to improve institutional capabilities in designing a policy and implementing it. The governance will be improved with the distribution of an appraisal culture; arrangement of public–private partnership; precision; regional and promotion of multiethnic cooperation. Government should develop innovative projects on the basis of partnership, promote civil participation while formulating and implementing public policies, improve interaction between and within different communities. All these steps will result in the development of human and social capital, sustainable employment, growth, competitiveness and social cohesion

Integrated approach to community cohesion

A good Cohesion policy will help in the creation of a sustainable community as through this the economic, social and environmental issues can be tackled. For this purpose there is a need of implementation of integrated strategies to renew, regenerate, and develop all the communities.

Empowering Minority Groups

Economically empowering minority communities will help to reduce conflicts. For this purpose government can initiate projects to benefit minority communities. They must have full access to all the facilities and services.

References

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Annexure-A Philosophy Part

Defining Cohesion

Defining and measuring cohesion has proved to be an ongoing challenge (Albert, 1953; Beeber & Schmitt, 1986; Budge, 1981; Dion & Evans, 1992; Enoch & McLemore, 1967; Keyton, 1992; Mudrack, 1989), which resulted in no unified definition or measurement. On the other hand, a strong agreement is evident in literature related to the theories of community development (Bennis & Shepard, 1956; Bion, 1959; Mann, 1966; Schutz, 1966) in addition to a broadly conventional model for how communities develop (Tuckman, 1965; Tuckman & Jensen, 1977; Wheelan, 1990, 2005a)..

The concept of cohesion is an integral part of the theories of community development and helps in stage progression. In his seminal work, Tuckman’s (1965) reviewed 50 studies on community development presenting expected stages or patterns. Through this comprehensive review the author suggested that cohesion is the major sign subsequent to a period of intercommunity conflict to which he referred to as a stage of forming (Tuckman). Similar findings were reported by Bennis and Shepard (1956) who suggested that cohesion appears during a phase of enchantment/flight community. Yes, these and other theorists of development do not mention cohesion throughout early stages of community development. As an alternative, it has been suggested by some researchers that cohesion can only occur at the time in community development when a stable structure of community relations occurs (Heinen & Jacobsen, 1976; Sherwood & Walker, 1960; Tuckman). Based on this theme, it can be argued that at early stage of community development, cohesion is rather shallow thing and relates to some extravagant insight among individuals as to what should be the mode of interaction between members of the community. Relatively, recently the researchers have started to investigate cohesion as a key aspect for early community processes required to develop. As different definitions of cohesion have emerged as well as multidimensional literature related to it has surfaced, researchers have started to raise questions with reference to the subsistence and role of cohesion in early developmental stages. Corey and Corey (1987) identified “foundations of cohesion” (p. 123) at the early stages of therapy communities including the collaboration among members, motivation for attending meetings, promptness, and an individual effort for creating a secure community atmosphere. Wheelan (2005a) in her integrative model of community development, discussed that the initiation of development, “cohesion is primarily associated with member attraction to the community, the timing of leader feedback, and interpersonal attraction” (p. 58). It was further suggested by her that at an initial stage, community required and to increase cohesion and conformity in order to survive (Wheelan, 2005a). This and same type of studies have tried to widen our perceptive about how important cohesion is for communities to become mature. In addition these researchers have raised the question about the different roles cohesion can servie all through the various stages of community development.

Distinctions between larger, more structured and smaller groups have been made by sociologists since the time, Simmel (1908) first proposed group size as a key factor that affects experiences of group members. Simmel (1908) proposed that people’s ability to make eye contact with other people facilitates effective communication. For the purpose of monitoring each other, group members are required to share a space and are responsible for contacting each other and answering mutual interactions. One significant difference between different sized groups i.e., smaller, informal groups and larger structured groups is the capability ability of group members to keep all members aware of group activities. Based on this Bales (1950) defined a small group as “a set of individuals engaged in face-to-face meetings where each person can recall that everyone else was present” (p.34).

