Summary Of Michael Walzer's Passion And Politics

Michael Walzer’s Passion and politics begins by addressing the concept of freedom in liberalism, stating that, “the ideal picture of autonomous individuals choosing their connections (and disconnections) without constraints of any sort is an example of bad utopianism” (Walzer 1).
Explaining further, Walzer points out how all people are born with involuntary associations. These associations therefore provide constraints on individuals from birth. For instance, one does not choose to be born male or female, black or white, rich or poor, Russian or American. These are all groups that they become members of without having a choice in the matter, so while they may have the power to leave a group once, the fact that they never chose to be a member
provides an automatic restriction of freedom. Therefore, the concept of perfect freedom must be replaced with an idea of freedom that is inherently constrained. Walzer goes on to in chapter two to describe what he calls the “emancipation model” in which lays out a series of steps that oppressed groups follow to gain more power.
The first of which is being granted citizenship, or formal equality. Next members organize themselves as to gain more and more power until they eventually reach the Walzer’s final step in achieving full emancipation, “by escaping not only from oppression but also from the oppressed group. Now they are individual men and women, no longer subject to the discipline of a movement.’ (Walzer 28). This is a bold statement, suggesting that for one to achieve a more perfect freedom, they must sacrifice the group that got them to a point of having enough power to be able to make a decision on leaving the group. However, I agree with Walzer on this point. It’s impossible for an individual to break oppression when they are still viewed as a member of an oppressed group. This is not to say that they cannot still identify with that group and culture, only that when a community is fighting for equality they point out ways in which they are not treated as equals, and that the final step to achieve the equality they desire (this coming after all formal equalities) is to stop the movement. Simply put, if you behave like a movement, you will be treated like a
movement. Although, this step is by no means easy to achieve, or perhaps even desirable in all cases as Walzer points out in chapter 3, while pointing out the the struggle between the state and the communities which make it up. This is because in a liberal democracy, the state and a community may have different views on what should be valued and even more so, what should be taught to their children. For instance, Walzer notes that in a liberal democracy, the state has the right to demand that its citizens be taught a certain number of civics and government courses throughout their upbringing, so that they can be responsible members of the state. Although, their communities right to reproduce itself is still self-evident. Walzer makes the argument more clearly when he states, “Rights are liberal constructions, they come with conditions, as they should” (Walzer 56). He then expresses concerns over communities willingness to give up these values, as many have deep ties to these communities. In finishing, he summarizes the first three chapters as laying out arguments, “ in opposition to the exaggerated individualism of liberal political theory.” (Walzer 65).