The Role of Women in Politics and Public Policy

The Role of Women in Politics and Public Policy
Posted on February 1, 2011 by womenleadingchange
By: Alemtsehay Zergaw
Alemtsehay Zergaw, from the YWCA of Ethiopia,is the new World YWCA intern for 2011. She shares with us her thoughts on the role of women in politics and what is needed for more participation of women in politics and public policy.

Alemtsehay Zergaw
Our generation is accommodating more and more women in politics across the world – but even more significantly in the developed world. This is clearly because the developed world has a system that encourages and educates women to value civic engagement and helps them to see themselves as empowered leaders in politics and public policy. Studies conducted in the United States demonstrated that the public has more interest in women leaders. For instance, in a 2008 study it was found that the public would like to see more women in politics and public policy.
Another question to explore is whether women in public office have a distinct impact on public policy? Do women have a different political interest than men, and under what circumstances and conditions? Can women officeholders bring to the office important perspectives and priorities that are underrepresented in a male dominated policy making environment? An extensive study made by the centre for the American Woman and Politics (CAWP) demonstrated that the impact of women lawmakers on public policy is profound and distinct. The three major findings of this study were that women public officials: 1) have different policy priorities, i.e. they are more likely to give priorities to women’s rights policies; they are also more likely to give priority to public policies related to women’s traditional roles as caregivers in the family and society; 2) that they are more active on women’s legislation, whether or not it is their top priority, and 3) that they are more feminist and more liberal in their attitudes on major public policy issues.
The report outlines steps which may be taken to expand women’s participation in politics, focusing on those findings which are relevant and useful for women interested in seeking public office and for people who conduct programmes to increase women’s numbers in public life.
However, for women politicians to succeed in office, it is necessary to strengthen their capacity for leadership. It is also necessary that voters support them. Believing in women’s experience to bring about wider social change and an end to inequality in particular, training for women who are running for office needs to ensure that women are willing and able to promote gender equality while governing.

Women and Politics byMaureenFlanagan AssociateProfessor
DepartmentofHistory
Michigan State University
Until recently women rarely appeared in political history of the Gilded Age/Progressive Era. Although some women received the vote through state suffrage laws, women could not vote in all states, in all types of elections, until the Federal Suffrage Amendment of 1920 granted universal female suffrage. Since much political history examined politicians, presidents, and parties, women could not fit into the general framework used to study politics and political history.
Early work on women and politics for the GA/PE concentrated on the woman suffrage movement, and, rather than having a primary political focus, it saw the movement as part of the overall women 's rights movement in the U.S. Standard earlier works in this vein include Kraditor, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement, relevant chapters in Flexner, Century of Struggle and Scott, The Southern Lady. These works, as well as much of the new bibliography on women and politics expose how much of our historical periodization has been shaped by male experience. Many of the works cited here consider more than the GA/PE, because women 's politics of that time period was clearly connected to those eras which preceded and followed and cannot be severed from them. I have, however, in this bibliography included only works that give sufficient detail on the GA/PE.
As historians of women expanded the realm of historical inquiry to include women generally, they rejected the set agenda of political history and argued for a reconceptualization of politics to break down the distinction between the public world of male politics and the private world of the largely female home. Seeing the supposedly "private" social/cultural concerns of women as "political" and "public," using gender theory, public sphere theory, and responding to the idea that the personal is the political, scholars have focused on exploring a gendered women 's political culture. These include Baker, "The Domestication of Politics" and The Moral Frameworks of Public Life; McGerr, "Political Style and Women 's Power; Boris, "The Power of Motherhood: Black and White Activist Women Redefine the `Political '"; Higgenbotham, Righteous Discontent; and Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation 's Work and "Two Political Cultures in the Progressive Era".
Making the personal political, however, at times led to neglecting the structures and institutions of politics. But women in the GA/PE attempted to enter this political world, and, the institutions and structures already in place affected women 's political possibilities. So, scholars of women and politics have also been producing work that places the social categories of gender and race at the center of explaining women 's political experiences, possibilities and ideas, but does so within the institutional and structural elements of politics.
Race and gender shaped African-American women 's political possibilities in the time period, but also contributed to shaping the political institutions. See Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, and Hendricks, "Ida B. Wells-Barnett and the Alpha Suffrage Club of Chicago" and "The Politics of Race: Black Women in Illinois".
Ideas about gender also shaped participation on specific political issues in progressive-era municipal politics. (Ethington, "Recasting Urban Political History: Gender, the Public, the Household, and Political Participation"); the urban political agendas adopted by women (Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform" and "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power"); and the political choices made by specific urban women (Mason, "Testing the Boundaries: Women, Politics, Gender").
Sapiro, "Women, Citizenship, and Nationality," considers how gendered notions of citizenship shaped laws that in turn affected women 's political lives. Kennedy, "Loyalty and Citizenship," connects citizenship issues and suffrage.
McDonagh, "The Significance of the 19th Amendment," and Flanagan, "The Predicament of New Rights," look at congressional voting and vote totals in local elections respectively to explore the existence of a political gender gap as early as the Progressive Era, while Evans, "Women 's History and Political Theory," examines how women 's political development in the late 19th, early 20th centuries within women 's voluntary organizations shaped their political futures along lines different from those of men.
Evans, "Women 's History and Political Theory," and Lebsock, "Women and American Politics, 1880-1920," suggest new directions for exploring women and politics that will draw together the political and the social/cultural. Evans especially emphasizes the need to apply political theory to studying women and politics.
Paying attention to the institutional components of politics, several scholars have investigated women 's early electoral behavior to undercover how women actually voted, but also to understand how the structures of politics shaped and limited women 's political possibilities even with suffrage.
Monoson, "The Lady and the Tiger: Women 's Electoral Activism in New York City," and Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform," both take the position that even without the vote, by promoting and campaigning for specific municipal policies, women participated in politics.
Illinois kept vote totals separate by gender from 1913 and 1921 and Goldstein, The Effects of the Adoption of Woman Suffrage, is a statistical analysis of voter registration and voting patterns by gender for the state.
Women 's political choices, their attempts to wield political power, and their relationship to party politics are considered in Cott, "Across the Great Divide"; Flanagan, "The Predicament of New Rights"; Perry, "Women 's Political Choices after Suffrage" and Belle Moskowitz; Harvey, "The Political Consequences of Suffrage Exclusion." Little work has yet been done on women politicians whose careers began in the PE to show how they moved from political activism to running for office. One quite useful source for this is Miller, Ruth Hanna McCormick. Several new dissertations investigate themes of women 's relationship to partisan politics and to reshaping politics. Edwards, "Gender in American Politics"; Gustafson, "Partisan Women"; Katz, "Dual Commitments: Feminism, Socialism, and Women 's Political Activism," and Wilkerson-Freeman, "Women and the Transformation of American Politics."
Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, is the most comprehensive source for examining women 's relationship to the political structures within which social policy formation took place across the GA/PE. Muncy, "Gender and Professionalization in the Origins of the U.S. Welfare State" captures essential differences between the male and female "professionals" engaged in formulating new policy, Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable," makes this comparison for urban environmentalism, while Sklar, "Two Political Cultures," compares two important PE organizations.