Using a small group size, Bales and Borgatta Bales and Borgatta (1955) explored the effect of group size on interaction. In this study the researcher used groups of sizes varying from two to seven people who were brought together in a laboratory for four different sessions. The researcher provided a task to the group member for which each member was required to share information with other group members to be successful. The researcher by Bales’ and Borgatta’s provides evidence on the effect of size on interaction. Due to time constraints, members belonging to larger groups had less opportunity to state their opinions, show agreement or disagreement or release tension through laughter. In this experimental study, the members of large sized groups expressed tensions like disconnection to the task and nervous movement, more likely because of the lack of individual opportunities for contributing to group activities. It is evident from these studies that an increase in group size leads to an increase in expression of solidarity. Bales and Borgatta speculate that “this may result from larger groups spending more time on becoming acquainted” (1955: 401). One key finding of this research is that individual members vary in their behavior and this variability differs as group size function as well as the particular behaviors of group members. However in all sizes of groups the variability of individual behaviors decreases as the group members together in due course. Bales and Borgatta (1955) also noted that group members, who exhibit leadership behaviors, for example providing more opinions or giving information to all group members, revealed less variability in the behavior observed in due course of time. Similarly the members who interact with others less often show higher variability, in particular early in a group’s history

Based on their findings, Bales and Borgatta (1955) suggested that while members in a group interact, it is their behaviors upon which expectations are generated which lead to further interactions. This is the concept upon which expectation states theoretical research program is based (Berger et al. 1977; Berger and Fisek 2006), and it is needed to account the influences of these hierarchies need while when studying the effects of group size on group member behaviors. Group members behavioral variability is effected by even verses odd numbers of members because of the complexity groups face to overcome deadlock when they have the opportunity to break into equal-sized coalitions. The interdependent of groups size and its members’ interpersonal relationships are influenced by two factors; on one side by emergence of a prestige hierarchy, which helps to order the contributions of group members in addition to increasing confidence of people on its success; on the other side, it is effected by the ability of group to form equal-sized coalitions, due to which within group conflicts arise for a longer time of period and has an effect on the independent of group size on people’s interpersonal trust and cohesion. From the research of Bales and Borgatta, we can assume that an increase in the size of group will first of all limit the groups’ opportunities to contribute. It will also make it more difficult for group members to attend to all groups members equally. It will help to encourage efforts for maximizing group efforts by creating hierarchies that sort the attention paid to some group members and not others. It was proposed by Erving Goffman (1963) that during face-to-face encounters particularly those occurring in “open places,” people have the opportunity to interact each other. As provided by Goffman, the groups that have shared tasks come under the scope of “open places”, because it is the nature of a task which involves people to work together by paying attention to the contributions of other people so as to fulfill a shared objective. Thus the possibility of commencement of interaction between two group members depends on the availability of opportunities to interact and the possibility of expectations that may be present among a particular number of people. The research by Bales and Borgatta (1955) provides the basis to believe the notion that if people are working together on a shared task they are more likely to be approached for interaction.

Racial Identity Theory

Race is a social construct that serves to differentiate and categorize individuals into socially meaningful divisions for the purposes of resource distribution (Suyemoto, 2002). Racial identity is a developmental process through which individuals come to understand themselves as racial beings and identify how they relate to and perceive their membership within a racialized group in relation to other racialized groups and individuals within a society stratified by race (Markus, 2008). Not all racial minorities who encounter racism, discrimination, or prejudice experience racism-related stress in the same way or to the same extent. Alvarez and Helms (2001) have suggested that Helms’ (1995) psychodiagnostic model of racial identity development for people of color may be helpful in understanding how people from racial minority groups including Asian Americans respond to and internalize messages related to racialization.

Helms’ (1995) racial identity development model for racial minorities has five attitudes that range from having a relatively unexamined racial identity and lacking awareness of societal racial relations to possessing an integrated understanding of racial dynamics and the various meanings of racial identity in the UK context. The least developed status is conformity which is characterized by color-blind racial attitudes, idealization of the White dominant racial group and denial of the existence of racism or personal relevance to racial dynamics. Dissonance is the status characterized by attitudes reflecting confusion and disorientation when an individual encounters or witnesses instances of racism and this experience conflicts with the positive ideals that the individual might hold about the dominant culture. The resistance or immersion status is characterized by attitudes indicating withdrawal into one’s own racial group and rejection of the dominant group and culture. Internalization can be described as positive attitudes about one’s own racial group while being able to realistically appreciate the positive aspects of the White racial group. The fifth and most developed status is integrative awareness, which involves attitudes demonstrating the ability to integrate both positive and negative aspects about one’s own racial group, the dominant White racial group and other minority racial groups. Integrative awareness status has the most awareness of racial dynamics and the systems of power and privilege that maintain them.

