The newest CPS leadership frames the district’s current inequities as an inevitable result of demographic trends. Their fraudulent attempts to absolve corporate reform of any culpability in our separate and unequal school system are an extension of the resistance that enforcement of desegregation faced in the decades after Brown v Board. The constitutional principles of Brown were narrowly intended to eliminate de jure segregation, segregation that was approved and upheld by law. The common argument used against enforced desegregation was that existing segregation was de facto, created by socioeconomic circumstances, and the choices and habits of society. In Chicago Public Schools, desegregation
“Historically, the segregation has been abandoned as a policy, and de facto segregation and all its complementary in- of Blacks, Latinos, and justices have become accepted as the norm Indians, was imposed by law, rather than recognized as the deliberate and discrimination, and violence. systematic constructions that they are.
Segregation was not, and has never been, chosen.”
The historical record of corporate reform in the Chicago Public Schools is clear. Underresourced and understaffed segregated
– Gary Orfield 1 schools exist in both Black and Latino communities. Disruptive actions against school communities have predominantly been concentrated in segregated communities of color in Chicago. School closings in particular have been especially concentrated in the Black community. School closings are one of the many crises of priorities found in CPS that intensify the harmful effects of segregated schools.
The simultaneous rapid expansion of charters schools has also deepened segregation and its harms. Together with the use of standardized tests to punish and disempower schools, the instability created by annual closings, turnarounds and layoffs have further isolated the segregated schools most likely to be subject to