Renewed interest in the suffrage movement from the perspective of politics has also revitalized the bibliography. For work on female anti-suffragists see Green, "Those Opposed," and Thurner, "Better Citizens without the Ballot"; for examinations of local suffrage movements, Buechler, The Transformation of the Woman Suffrage Movement; Wheeler, "Conflict in the Illinois Woman Suffrage Movement"; Graham, "Women Suffrage in Virginia"; and Spruill Wheeler, New Women of the New South; for class, race and ethnicity in the movement, see DuBois, "Working Women, Class Relations, and Suffrage Militance"; Terborg-Penn, "Discontented Black Feminists"; Lerner, "Jewish Involvement in the New York City Woman Suffrage Movement"; for the latest work on the national movement, see all the essays in Spruill Wheeler, ed., One Woman, One Vote; and for the National Woman 's Party, see Ford, Iron-Jawed Angels.
Finally, recent anthologies, edited by Tilly and Gurin, Lebsock and Hewitt, Kerber, Kessler-Harris and Sklar, and Koven and Michel contain several essays listed here, but others that may also be of interest for women and politics generally, if not specifically for the GA/PE. Bibliography
References
* Baker, Paula. "The Domestication of Politics: Women and American Political Society, 1780-1920,: American Historical Review ( (June 1984): 620-47 and The Moral Frameworks of Public Life: Gender, Politics, and the State in Rural New York, 1870- 1930 (1991) * Buechler, Stephen M. The Transformation of the Woman Suffrage Movement, The Case of Illinois, 1850-1920 (1986) * Boris, Eileen. "The Power of Motherhood: Black and White Activist Women Redefine the `Political, '" in Koven and Michel, 213-45 * Cott, Nancy. "Across the Great Divide: Women in Politics Before and After Suffrage," in Tilly and Gurin, 43-68 * DuBois, Ellen C. "Working Women, Class Relations, and Suffrage Militance: Harriot Stanton Blatch and the New York Woman Suffrage Movement, 1894-1909," Journal of American History (June 1987): 34-58 * Edwards, Rebecca. "Gender in American Politics, 1880-1900" (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Virginia, 1995) * Ethington, Philip J. "Recasting Urban Political History: Gender, the Public, the Household, and Political Participation in Boston and San Francisco during the Progressive Era, Social Science History (Summer 1992): 301-33 * Evans, Sara M. "Women 's History and Political Theory: Toward a Feminist Approach to Public Life," in Lebsock and Hewitt, 119- 39 * Flanagan, Maureen A. "Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Woman 's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era," American Historical Review (October 1990):1032-50; "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s, Journal of Urban History (January 1996): 163-90; and "The Predicament of New Rights: Suffrage and Women 's Political Power from a Local Perspective," Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State and Society (Fall 1995): 305-30 * Flexner, Eleanor. Century of Struggle: The Woman 's Rights Movement in the United States (1959; revised edition, 1996) * Ford, Linda. Iron-Jawed Angels: The Suffrage Militancy of the National Woman 's Party, 1912-1920 (1991) * Gilmore, Glenda E. Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896-1920 (1996) * Goldstein, Joel. The Effects of the Adoption of Woman Suffrage: Sex Differences in Voting Behavior -- Illinois, 1914-21 (1984) * Graham, Sara. "Women Suffrage in Virginia: The Equal Suffrage League and Pressure-Group Politics, 1909-1920," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography (April 1993) * Green, Elna. "Those Opposed: The Anti-Suffragists in North Carolina, 1900-1920," North Carolina Historical Review (July 1990): 315-33 * Gustafson, Melanie. "Partisan Women: Gender, Politics, and the Progressive Party of 1912" (Ph.D. Dissertation, New York University, 1993) * Harvey, Anna L. "The Pol Consequences of Suffrage Exclusion: Organizations, Institutions, and the Electoral Mobilization of Women," Social Science History (Spring 1996): 99-132 * Hendricks, Wanda. "Ida B. Wells-Barnett and the Alpha Suffrage Club of Chicago," in Spruill Wheeler, ed.: 263-76 and "The Politics of Race: Black Women in Illinois, 1890-1920" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Purdue University, 1990) * Higgenbotham, Evelyn Brooks. Righteous Discontent: The Woman 's Movement in the Black Baptist Church, 1880-1920 (1993) * Katz, Sherry. "Dual Commitments: Feminism, Socialism, and Women 's Political Activism in California, 1890-1920" (Ph.D. UCLA, 1991) * Kennedy, Kathleen. "Loyalty and Citizenship in the Wisconsin Women 's Suffrage Movement, 1917-1919," Mid-America (1994): 109-32 * Kerber, Linda, Kessler-Harris, Alice, and Sklar, eds., U.S. History as Women 's History (1995) * Koven, Seth, and Michel, Sonya Mothers of a New World: Maternalist Politics and the Origins of Welfare States (1993) * Kraditor, Aileen. The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890-1920 (1965) * Lebsock, Suzanne. "Women and American Politics, 1880-1920," in Tilly and Gurin, p. 35-62 * Lebsock, Suzanne, and Hewitt, Nancy. Visible Women: New Essays on American Activism (1993) * Lerner, Elinor. "Jewish Involvement in the New York City Woman Suffrage Movement," American Jewish History (June 1981): 442-61 * McDonagh, Eileen L. "The Significance of the Nineteenth Amendment: A New Look at Civil Rights, Social Welfare, and Woman Suffrage Alignments in the Progressive Era," Woman and Politics (1990): 59-94 * McGerr, Michael. "Political Style and Women 's Power, 1830- 1930," Journal of American History (December 1990): 864-85 * Mason, Karen. "Testing the Boundaries: Women, Politics, and Gender Roles in Chicago, 1890-1930" (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Michigan, 1991) * Miller, Kristie. Ruth Hanna McCormick: A Life in Politics, 1880-1944 (1992) * Monoson, Sara. "The Lady and the Tiger: Women 's Electoral Activism in New York City before Suffrage," Journal of Women 's History (Fall 1990): 100-35 * Muncy, Robyn. "Gender and Professionalization in the Origins of the U.S. Welfare State: The Careers of Sophonisba Breckenridge and Edith Abbott, 1890-1935," Journal of Policy History (1990): 290-315 * Perry, Elisabeth I. "Women 's Political Choices after Suffrage: The Women 's City Club of New York, 1915-1990," New York History (October 1990): 417-34, and Belle Moskowitz: Feminine Politics in the Age of Alfred E. Smith (1987) * Sapiro, Virginia. "Women, Citizenship, and Nationality: Immigration and Naturalization Policies in the United States," Politics and Society (1984): 1-26 * Scott, Anne Firor. The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Politics 1830-1930 (1970) * Sklar, Kathryn Kish. Florence Kelley and the Nation 's Work: The Rise of Women 's Political Culture, 1830-1900 (1995), and "Two Political Cultures in the Progressive Era: The National Consumers ' League and the American Association for Labor Legislation," in Kerber, Kessler-Harris, Sklar, eds., 36-62 * Skocpol, Theda. Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (1992) * Spruill Wheeler, Marjorie. New Women of the New South: The Leaders of the Woman Suffrage Movement in the Southern States (1993), and ed., One Woman, One Vote: Rediscovering the Woman Suffrage Movement (1995) * Terborg-Penn, Rosalyn. "Discontented Black Feminists: Prelude and Postscript to the Passage of the Nineteenth Amendment," in Lois Scharf and Joan Jensen, Decades of Discontent: The Women 's Movement, 1920-1940 (1983) * Thurner, Manuela. "Better Citizens Without the Ballot: American Antisuffrage Women and their Retionale during the Progressive Era," Journal of Women 's History (Spring 1993): 33-61 * Tilly, Louise, and Gurin, Patricia. Women, Politics, and Change (1990) * Wheeler, Adade. "Conflict in the Illinois Woman Suffrage Movement of 1913" Illinois State Historical Journal (1983): 95- 114 * Wilkerson-Freeman, Sarah. "Women and the Transformation of Am Politics: North Carolina, 1898-1940" (Ph. D. Dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1995)

Politics and Civil Society
Women as Agents of Change: Advancing the Role of Women in Politics and Civil Society

Testimony
Melanne Verveer
Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women 's Issues
Testimony Before the Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights and Oversight of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs
Washington, DC
June 9, 2010

Thank you. I am honored to be here this afternoon to discuss the role of women in politics and civil society around the world and U.S. government efforts to advance women’s participation in the political lives of their societies. I’d like to extend my thanks to Chairman Carnahan for convening today’s hearing to highlight this important issue, which too often goes overlooked. I’d also like to thank Chairman Berman and Congressman Delahunt for your leadership on behalf of women’s empowerment. We appreciate the interest the Committee is taking in our work in support of the advancement of women around the world.