The endorsement of different racial identity attitudes can provide meaningful information about an individual or group understanding of race and also allow for the investigation of connections to other phenomenon that may be generalizable to the population beyond the specific sample. However, the consideration of only racial identity attitude endorsements in isolation rather than in relation to one another may be limited in their application to people and their lived experiences, because the theory suggests that it is the interaction of the racial identity attitudes that best captures an experience of racial identity. These racial identity attitudes can also be understood in relation to one other within an individual and because “pure forms” of each racial identity attitude are unlikely, it is more likely that individuals will hold a combination of different racial identity attitudes present within them at any given moment (Helms, 1995). Thus, it is important to examine the relationship of racism-related stress to both racial identity attitude endorsement and racial identity profile clusters.

Helms’ (1995) model is similar to other racial identity development models for people of color in that it had been initially developed using African American samples. The majority of research on the relation of racial identity to race related stress is also with this population. This extant research suggests that the construct of racial identity in African Americans is strongly related to how and whether racism is perceived, experienced and responded to and therefore strongly related to the determination of racism-related stress (e.g. Franklin, Boyd-Franklin, & Kelly, 2006; Johnson & Arbona, 2006; Jones, Cross & DeFour, 2007; Franklin-Jackson & Carter, 2007). For example, Sellers and Shelton (2003) explored the role of racial identity in perceived discrimination in a sample of 267 African American college students. The researchers found a positive relationship between perceived discrimination and psychological distress; racial ideology, defined as a particular set of racial beliefs and attitudes related to the construct of racial identity, moderated this relationship. Neville and Lily (2000) also proposed that racial identity patterns that differentially emphasize the importance of race and racial awareness were related to how their racial minority participants were able to relate to, cope with, and understand living in a society where racial oppression exists. The researchers provided evidence that levels of psychological distress differed between racial identity profile clusters in a study with 182 African Americans. These highlighted findings within the body of literature on African Americans suggest that an understanding of individuals’ perceptions of and sensitivity to racial bias may be crucial in the study of racism-related stress.

While the previously described research demonstrates the importance of considering racial identity in understanding experiences of racism-related stress in African Americans, the process of racial identity development in Asian Americans is unlike that of African Americans due to differences in exposures to and experiences with individual and group radicalization processes in the Sunderland. The divergent racial histories of the two groups indicate a need to understand how these groups differ and to pay attention to the specific and unique processes in each group. Although more limited than the research with African Americans, previous research on racial identity development within Asian American samples specifically has provided some insight into the ways that Asian Americans experience racial identity and its relation to racism-related stress

Iwamoto and Liu (2010) investigated the impact of racial identity, ethnic identity, Asian values, and race-related stress in a sample of 402 Asian American and Asian international college students ' psychological well-being. They found that endorsement of conformity and dissonance attitudes moderated the relationship between race-related stress and well-being within their sample such that participants with low race-related stress and either high conformity attitudes or low dissonance attitudes tended to have higher scores on psychological well-being when compared with participants with high race-related stress and either low conformity or high dissonances attitudes. At high race related stress levels, participants with either high conformity or low dissonance racial attitudes experienced a decrease in psychological well-being scores and those holding either low conformity or high dissonance attitudes experiencing an increase in their scores of psychological well-being. Iwamoto and Liu (2010) did not examine the relation of race-related stress to racial identity independently.

Ethnic Identity Theory

Ethnicity is frequently used interchangeably with race in popular media and in the psychological literature. However, scholars increasingly argue that it is important to make a distinction between these interrelated but separate constructs in order to better understand the unique concepts being investigated (Phinney, 1992; Markus, 2008; Suyemoto, 2002).