I welcome the opportunity to address the topic of women’s leadership at today’s hearing, as this is a fitting time to take stock of the status of women globally and to recommit ourselves to the cause of women’s progress. This year marks the 15th anniversary of the UN Fourth World Conference on Women that took place in Beijing, where a Platform for Action was adopted by the United States and 188 other countries. This ambitious blueprint for women’s global progress served as a call to action on multiple fronts, including advancing women’s access to education and health, the right to be free from violence, and the opportunity to participate fully in the economic and political lives of their country. According to the Platform for Action: “Without the active participation of women and the incorporation of the perspective of women at all levels of decision-making, the goals for equality, development, and peace cannot be achieved.”
It is also 10 years since the UN Security Council adopted Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, recognizing the important role that women must play in conflict resolution, peace negotiations, and peace building. This year also marks 10 years since the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to eradicate poverty around the world. The third MDG -- gender equality-- is integral to the realization of all of the MDGs. Women’s political participation is a crucial indicator of women’s equality. In sum, these anniversaries provide an added impetus to measure women’s progress in many areas, including political participation.
Around the world, women are entering the field of politics and government in growing numbers, yet their gains have been uneven and their leadership often goes unrecognized. According to the Inter- Parliamentary Union, women hold almost 20 percent of seats in parliaments worldwide, and serve as heads of government in over 20 countries, including in Costa Rica, Bangladesh, Liberia, and Lithuania. While these are positive developments, women are still vastly underrepresented globally. Women are half the population yet they hold less than one-fifth of positions in national governments. They are still significantly outnumbered in the chambers of parliaments, in provincial councils, and they are often missing from negotiating tables where conflicts are to be resolved. All too often, important decisions that affect women, their families, and their societies are made without their having a voice.
When women are discriminated against in the political arena, their experiences, talents, and perspectives are shut out of the policy decisions of our democracies, and prospects for a better world are shortchanged. Moreover, according to the World Bank, at the country level, higher rates of female participation in government are associated with lower levels of corruption. I have been fortunate to see firsthand how women are making a difference in the political process at the local level.
Women in Kuwait struggled for many years to get the right to vote and to stand for office. Several years ago, a Kuwaiti activist told me, “We don’t want a skim milk democracy; we want a full cream democracy.” The women of Kuwait finally achieved their goal in 2005, but it wasn’t until last year that they finally took their place in parliament when four women were elected. Already, they are making their voices heard for the betterment of their country.
In India, approximately 40 percent of all elected representatives in villages and municipal councils are women. More than a million women across the subcontinent have been elected at the local or panchayat level, the highest such female representation for any democracy. The success of India’s panchayats has often been referred to as a silent revolution within the democratic decentralization process. According to many studies, women-led panchayats have provided more public services, from building wells to roads, and they acquired more public funding for local projects. These panchayats have improved attention to service delivery such as the water supply, sanitation, and other issues including education. The large presence of women in local governments has brought women considerable gains— both social as well psychological— including enhanced self-esteem and self-confidence, which has led to a greater role for women in their households and in the community.
In Afghanistan and Iraq, women who have been committed to building their nascent democracies, exercising their right to vote and to run for office, often do so at great personal peril. Last year, I traveled to a remote province in Afghanistan prior to the elections there. More women were running for the provincial council than the quota allocated. They told me that, despite the threats to their security, they were willing to make the sacrifice to run for office because it is their hope that they can help make life better in their communities.
Women are a vibrant force in civil society, from Iran to Kenya to Chile—and every place else, as they work to advance social, economic, and democratic progress, safeguard human rights, and promote peace. Women in these countries, and the world over, are strengthening democracies and creating more equitable societies.
U.S. Government Efforts to Promote Women and Democracy
Women’s political participation, role in civil society, and government decision-making are key ingredients to building democracy. Democracy without the full participation of women is a contradiction in terms. It is a simple fact that no country can progress or prosper if half its citizens are left behind. Progress for women and progress for democracy go hand in hand.
Today, investing in women is at the very heart of U.S. foreign policy. We know that women’s participation is essential to addressing virtually every challenge we face as nations and as a community of nations. We are implementing policies and programs to grow women’s leadership capacity in all areas of political participation and decision-making. Women are also at the center of the U.S. Government’s development work, including the Food Security Initiative and the Global Health Initiative. Women are also integral to our national security. The 2010 U.S. National Security Strategy Report that the Obama Administration just released notes that “experience shows that countries are more peaceful and prosperous when women are accorded full and equal rights and opportunity.” We are investing in policies and programs to grow women’s leadership capacity in all areas of political participation, decision-making, and civil society.
Women must not only be more engaged in governance, they must also be at the table in peacemaking, peace negotiations, and work on post-conflict reconstruction. We know that without the voices of women contributing to the delicate process of conflict resolution, peace is less likely to take root. We have seen, from Guatemala to Northern Ireland to Liberia to Afghanistan, that women can be powerful peacemakers, willing to reach across deep divides to find common ground.
Women, Peace, and Security
While my distinguished colleague Assistant Secretary Brimmer will be going into more depth about UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in her remarks, I just want to underscore the significance it represents in terms of the role of women’s participation in peace and security and our work in critical areas, including in Afghanistan and in Iraq.. The Security Council adopted this resolution in order to increase women’s representation at all levels of conflict resolution. As we approach the tenth anniversary of its adoption, it is especially imperative that the international community accelerate its implementation. In areas of post-conflict and transition, it also means that we need to ensure that women gain the skills and access to opportunities to participate in peace processes, political transitions, new constitutions, and the electoral process. U.S. support for quotas for women in Afghanistan and Iraq, which were chiseled into their constitutions, helped pave the way for women to enter politics and participate in policymaking in these two countries at critical times. The gains that have been made are precarious, and must be nurtured and consolidated or women will risk seeing them erased or eroded.
Afghanistan
As we all know, women in Afghanistan suffered the worst kind of oppression under the Taliban. They were denied the right to live as human beings —deprived of access to education, health services, and participation in employment and public life. The Bonn Agreement of December 2001 required Afghanistan to draft and adopt a new constitution. A 502-member delegation of the Constitutional Loya Jirga convened in Kabul in December 2003 to consider the proposed Afghan Constitution. After much debate, they adopted a strong constitution with human rights provisions, including the protections for the rights of women and the establishment of a 25 percent quota for female representation in Parliament. Quotas and reservations are often the only way that women are able to break into the political process. In countries with 30 percent female representation in parliament, quotas have been instrumental. Between 2001 and 2005, Afghan women entered political life at the most senior levels: There were three female ministers in national government, and there was a substantial increase in women striving to assert their rights and seeking legal support. However, since that time, deteriorating security conditions have made the prospect of women’s participation in public life more difficult, and women politicians are often threatened and prevented from engaging in the political arena.
Yet, Afghan women continue to persevere against all obstacles and barriers to progress. They refuse to be victims. Visiting Afghanistan, I saw firsthand how many capable Afghan women risk their lives every day, working alongside men to create a better future for their country.
In recent months, the role of Afghan women in reintegration and reconciliation has been of paramount consideration. At the London Conference on January 28, Secretary Clinton made clear that reintegration of former Taliban can only take place if they reject violence, renounce al-Qaida, and accept all the tenets of the Afghan constitution, including its commitment to protect women’s rights. Afghan women want a process that promotes peace in their country, but they also want to have a voice about the future of their country. The United States has advocated for at least 20 percent women at the Consultative Peace Jirga in Kabul just concluded, as well as follow-on shuras and consultations at all levels. The United States has provided key support for Provincial Council candidates, parliamentarians, and civil society representatives. During my trip to Afghanistan last summer, I announced the Ambassador’s Small Grants Fund, which aims to strengthen the technical and organizational capacity of Afghan women-led NGOs. Through this fund, the United States was able to provide support for a pre- Peace Jirga conference for all female Jirga participants, and to provide them with the training and skills necessary to assist them serve as key participants and facilitators in the Consultative Peace Jirga. We are supporting political development programs to train female Parliamentarians and their staffs. We are funding local civil society organizations providing civic education to increase the participation of women and youth in the electoral process. Under the USAID Initiative to Promote Afghan Civil Society, we are also committed to allocating at least fifty percent of the grants to female-led or female-focused organizations. The challenges remain significant, but our commitment to the women of Afghanistan must not wane.
Iraq
As with Afghanistan, the United States remains deeply committed to empowering Iraqi women in all sectors of Iraqi society. Despite uncertain security, women have bravely sought a leading role in Iraq’s political life. Based on the Constitutional quota for women’s political participation, women hold 25 percent of the seats both in provincial councils and in the national Council of Representatives (CoR). In March, only a limited number of women received enough votes in their own right to be elected to the CoR. In other cases, women had to be named to the CoR over male candidates who received more votes. While women for the most part have not played a leading role in the CoR, we believe that the 25 percent quota remains absolutely essential if there is any possibility for Iraqi women to play a leading role in the political system.
The U.S. Government has begun a concerted effort to reach out to women in the provincial councils to help to build their capacity and assist them in networking. The potential for strong leadership of women at the provincial and local levels needs to be nurtured.
Since 2004, the Department of State’s Iraqi Women’s Democracy Initiative (IWDI) has worked through U.S. non-governmental organization partners on the ground in Iraq to build the capacity of Iraqi women. To date, programs under this initiative have trained nearly 10,000 Iraqi women in several key skill areas in support of women’s leadership, coalition-building, negotiation, and constitutional rights. In 2008, we expanded our efforts to include areas such as women in justice, women and peace building, and increasing women 's political participation, advocacy and leadership. For example, one of the IWDI programs provides strategic planning training and consultation to existing regional multi-party women’s caucuses on how to monitor legislation, identify opportunities to advocate for women’s issues, and develop a strategic plan to continue these activities in the future. Through these activities, the North Multi-party Women’s Caucus succeeded in their one-year campaign to overturn a passport application procedure that contradicted the constitutional requirement mandating equal travel rights to all citizens. As of May 2009, Iraqi women over 18 years of age can obtain passports without restrictions.
Under one of these programs, in March of this year, we sponsored a provincial council leaders conference which convened in Washington, D.C. for approximately 15 Iraqi women. They represented eight diverse provinces from all regions. Out of their diversity, one common element gradually emerged over the course of the two weeks: they were all determined, dedicated, strong and resilient leaders, who came to learn from their meetings in the United States, and to learn from each other. One woman who 'd become the unofficial spokesperson for the group put it simply, "We all came here leaving our home in Iraq, but are returning with 14 new homes."
Secretary of State Clinton met with the delegation to underscore the important role of women in creating strong societies that are peaceful, stable, and tolerant, and to demonstrate our commitment to building a long-term, multi-dimensional relationship between our two nations. It is a critical time for women in Iraq. Their fragile gains must be solidified, and we must continue to support civil society to address the issues that remain, including violence against women, healthcare, income-generating opportunities, education and support in rural areas. Women have expressed concern that the gains they have made will be pushed back as U.S. forces are drawn down.
Capacity Building and Training for Women Leaders
I have learned from the numerous women I have met around the globe that one of the key needs women have is for leadership training programs that enable them to be more effective candidates from national to local levels of elected office. Moreover, because of obstacles to political power, women need stronger and broader networks and alliances to enhance the kind of participation that will enable them to surmount barriers.
Civil society activists require capacity building support for the range of needs that they confront. One of the key ways that women have gained access to power is through their engagement with NGOs. Many have developed the leadership skills and relevant experience to run for office through their engagement with national and international NGOs. Another area of need is capacity building for governance; it is not enough to be elected or to be appointed to government service without the ability to exercise that responsibility effectively. To address this need, the United States has invested in programs to strengthen the skills and leadership abilities of female parliamentarians and other elected officials.
Through our efforts to ensure that women are integral to all aspects of U.S. foreign policy, we have identified opportunities and created synergies to strengthen their ability to tap into opportunities for political empowerment, participation, and decision-making. Many U.S. training, exchanges, and small grants programs are specifically aimed at creating targets of opportunity for women’s political participation and leadership development. The State Department regularly brings groups of women from government and civil society to the United States under the Bureau of Education and Cultural Affairs (ECA) International Visitors Leadership Programs, which are aimed at strengthening participants’ understanding of the United States and to grow alliances with American officials and NGO leaders. In fact, a group of 20 women will be traveling to the United States mid-June to take part in a multi-city program under the theme of the “Role of NGOs in Global Women’s Issues.” These types of exchanges can have a powerful impact on the lives of women. A young woman from Matagalpa, Nicaragua who participated in a program focused on civil society last year told us that the experience changed her life and also motivated her to do more to help her community, in spite of the difficult situation in her country. The Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) currently supports ten programs totaling approximately $7 million to promote women’s political and economic empowerment, participation, and decision-making in the Near East, South and Central Asia, and Africa. From linking civil society and media representatives in Tunisia and collaborating on promoting women’s involvement in Tunisian politics; to building networks among female NGOs and male counterparts in Bahrain in order promote women’s empowerment in unions and the workplace; to empowering internally displaced women and girls in Sudan to participate more fully in the economic, civic, and educational arenas--these initiatives are expanding the realm of opportunities for women in diverse parts of the globe.
The Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), located in the State Department’s Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, is committed to empowering women in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Through implementation of practical programs in each of the 17 countries and territories in the region, MEPI advances the full range of women 's legal, political, economic and human rights. More than half of MEPI’s $584 million total funding is devoted to projects that significantly focus on women 's empowerment, and its activities have continued to focus heavily on supporting women and building their capacity to advocate for positive change in these countries. Women are on the frontlines of moderation and they are often the strongest advocates for positive political, economic, educational, legal, and social reform, and MEPI’s assistance makes them more effective agents of change. Specifically, MEPI’s work has helped women’s rights leaders and organizations in the broader Middle East region to become more vocal and better organized, enhancing the ability of these individuals and groups to advocate for their causes. For example, in Kuwait, MEPI programs have focused on empowering women to organize and run effective campaigns at the local and national levels. In 2009, four of the women who received training through MEPI programs were the first women ever elected to the Kuwaiti Parliament.
Consistent with USAID’s recently strengthened requirements mandating gender analysis to underlie all strategies and programs in every sector, USAID carries out activities to help build capacity and provide technical assistance to empower women for democratic action in their societies. From the Burundi Policy Reform project, which trained 200 women leaders, including parliamentarians and women from civil society, in conflict resolution and anti-corruption skills, to the Women’s Rural Development Societies representing 20,000 women in the conflict zone of Sri Lanka, the United States is making the integration of women, development, and political participation a priority. In addition to women-focused programming, USAID has mainstreamed gender analysis and integration into its $26 million Reconciliation Program worldwide, demonstrating that security issues are also women’s issues. USAID has also launched a new research program on gender and conflict, examining the relationship between gender inequality and the risk of violent conflict around the world.
We are also working with our democratic partners around the globe to further progress on women’s political participation. As co-chair of the Community of Democracies’ newly launched Working Group on Gender Equality, the United States is taking a leadership role in promoting gender equality and governance. Under the auspices of the working group, the U.S. is developing a women’s leadership and entrepreneurship training conference for women from the Caucuses at the end of this year, gathering national best practices and laws on women’s rights; and supporting additional training opportunities for female political and economic leaders via exchange programs and on-the-ground training, in conjunction with civil society and private sector partners.
The State Department’s Office of Global Women’s Issues has just launched the first small grants initiative to fund projects that promote women’s political, economic, and social advancement in developing countries. The overwhelming response to our call for proposals is perhaps a barometer of the critical need that exists among female citizen activists in developing countries for this type of funding. The projects, comprised of grants under $100,000 and managed through our Embassies worldwide—from Ankara to Ulaanbaatar—will help advance self-reliance and foster development for non-governmental organizations, schools, community groups, and local associations to advance women’s political, economic and social rights. Projects will support efforts ranging from training women candidates to run for office to helping women take the lead in preserving and strengthening democratic spaces and institutions, raising political awareness, and fostering civic activism. Programs funded will train rural women to exercise their rights, and promote emerging women leaders to improve access to justice and the rule of law. For example, a small grant to an NGO in Benin will be used to train women candidates in communications and management skills and will raise awareness of political parties, community leaders, and the public about the importance of having more women leaders in parliament. We are confident that these small grants—which are aimed at the local and community level, will both empower the female beneficiaries and produce a multiplier effect among civil society, government, and business communities.
Conclusion
Women everywhere continue to face challenges and barriers to productive participation in political engagement and government. In countries mired in conflict or cursed with poverty, the obstacles to overcome are even greater. Nevertheless, progress is occurring, but at a pace that is still too slow. The State Department and USAID are deeply committed to advancing women’s opportunities for meaningful participation in politics and civil society. We embrace the opportunity to continue to promote women’s empowerment and participation at all levels of society. Moving forward, we will build on the strengths of our accomplishments, including those in Afghanistan and Iraq; continue to fund projects to enhance women’s political and democratic participation; leverage public private partnerships to broaden opportunities for women; and increase our work with the international community to ensure that women are included in peace and security negotiations. We will work in partnership with our Embassies overseas to identify and support emerging women leaders and democracy defenders. This task requires collaboration and leadership at all levels of the U.S. government and with the international community. In this way, more women will be able to take part in the democratic process and serve as examples for future generations. With the support of Congress, we look forward to continuing this collective endeavor. I am happy to answer any questions you may have. Chairman Carnahan, we are deeply grateful for your support and that of your colleagues, to enable us to achieve our mission.
Thank you.

Tuesday, August 14, 2012 the nigerian observer
Nigeria Women In Politics With Famous Iguisi | | |

Right from time, the woman have always maintained a prominent role in Nigeria politics. So, “the place of women in Nigeria’s political and social firmament has always been a strong one. In history, myths and legends across the country, notable roles have been ascribed to them in the past and they have served as agents of change to bring positive verve to the tone of life in the society.”
Over the years, women have been relegated to the background in issues of overall development especially in developing nations like Nigeria. This is borne out of the sentimental attachment of ferminitive gender.
The Nigerian women have always played crucial roles in the political life of this country. To a large extent, this has helped in no small measure in shaping the political system of this nation.
For anything good to happen to Nigeria, the women should be given great opportunity to serve, as they constitute a larger portion of the population. The women should be seen participating in decision making of this country.
It must be made clear that the Nigerian women are now more politically conscious. They now play active roles in the politics of Nigeria. This is so because they have been politically reawakened.
Although they could be said to have recorded some measure of appreciable political achievements in other political fields of endeavour, they are yet to produce a female president for the country.
Some Nigerian women were seen to be political activists based on their strong voices and were strong forces to reckon with in the politics of their various regions during the pre – independent era. The late Mrs. Fumilayo Ransom – Kuti made a mark in the politics of the western region. Another notable force was Haija Gambo sawaba who waged a fierce battle for the political and cultural emancipation of women in the North.
“The Babandiga era marked a turning point in the history of women struggle in Nigeria, when Maryam Babangida institutionalized the office of the first lady in 1987. She became the first lady and launched the “Better Life for Rural Women programme. Other women who have made impact in the country’s political scene, include, Mrs. Ngozi Okonjo Iweala former Minister of Finance, who saved the nation records of billions of Naira as a result of her hard – working nature as a public officer. Mrs. Obi Ezekwesili also laid a landmark in the history of Nigeria politics. Prof. Dora Akunyili the NAFDAC boss has also performed creditably, leading the fight against adulterated pharmaceutical drugs. Her name can never be forgotten in the annals of history. There are myriads of women in politics even presently that have done well and are still performing excellently well.”
It is quite unfortunate that even as many countries across the globe are making frantic effort to bridge the gap between the men and women in politics, Nigerian women are relegated to the background. Even though their representation has improved more than before, it is still very low compared to what obtains in other nations of the world, particularly in the developed nations. “The representation of women in the last republic 2003 election, was poorly only 3 women made it to 109 members senate house, while 21 were elected in 360 members lower house representatives as it were, the number of serving female ministers is still very few.”
The belief that women have some potentials and rights to contribute meaningfully to the development of their country cannot be ruled out. It is my earnest expectation that Nigeria should work towards achieving gender equality in democratic governance, increasing women participation and access to politics. “It must be realized that the roles of women as home makers cannot be down played in that it equally has an extended impact on their responsibility in service, the women touch anywhere cannot be matched.”
“Despite the fact that women constitute about 49 percent of the total population, they are discriminated against in the political process. The marginalization of Nigeria women is more pronounced in the democratization process. The present national Assembly in Nigeria has an appalling low average of 0.05 per cent of women in both houses.”
It is true that the limited conception of the political relevance of women is responsible for their political marginalization. While it is important to increase the number of women in public offices, the more fundamental question raised is about the character of democracy in Nigeria. Is It gender sensitive?