Ethnicity comprises one’s cultural socialization and the expression of the different dimensions of that socialization (Phinney, 1992). Ethnic identity is a complex developmental process that involves a progression from having an ascribed and unexplored ethnic identity, a period of exploration and meaning making, and then developing a commitment to that identity (Phinney, 1992). There are many different ways in which ethnic identity has been described and conceptualized. Components of ethnic identity may include self-categorization and identification with a particular social group; exploration of, commitment and attachment to the ethnic identity, ethnic behaviors, values and beliefs and salience of the identity (Phinney & Ong, 2007).

Although ethnic groups may place varying emphasis on different aspects of the ethnic identity, a core set of common features have been identified by Phinney (1990) in her review of the literature. Phinney’s (1992) model of ethnic identity development is reflected in the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM; Phinney, 1992) which contains 3 factors in the subscale of ethnic identity: affirmation/belonging, ethnic identity achievement and ethnic behaviors. However, critics of later work using the MEIM with diverse samples argue that there may be just a single factor of ethnic identity or 2 factors which consist of exploration and commitment. Despite some disagreement as to the underlying structure of the MEIM, it remains a widely used instrument to assess ethnic identity across diverse samples.

Ethnic identity may be important in the research on the differences in the perception, understanding, and reactions to racism and racism-related stress in Asian Americans and other racial minorities. Operatio and Fiske (2001) found that ethnic identity and strength of identification with minority status was a strong determinant of whether minority participants attributed an ambiguous event to prejudice or discrimination as previously described. Utsey and colleagues (2002) found in their sample of 160 African American, Asian American, and Latino American adult participants recruited from the community that levels of ethnic identity were significantly related to levels of racism-related stress. The researchers found that African American participants had the highest levels of ethnic identity as compared with their Asian American and Latino American counterparts in the sample; the African American participants also reported the highest levels of racism-related stress. The researchers proposed that the African American participants may have developed a stronger ethnic identity as compared with their peers in response to more frequent experiences with rejection or prejudice from out-group members as a means to protect self-esteem and strengthen connections while buffering the negative psychological effects. Utsey and colleagues (2002) also found that their African American participants had scored higher on the psychological well-being measure as compared with Latino Americans and Asian Americans and proposed that this effect was influenced by the group’s strong ethnic identities which may provide support systems and a sense of affirmation and belonging to an ethnic community. This research indicates that, for African Americans, strength of ethnic identity may be positively correlated with racism-related stress but also appears to have a protective effect on psychological well-being for racial minorities in the UK.

The influence of ethnic identity also may be important in the consideration of racism-related stress in Asian Americans. For some Asian Americans, ethnic identity may have a stronger influence than racial identity on the perceptions, beliefs and attitudes towards the dominant White racial group and other racial and ethnic minority groups and affect whether and how racism and racism-related stress is experienced (Tuan, 1999). An examination of racism-related stress in relation to ethnic identity in Asian Americans may help explain some of the variability observed in levels of racism-related stress and colorblind racial attitudes found in Asian Americans sharing similar racial identity profiles in previous studies (Chen et al., 2006).

Classical assimilation theory that posits that immigrants (e.g. the majority of Asian Americans), will eventually acculturate and assimilate in order to become fully American and will therefore lose their culture of origin and ethnic identities. However, Phinney, Berry, Vedder and Liebkind (2006) found a variety of different acculturative and adaptive strategies that reflect a range in the strengths of ethnic identities in a large international study of 5,366 immigrant youth who have settled in 13 societies. Great variability has also been observed in levels of ethnic identification within a more modest sample of 54 minority group members in the UK. (Operatio & Fiske, 2001).

For the many Asian Americans who have not been racially socialized in the UK., ethnicity and ethnic identity may be more salient than the possibly unfamiliar concept of race or racial identity (Ancheta, 1998; Suyemoto, 2002). In contrast to the classical assimilation theory, many second generation and later Asian Americans retain their cultures of origin and have strong ethnic identities. Some later generation Asian Americans may become inclined to examine their own ethnic identities (i.e. enculturate), either for a general search for identity and community or following unsuccessful attempts to fully assimilate into mainstream American society and be considered fully American due to the “forever foreigner” and “model minority” stereotypes described above (Alvarez et al., 2006; Chang & Kwan, 2009). The negative experiences of racial or ethnic discrimination and of not being fully accepted by mainstream American culture despite efforts to fully assimilate may lead some later generation Asian Americans into a period of renewed ethnic identity exploration resulting in a stronger ethnic identification.