The Women For Change Initiative (W4ci) which was the pet project of the first Lady of Nigeria Dame Patience Jonathan was launched on July 16th, 2010 with about 2,000 Nigerian women coming together to say, “yes” we can, has been visiting some states to flag off the massive awareness campaign.
Recently, the efforts of the Nigerian women and Africa – American women were lauded by the outgoing, united states Ambassador to Nigeria, Robin Sanders when she highlighted the achievements of the women like Fumilayo Ransome Kuti and Grace Alele Williams as well as those of African – American standard bearers, like Mary Mcleod Bethune. She called on women to be involved in Nigeria’s cornerstone and transformative 2011 election as it is a “must – do” for Nigeria to get it right as regards election credibility and transparency.
“Women in Nigeria face a lot of odds when they contest against men. Our politics has never been on merit or issues; rather it is about those who have all it takes to force their way into office. The parties often want those who can match violence with violence, those who can coerce people to vote for them, they are widely held to be more prepared to engage in violence than women.
I am in total support of the initiative of the first lady in the sense that her pet project is aimed at advancing strategies for gender equality, equity and promotion of affirmative action, principles and mechanism for effective resource management and accountability. It is also to develop a mechanism which could enhance the legislative process in Nigeria including domesticating international instruments to which Nigeria is a signatory.
Considering women participation in the forthcoming 2011 election, the women have no good representations. We need more women to be in elective positions, those who are capable of doing their homework.Women In Nigerian Politics * September 5, 2011 4:08 PM * no comments By Florence Adaeze AbuahOne major agitation that has continued to challenge the Nigerian socio/political space is the issue of gender equality and affirmative action for the empowerment and recognition of women in the occupation and distribution of political and administrative positions in the public space.

The journey of Democracy in Nigeria achieved one more important landmark in 2011 with the successful prosecution and accomplishment of the April general elections across the country. The elections which was midwifed by Professor Attahiru Jega, as the National Chairman of the Nigeria Independent Electoral Commission (INEC), was adjudged as the most credible elections in the country, by the national and international observers, since June 12, 1993 and incidentally, since the June 12 1993.Women Issues in Nigerian Politics
It is important to place women agitation for greater recognition and political acceptance in some kind of historical perspective. The late Mrs. Mariam Babangida was arguably the first Nigerian First Lady who really brought women issues to the front burner of Nigerian soicio/political consciousness, when her husband became Head of State in 1995. Her Better Life for Rural Women pet project was a novel initiative at a time when women were clamoring for some kind of visibility in the social space and supported by her husband General Babangida, she embarked on a colorful and superbly structured campaign across the then 19 states of country, mobilizing women and given them a voice in the male dominated environment.Her advocacy climaxed with the Beijing Women conference in which Nigerian women for the first in the history of the country participated as an independent constituency and embraced radical ideas, which helped to shape the agitation in the coming years. She also opened up the space for the wives of the military corps to set up their own organizations as a way of ensuring that women were fully mobilized in the social structure.Mrs Mariam Abacha then came with her pet project, the Family Support Program (FSP), when her husband, the late General Sani Abacha became Head of State and although the project still championed the cause of women advocacy, but it however located them within the collective family unit which tended, by its own terms of references, to limit the role and influence of women to domestic concerns rather than the socio/political emancipation which they craved. Mrs Abacha however gave greater visibility to the Women military corps groups, ostensibly to position them for the eventuality of her husband’s foray into politics, but it was not to be.Mrs. Titi Abubakar came with her own Women Rights Project (WRAPPER), when her husband General Abdulsalam Abubakar became Head of State which was rather short lived as he subsequently handed over power to a civilian administration after ten months.President Olusegun Obasanjo came on board with his now late wife Stella Obasanjo when Nigeria returned to civilian rule in 1999 and with democracy came the full decentralization of women advocacy with every first lady in the various states setting up their own pet projects and involving the wives of council chairmen and other top women in the states and all the local government areas of their states. Most of these women later became the vanguard of the numerous women movements in the political space and women’s wing in the major political parties.Prior to the April 2011 general elections in Nigeria, the country’s first Lady and wife of the President, Dame Patience Jonathan initiated a project aimed at achieved 35 percent representation for women in all the states and the federal government. The project was called the Women for Change Initiative and its main objective was to seek the consent and endorsement of all the state governors across the 36 States of the country to ensure that they grant women the benchmark of 35 percent participation and reservation in the occupation of elected offices and in their state administrative cabinets.She then commenced a very robust tour of the entire federation to drive her campaign, advocated vigorously across the six geo-political zones, mobilizing women for her husband’s election and even invited many female aspirants to the Presidency for strategic sessions and support incentives all to ensure that the National Gender advocacy campaign should be pursued with every seriousness in order to address the lopsidedness in the gender equation in the country.In the process, first Lady ensured that the initiative attracted vibrant advocacy especially in the political campaigns that ushered in the 2011 April polls and it eventually became a very laudable campaign, which even the President and all the governors gave their full consent, all of which contributed tremendously to the unprecedented participation and involvement of women in the election process in 2011.
But when the elections proper were conducted and the results announced, it became clear that the campaign for women participation in politics had not yielded the much-anticipated dividends. The outcome of the polls, according to women pressure groups and gender activists, revealed that women were yet to be fully integrated into the highly charged atmosphere of partisan and elective politics.The Way Forward For Women In Nigeria
In spite of these good tidings however, it is on the political front that women face major obstacles and will need to become more aggressive if they are to achieve increasing percentages in political recognition and representation, especially in response to the male domination of the political space which will be relinquished by mere advocacy.
The reasons for this position by men can easily be defined. For instance, men and the Nigerian society have been known to regard women in politics with some kind of disdain bordering on immorality and most men still discourage their wives from participating in elective politics for this singular reason.
Again, politics is a very expensive and time-consuming venture and most women cannot afford the huge finances required or adjust to the man-hours and unholy timings of serious political engagements. These, coupled with the fact that most male politicians are politically suspicious of capable women and view their entrant as a slight on their manhood, instead of accepting women as partners in progress, has made the environment even more discouraging for many women who would like to get involved in partisan politics.
But it is encouraging to note that women are becoming increasingly sensitized to the dictates of the political space and the emergence of a new, young, vibrant, educated women folk who has ensured that they would continue to pursue the goals of the gender equality and affirmative action with vigor as Nigeria’s democracy continues to grow from strength to strength.Adaeze Abuah (LSM) is a Scholar, Social Commentator and the MD, Regal Clinic, Effurun-Warri, Delta State, Nigeria. | | | | | |
Nigeria 's Electoral Reform And The Prospect For Women 's Participation In The 2011 Elections.

Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi, Executive Director Women Advocate Research & Documentation Centre (WARDC)
Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi BACKGROUND
Democracy derives from and thrives on the principle that power belongs to the people. The people exercise powers through their elected representatives whose mandates must be subject to periodic renewal on terms dictated by the laws of the land in conformity with conventional democratic principles and practice. Where there are challenges arising from perceived inadequacies of the legislations and/ or their implementation, a review normally becomes imperative.
In this context the Nigerian reform process has been seen as an opportunity to strengthen mass involvement and participation in the democratic process by removing existing barriers in such a way that it leads to vast improvements in registration and voting practices; essentially to guarantee the voting rights of all Nigerians and ensure that the people’s vote count.
Nigeria operates a weak electoral system that cannot guarantee any form of modern day democracy. It is therefore imperative that as we move towards the 2011 elections, the frameworks on which future electoral democracy will be based should be properly debated and defined.
The inability to conduct credible elections in the country has been attributed to the long period of military rule, coupled with weak democratic institutions and processes and hosts of other historical factors, which have led to the emergence of a political culture characterized by electoral violence, monetized politics, low political accountability, abuse and personalization of power, general apathy towards elections and low participation of critical segments of the society, especially women. This article therefore puts in perspective the historical experiences of women in Nigerian politics, their contributions to the electoral and constitution reform process, their preparedness for the coming 2011 general elections and the hope for future enlargement of the political spaces for women.

GENDER AND ELECTORAL REFORM 1999-2010
Historical analysis of constitutions and electoral laws and processes in Nigeria are incontrovertibly gender insensitive. Beginning from 1922, when the first Constitution in Nigeria was made to the 1999 constitution, which purportedly gave legitimacy to the third republic, aspirations and concerns of women, who represent majority of the population, have been undisputedly discarded.
But since the return of civilian rule in 1999, there seem to be a lot of momentums gathered around the need for constitutional and electoral reforms. This development has also challenged the women folks in the country, with several women groups lending their voices to the electoral and constitutional reform discourse. Their active participation is dated back to the first attempt at reviewing the 1999 constitution by President Olusegun Obasanjo Administration in October 1999, when the first Presidential Committee was inaugurated to do a comprehensive constitutional and electoral review. The committee had twenty four members out of which four were women. The report submitted by the committee had some gender friendly provisions, to wit; a proposal that the Federal Character Commission be replaced with Equal Opportunities Commission with a more expanded and inclusive mandate; It also proposed that women should have a choice in claiming their own state of origin or their husband’s in political arrangements, the third major amendment proposed by the committee was the substitution of the word “sex” as it refers to the feminine in the Constitution with the word “gender”. On Political Parties, it also included gender as one of the grounds for which discrimination in terms of membership of the Party shall not be permissible. Unfortunately, the report was later jettisoned.
After the re-election of the President in 2003, he again convoked a National Political Reform Conference (NPRC) in 2005, to address the challenges of Nigeria’s political system. Unfortunately, in terms of representation the conference did not attempt to give equal opportunities to all Nigerians. There were only 30 women out of about 400 delegates. Despite the obvious gender gaps in representation of women, the NPRC significantly mainstreamed gender issues in its outcomes. This attempt at political reforms also failed. Nigeria then ran into the 2007 elections without a viable constitution but with a weak electoral law adopted a year earlier in 2006. As it has been widely acknowledged, the 2007 elections were replete with charges of irregularities, electoral malpractices, violence and various degrees of disruptions.
One would then think that the Electoral Reform Committee (ERC) inaugurated by the late President, Alhaji Umaru Yar’ Adua on 28th August 2007 with the mandate to review and ensure quality and standard general elections would address some of the pertinent issues of Nigeria’s electoral democracy. The Committee, headed by a reputable retired Chief Justice of the Federation, Justice Muhammed Bello Uwais, went round the country taking memoranda and oral presentations from Nigerians; it also met several women groups agitating for the inclusion of women issues and concerns in the committee’s recommendation to the government. The committee’s recommendation has been adjudged as one of the best in the history of constitutional and electoral reforms in Nigeria. The report of the committee acknowledged the voices of women and their proposals for gender democracy and made some gender sensitive recommendations of the committee worthy of note. For example (i)on the composition of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC): it recommended that the Chairman and the Deputy should not be of the same gender and out of 6 geo-graphical representations 2 must be women. In addition, there should be a woman representative from the women’s organization. ii) On political parties’ registration and regulatory Commission, the ERC recommended that 2 out of 6 persons from the geo-political zonal representatives must be women. It also recommended further that the political associations should maintain 20% women in the membership of its governing bodies. iii) On enhancing internal democracy in the political parties: the ERC recommended that political parties should give more attention to the nomination of women and youths as candidates and ensure that women have equal access to leadership opportunities within party organizations. The report also recommended that political parties shall nominate for the proportional representation at least 30% female candidates and 2% physically challenged candidates for legislative elections.
The ERC report was subsequently submitted to the National Assembly for consideration. The National Assembly has passed the 2010 Electoral law and has concluded the review of the constitution. The only probable gender friendly proposal by the National Assembly was the new clause allowing for independent candidacy which was later thrown out by the state houses of assembly. This development shows the failure of the Nigerian state once again to put a legal framework in place to support a gender friendly electoral system. One of the challenges therefore for women in the 2011 general elections in Nigeria is the need to engage political parties and demand for gender parity.
GENDER AND INTERNAL PARTY STRUCTURES IN NIGERIA
The absence or under-representation of women in the very process of decision making and implementation undermines the fundamental concept of a democratic form of governance which assumes that participation and representation in all areas and levels of public life will be equally available to women and men. However, politics and political arrangement in Nigeria has undermined female legitimacy resulting in women’s political powerlessness. From available statistics women’s overall political representation and participation in government is less than 7%.
The consignment of women’s roles to the domestic arena while the public space is seen as the traditional place for men, tend to perpetuate discrimination and distinctions on the basis of sex although there is growing emphasis on gender equality, which is a central component of the process of democratization. The case for promoting gender equality in governance is simple: the increased involvement of women in the democratic process of any country is essential to broadening and deepening its commitment to democratic governance. Thus, canvassing for support for gender equality is not just a consequence of democratization. It is part of a broad cultural change that is transforming industrialized and developing societies and bringing growing mass demand for increased democratic institutions.
Among the factors affecting women participation in politics in Nigeria are: gender and cultural patterns, ideology, pre-determined social roles assigned to women, male dominance and control, conflicting demands on the time of women candidates due to their domestic and social responsibilities and women’s lack of confidence to run elections. Others include women perception of politics as a dirty game, lack of funds and resources as politics is heavily monetised, poverty and unemployment, illiteracy and limited access to education, the dual burden of domestic task and professional obligation, lack of confidence in other women, lack of access to information and the multiple effect of violence against women. Nomination and selection processes of candidates in political parties usually consider women as the second best. In most cases, women are usually considered fit for nomination only if they have powerful men as their pillars. Besides, the processes are usually so heavily monetized that most women with lean financial muscles are elbowed out of the race from the outset.
For these and other reasons, the choice of our electoral system has important and significant impact on a range of issues. It is within this context that the recommendation of the ERC that political parties should have 20% of women in their governance bodies becomes significant. It is believed that such representation will have positive effect in engendering party democracy in Nigeria.
Since the commencement of indigenous politics in Nigeria in the mid-1950s, one remarkable feature has been the near absence of women in the parties especially in party leadership. Although there has been improvement over the years, the situation today still leaves much to be desired. Despite several efforts made by women locally and internationally to improve the situation of women in politics, very little progress has been made as women are still excluded from the mainstream while the support they enjoy is at best cosmetic. As a result the marginal increase in their participation has not enhanced their positions within the party hierarchy; their influence in decision making is equally minimal and not commensurate with their number.