For example, a qualitative study of second generation Vietnamese Americans illustrates how the participants challenged traditional patterns of immigrant assimilation by strengthening their ethnic identities as they entered adulthood (Thai, 1999). Eighteen second generation young Vietnamese American adults participated in open ended interviews and described their childhood as full of ambiguity, uncertainty and tension related to their identities as they tried to fit into the dominant American culture which they and many other radicalized minority youth equated with being or acting White. However, these participants reported that they underwent a process of "de-programming the self" in young adulthood when they began to challenge and reevaluate their identities and what it meant to be American by recapturing their collectivistic familial values and strengthening their ethnic identities (Thai, 1999). A period of exploration may prompt a stronger sense of commitment to fostering feelings of belonging to an ethnic group, preserving heritage, traditions, practices, language, and culture as part of the identity development process that may begin in adolescence but continues throughout adulthood (Phinney, 1992). In a sample of 242 American adults with Chinese ancestry, generational status, ethnic identity and English proficiency were also found to strongly contribute to ethnic label choices and be related to ethnic identity development (Kiang, 2007).

These developmental processes and contextual influences on the strength of ethnic identification across generational statuses, radicalization experiences, and attitudes towards the American host and the cultures of origin may contribute to variability in the salience and development of ethnic identity. Yip, Gee and Takeuchi (2008) found that ethnic identity, nativity status, and age in Asian Americans interact and create differences in the relationship of racial discrimination to psychological distress in a large study with a nationally representative sample of 2,047 Asians living in the UK. Chen and colleagues (2006) have also suggested that Asian Americans in their sample who were not socialized to understand race and racism may have had an increased difficulty in coping with race related stressors and the effects of racism and may be more prone to internalizing. Given these findings along with previously described differences between Asian Americans and other racial minority groups, the inclusion and consideration of ethnic identity and additional factors such as generational status are supported and crucial in the study of racism-related stress for Asian Americans.

The Relation of Racial and Ethnic Identity

There is a strong impetus to include racial identity and ethnic identity in research on racism-related stress given their established contributions and effects on the perception, understanding, and the experience of race, racism and racism-related stress in the literature. Despite being frequently confounded in the literature, ethnic identity and racial identity are related but not equivalent constructs and merit independent examination (Phinney, 1996). Having a high level of ethnic identification does not necessitate or preclude a highly salient or developed racial identity or vice versa. The different patterns and levels of development and salience of ethnic identity and racial identity may depend heavily on the centrality of race and ethnicity to the individual, racial and ethnic socialization experiences, and experiences with discrimination and prejudice that may force individuals to examine their identities and judge their value. As ethnic identity is interrelated with racial identity, both ethnic and racial identity may be primed and become salient through repeated attempts to categorize both racially and ethnically by the self and others. This may induce a great deal of stress for an individual to identify or be identified in rigid and prescribed ways. Individuals with high levels of ethnic identity may be sensitive to racial prejudice and discrimination even if they endorse color-blind racial attitudes. Theoretically, racial discrimination and prejudice may elicit experiences of racism-related stress for Asian Americans with strong ethnic identities in the UK context given the salience of race and its interrelation with ethnicity.

Resisting Racism-Related Stress: Psychological Empowerment related to Racism

Racialization includes not only understanding the system of oppression related to race, but also the possibility of resistance. Personal characteristics and self-efficacy beliefs about an individual’s ability to act against racism, discrimination and prejudice may serve as a protective factor for racism-related stress. Active resistance to racism may be understood as an expression of psychological empowerment related to racism. However, this relationship has rarely been explored in the extant literature.

Psychological empowerment is a construct that Zimmerman (1995) has defined as one that “integrates perceptions of personal control, a proactive approach to life and a critical understanding of the sociopolitical movement” (p. 581). Stovall (1999) has identified different aspects of psychological empowerment in relation to race, which includes interpersonal, interactional, and behavioral components. Individuals who have high levels of race related psychological empowerment may not necessarily differ in the frequency of experiences with racial discrimination but they may be more protected against the negative psychological effects of these encounters such as the experience of racism-related stress than those who have low levels of racial empowerment. The phenomenon of racial empowerment could potentially counteract feelings of helplessness and frustration that may result after experiencing or witnessing a racist event and minimize levels of racism-related stress and its psychological costs.

The process of developing positive racial and ethnic identities in the face of negative stereotypes, racial discrimination, and group devaluation may also serve as protective factors against racism-related stress. Being proud of your racial and ethnic identities may lead to feelings of indignation and protectiveness in the face of racism that may serve as motivation to actively respond to individual and systemic racial discrimination. This may reflect a pathway in the development of psychological empowerment related to racism which may have been one of the forces behind the formation of a pan-ethnic racial group and social activism in Asian Americans. Utsey and colleagues (2002) suggest that this finding is consistent with social identity theory which posits that the greater the out-group discrimination and prejudice toward a particular group, the more likely an individual of that group may choose to strengthen their ties to their social group as a means of creating a buffering effect from the negative effects of the oppression and maintain in-group self-esteem. There may be other pathways for the development of racial empowerment; however, there is a lack of research in this area especially for Asian Americans. The present study will therefore also examine racism related stress in relation to racial empowerment in Asian Americans

Annexure-B Research Methodology
Review of Research Methods

This is a quantitative case study aimed at exploring the ways to promote community cohesion in the City of Sunderland. I have used secondary sources to find information related to research.

Theoretical Framework

This section presents a theory relating community size to the interpersonal trust, cohesion, and commitment of group members. The theory builds on sociological theories of symbolic interaction and social psychological theories of social influence, social identity, and relational cohesion to propose that increasing group size reduces how often a group member thinks about what fellow group members are thinking of that member. As a result, people are more likely to view only those people they perceive are most aware of them as valid sources for self-relevant information. According to the theory, it will be to those individuals that group members attribute trust and cohesion. As group size grows, the theory explains that people are likely to seek out coalitions with those who they trust and feel most cohesive with, and that these coalitions can lead to schisms that undermine group identity. This theory predicts that group members’ perceived trust, cohesion, and commitment will peak in groups approaching six members, with reduced trust, cohesion, and commitment in groups larger than six. The chapter concludes with hypotheses based on propositions of the theory that will be tested in two experimental studies.

Social interaction is a process of mutual influence. In a conversation, for example, people shape their thoughts and responses based on the speech and gestures of others. Significant gestures from other people are required for individuals to define a shared reality. In order for these gestures to be significant, they must come from other people who are believed to share a common situation and who are available for interaction (Collins 2001). Theory regarding the effects of group size on mutual awareness first requires theory that explains how mutual awareness affects the influence group members have on each other’s perceptions and behaviors. These propositions were developed by Soboroff and Kelley (2011), and link expectations for the validity of self-relevant information people receive from others to the influence those others are likely to have other them.

Influence is a process whereby a person voluntarily changes their behavior or attitudes to more closely align with the behavior or attitudes of another person (Friedkin 1998). Existing theoretical research programs in social psychology provide mechanisms explaining how one person influences another. Status characteristics theory (Berger et al. 1977) proposes that often non-conscious expectations of competence tied to different states of a person’s socially significant attributes (i.e. gender, age, race, education) allow people to determine who they should defer to when working with others on shared tasks. Social identity theory (Tajfel 1979; Tajfel and Turner 1982) proposes that people are more likely to be influenced by people who belong to similar social categories or in groups, because people tend to perceive greater similarity between themselves and those others. Social impact theory (Latane 1981) suggests that the influence of other people in our environment is proportional to their distance, ease of communication, and personal attributes such as status characteristics. Each of these theories provides key insights into the influence process, and some research has found evidence that these processes operate together within the same setting (Markovsky and Thye 1996; Kalkhoff and Barnum 2000). The question remains whether a common outcome, influence, may be based on a common underlying mechanism. The scope conditions of the above theories differ in their generality. Identifying mechanisms that operate across the conditions necessary for influence in each of these processes may allow social psychologists to expand the scope of theories beyond face-to-face interactions while offering a more parsimonious explanation of the influence processes these theories explain

Theories of symbolic interaction, interaction ritual chains, and research on computer-mediated communication may provide such mechanisms. Symbolic interactionism proposes that people negotiate a shared reality with other people when they interact (Blumer 1969). This requires that people pay attention to the meaningful symbols generated by their partners, assign meaning to those symbols, and behave toward others based on those meanings. Theories of structural symbolic interaction, such as affect control theory, propose that people enter social settings with expectations regarding the meanings they will encounter (Heise 1979). According to affect control theory, people are motivated to verify culturally shared meanings using feedback from their partners because these meanings are relevant to how people view themselves. It follows that people enter social settings with expectations for the kinds of people they will pay attention to, and towards whom they must behave to verify the meanings they brought with them into the setting. Fundamental to this process are expectations for shared attention, termed anticipated mutual perception. The more Person A expects attention from Person B, the more relevant Person B will be for Person A’s maintenance of self relevant meanings. Assume that people are critical of the feedback they receive from others. If this is the case, then influence that occurs in social situations is likely to be based on the perceived validity of a partner’s feedback.

Co-presence and Interaction Rituals

Interaction requires people to be available to each other as sources of meaningful gestures (Blumer 1969; Goffman 1963). When we encounter other people, we use all information available about the other person and the setting to determine 1) who we are in the situation, 2) who the other person is, and 3) who we are to the other person. Goffman proposed that gestures shared between two people would only be interpreted as meaningful if those people are co-present. Co-presence according to Goffman (1963) is defined as:

“the sense that (people) are close enough to be perceived in whatever they are doing, including their experiences of others, and close enough to be perceived in this sensing of being perceived.”

According to Collins (2001), social settings generate emotional energy that motivates people to engage in social ritual. Rituals associated with role identities carry culturally defined behavioral expectations. For Goffman, rituals are how we express the value attached to people and situations within society; they have a moral as well as functional aspect. For Collins, interactions are ritual displays that not only maintain meanings, but charge objects and people within the setting with emotional energy that allow those meanings to carry value for people beyond the immediate situation. This is important, because it means that bodily co-presence is not a necessary but rather a sufficient condition for ritual and the evocation of emotional energy, though Collins argues that co-presence will be preferred for ritual interaction due to the availability of emotionally charged stimuli in face-to-face encounters.

Goffman and Collins give special weight to face-to-face interaction, but this gives co-presence limited utility as a theoretical concept. Modern technologies such as the internet and cell phones vary distance and the amount of sensory information available to partners. Research on these technologies has found that even when sensory information is limited people still develop an individual sense of subjective co-presence (Biocca, Harms, and Gregg 2007; Zhao 2003; Bailenson et al. 2005). Even simulated contact creates the expectation people are being sensed by others (Pauchet et al. 2007; McLaughlin et al. 2003; Hauber et al. 2005). This perception, referred to here as anticipated mutual perception, is the amount that individuals think about what others are thinking of them. Theory developed here explains how anticipated mutual perception varies as a result of characteristics of people and situations, and how these variations affect influence between people.

Research Design

A complete and in-depth understanding of a vast variety of research methodologies and research approaches is required by the researcher to select the most appropriate method for a particular study.

Research Approaches

In a research we find factor for which different methods are used. There are several approaches to find facts. Before describing the research method used for current study it is appropriate to provide a brief about different research approaches. Mainly, there are four main approaches to research; qualitative, quantitative, pragmatic and advocacy/participatory. (Stangor, Charles, 2007)

Quantitative Research

Usually positivist/post positivist paradigm uses quantitative research. Under this research approach numeric data is dealt. The researchers use statistical calculations to draw conclusions by reason of statistical analysis. The researchers usually set hypothesis to test which may include predicting about a possible link between different variables. In quantitative method, different research instruments are available to researcher for testing a hypothesis and addressing a research problem. (Given, Lisa M, 2008) Creswell (2007) also described that in quantitative studies the researchers try to decrease groups of objects selected for representation numerically and tested by using variables of hypotheses (Creswell, 2007).

Qualitative Research

In a qualitative research study, “the investigator depends on the participants’ vision, raises general questions gathers data from participants, evaluates and analyzes those data for themes, and conducts the examination in a biased and subjective manner” (Creswell, 2005, p.23). This research approach has a link to the social constructivist paradigm. Under social constructivist approach emphasizes is made to explore a socially constructed nature of reality. Using this approach, deeper meaning and importance of human attitudes is uncovered through recording and analysis of these attitudes. Using this approach researchers make efforts for gaining a rich and complex understanding of people’s experience. “Qualitative methods are suitable for research in which the literature might yield little information about the phenomenon being studied, and the interviewer seeks to learn more from participants through exploration” (Creswell, 2005, p.13). A qualitative research methods is applied in the case the available information on the topic is limited (Creswell, 2007; Leedy & Ormrod, 2010; Neuman, 2008, 2009). In addition this approach is used for improving the understanding of a phenomenon (Creswell, 2008; Denzin & Lincoln, 2008).

Pragmatic approach to research (mixed methods)

The pragmatic approach is used to finding a best suitable method for answering a question. This research method approach is used for scientific research. Thus in a pragmatic approach researchers have the facility to choose any method, technique or procedure that is associated with quantitative or qualitative research.
Different techniques at a time or in a sequence can be used under pragmatic approach. For example, a researcher may initially use face-to-face interviews with many people and then adopt focus group followed by constructing a questionnaire for measuring behaviors of a large population in order to carry out statistical analysis. (Biesta, G.J.J. & Burbules, N, 2003)

Advocacy/participatory approach to research

An advocacy/participatory approach are used by researchers for not only exploring or identifying a social problem but also to take a practical step for resolving these problems. For instance a researcher who conducts a research study on the difficulties being faced by marginalized groups in a community but also is desirous of bringing a positive change in their lives. A political agenda is adopted by such researchers and they make efforts to empowering these groups. This is due to the fact that researcher intend to change their miserable conditions by suggesting some kind of reforms through their research. (Cornwall, A, 2002)

Rationale on Research Approach Selection

The quantitative case study approach was selected for the purpose of current research as research design focusing on the exploration of ways to promote community cohesion in Sunderland. The purpose of qualitative research is to “reveal how the parts work together to form a whole” (Merriam, 1998, p.6). The present study is aimed at understanding the ways that can be used to promote community cohesion. Quantitative methodology is experienced for discerning not only current status of community cohesion in Sunderland but also strategies to promote it.

For designing and conducting a careful study of methodologies is necessary. Usually, authors have contradictions to each other related to the suitability of a methodology.

Case Study

A case study is usually used to explore a single case or multiple cases in due course. This approach is adopted for conducting an in-depth analysis about “a program, event, activity, or individuals in a physical, social, historical, or economic setting” (Creswell, 1997, p.12). The researcher can either explore a social phenomenon in an institute, a role, a place, or an whole community of people. The data is collected with the help of detailed, in-depth forms to collect data with the help of instruments for example observations, interviews, documents, and audiovisual materials (Creswell, 1997; Merriam, 1998). In a case study the researcher have the facility to either use qualitative or quantitative methods, however case studies that use qualitative methods are more considered more beneficial due to their involvement in real-life interventions in depth as well as studying the outcomes of interventions. In this approach the researcher identifies different cases revealing different aspects of the research problem. The data is analyzed using a holistic view. Both, within case analysis or cross case analysis can be used. The learned lessons are reported.

There are three categories of case study including exploratory, explanatory, and descriptive (Babbie, 1973). In an exploratory case study, data is collected prior to define the research questions with the help of pilot studies. On the basis of results from a pilot study the researcher may add or dropt survey questions. The purpose of an explanatory study usually is to understanding, explaining, and providing further imminent to relationships between variables. This case study approach is suitable for causal studies. In a descriptive case study the questions like what, where, when, why, and how are dealt.

Strengths and weaknesses of the case study method

By selecting case study approach researchers can target a very clear focus area. Researchers can achieve insightful observations from manyperspective due to the capability of case study methodology as it helps to collect rich, in-depth anecdotal data from human subjects (Yin, 1999). Social scientists mostly select this methodology in order to get good quality data. Verschuren (2003) describing the possible uncertainty of the scientific validity of results obtained by case study saying: “some people question the researcher’s independence of these results, because in some variants of case study the researcher plays an interactive role instead of acting at a distance, and because methods are used that may be easily linked to the personality of the researcher, such as participant observation and unstructured open ended in-depth interviews”. (Verschuren, 2003. p. 122).

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