An analysis of Nigeria electoral system shows that 2003 and 2007 elections witnessed unprecedented increase in the number of female aspirants and heightened local mobilization of the generality of women, yet only a handful made it to the end. Also a review of the manifestoes and constitutions of over 30 political parties in the last elections showed that almost all the political parties in Nigeria, at best, paid lip services to women’s political development since they are still considered ‘outsiders’ in the game of politics. The experiences of women during the last elections show that the political parties have refused to integrate women’s needs and concern in the business of democracy. There are only few women in the National Executive of political parties in Nigeria, Where they manage to get to this level, they are given the post of welfare, social organisers or ex officio which may be politically redundant. For example the Peoples Democratic Party has 52 National Executive Officers out of which only 6 are women with 3 holding ex officio positions and 2 occupying the position of national woman leader and deputy national woman leader and the third, the position of deputy national publicity secretary. In the opposition Action Congress (AC), there are only 4 women out of 32 National Executive Officers. The four occupy the positions of national financial secretary, the deputy national publicity secretary, national legal adviser and the national women leader.
There are 28 National Executive Officers in the All Nigerian People’s Party (ANPP), only 4 are women, two national internal auditors, one national women leader and one deputy national women leader.
These forms of marginalisation and poor representation of women run through all the other political parties. Incidentally, an analysis of the manifestoes of the parties shows the inclusion of gender provisions despite that in practice this is not evidenced. For example Article 6 of the PDP manifesto titled the ‘The character of the Party’ states that ‘it shall be a non tribal, non religious and non sexist democratic organisation’ (6.1). Section 6.5 says it shall promote the emancipation of women by encouraging their representation at all levels and combat sexism while Section 16 (a) specifically provides for the position of a woman leader from national to Ward level (local). The ALL PROGRESSIVE GRAND ALLIANCE (APGA) constitution and manifestoes has a chapter 16, titled the Policy on Women, which gives a brief but incisive analysis of gender discrimination and emphasised the need to work in accordance with the Beijing Declarations and promote gender parity and more inclusive democracy. The policy proposes to ‘fight gender inequality and insensitivities in all aspect of national life through public enlightenments, promote affirmative action in employment, promote girl child education and compulsory education for girls until 16...”
Also the National Democratic Party dedicated her Chapter 20 to Women Policy. The party promises to take active practical and concrete steps to empower women and facilitate their entrance into various organs of the party; women will be encouraged to contest elective party and public political post and as a matter of politics women will be given their fair share of appointment and accept equality of men and women.
Some ofthese provisions provide opportunities for women to hold their party accountable and demand internal democracy and parity towards 2011 general elections, such interventions can only yield fruits if it is well thought out.
STRATEGIES FOR WOMEN 'S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN NIGERIA 2011 AND BEYOND
Going by the amendment to the 1999 Constitution as recently concluded, elections are expected to take place between 150 and 120 days to the end of every tenure. The implication is that the forthcoming elections must hold between December 30, 2010 and January 29, 2011. Unfortunately women seem not prepared enough for the coming elections, although there might be slight victories compared to the representations between 1999 and 2007. The reasons for this forecast is simple, women are still faced with the numerous challenges that have contributed to their marginalization from mainstream politics. Though there is growing awareness and resolve by women to influence the decisions that affect their lives and their families, the political, economy and social environment as well as the structure of the nation still define their political participation and representation. Their strong- will must be tapped into to change the situation of women in politics in 2011 and beyond

As it has been noted above, one of the forward looking approaches to 2011 is that women in political parties must negotiate gender parity through the party system as a temporary measure. Since there is no legal framework backing affirmative action, the National Gender Policy 2007 remains the only persuasive document that can translate into a good negotiating instrument for concession for women. Women activists in Nigeria can mobilize around the policy, create awareness particularly, regarding the provisions relating to 35% affirmative action and through this demand electoral accountability from political parties.
Political Parties are the ultimate political gatekeepers because they produce party or candidate lists. Although women account for a significant number in party membership in Nigeria, it is commonplace to have parties presenting consensus candidates (most of whom are men backed by their godfathers). Women activists and politicians should explore the opportunities created by some gender friendly provisions in political parties’ manifestoes and constitutions to demand accountability for women.
Another opportunity existing for women groups in 2011 is to proactively identify and recruit women members with political potential for future elections. In addition, party women members must insist that parties democratize their leadership structures and reform their financing mechanisms to ensure increased participation by women. Success in recruiting and promoting women’s leadership within parties may also point the way for engagement of other under-represented sectors in social change processes in 2011 and beyond.
Another door of opportunity is for women activists to engage INEC. The recent appointment of Prof. Attahiru Jega as Chairman INEC and 10 other national commissioners, as well as 19 resident electoral commissioners have been largely well received, except for the pocket of protests about the partisanship of few of the nominees, which however the President responded to by dropping them. Also, out of the 13-member board of INEC, there are three females. Women can work with INEC to begin to model an electoral process that mainstreams gender. Through collaborative partnership with INEC, the possibilities of gender parity in political structures could be more open.
Change in political parties will require commitment from the top and pressure from below. Unfortunately, leadership of a party’s “women’s wing” is rarely seen as a desirable position in the party hierarchy, perhaps because it lacks real responsibility. Women party members cannot rely only on quotas to bring real change to their political organizations. Rather, they will need to mobilize and organize for change from within, through alliances that may include other party members, women from other parties and gender-focused civil society groups. Women should also be encouraged to register with parties of their choice as card carrying members and be actively involved in the party primaries. Besides campaigns for balanced gender representation in political decision-making positions, an integral part of the core of strategies for women 's political participation is building women 's agenda for change.
CONCLUSION
Nigeria needs an electoral system and a constitutional arrangement that can adopt shades of proportional representation as had been canvassed by the Electoral Reform Committee to further widen the scope of opportunities for women. The only obstacle to having these recommendations in our constitution and electoral laws is the government’s real commitment to reforms that will benefit every sector of the polity. Political will is also critical to the practice of governance that includes gender mainstreaming strategies that promote a culture of gender sensitivity in government and national machineries for women, which have the primary role of leading and monitoring gender mainstreaming strategies of governments. We can only force this will out of the government by consistently insisting on our issues and holding them accountable to their words and commitment locally and globally.
Aside from increasing women 's access to decision-making positions in government, women in government should continue to invest on sharing of strategies and information resources, as well as forming networks and strengthening linkages with other women in government and non-government women 's groups and experts. They should also continue to study the increasing complexities in politics and economies brought about by globalization.
Nigeria as a nation must realize that a gender balanced political leadership is crucial to the sustenance of her democracy. The under representation of women in politics is a political deficit and failure to redress this undermines the legitimacy of the contemporary democratic principles.
(Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi is the Executive Director of Women Advocate Research & Documentation Centre - WARDC, Lagos)
References
• Memorandum submitted to the Senate, ERC and House of Representative
• Caroline Rodriguez Bello, “Women and political participation”- A WHRnet publication, 2003 http://www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/beijing12/03_1201_wip.html
• Memorandum to the Senates Submitted by CSCC at the South West Zonal Hearing,2009
• Tunde Aremu “Redefining priorities: the post-2007 elections challenge for Nigerian female politician” – Gender Audit of the 2007 elections and issues in women political participation in Nigeria, A WARDC publication (2008).
• See Joy Ezeilo, Gender, Constitutionalism and Electoral Reforms in Nigeria- A Working paper series prepared for Gender and Constitutional Reform Network (GECORN), 2009.
• Gender Mainstreaming: Competitiveness and Growth, Nordic Council of Ministers/ XGOECD, November 23-24, 2000 http://216.239.37.104/search?q=cache:D2r6wRf...
• Facts and figures on women 's participation in politics, governance, and decision-making, Online Women in Politics
http://www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/statistics.htm

References: • Memorandum submitted to the Senate, ERC and House of Representative • Caroline Rodriguez Bello, “Women and political participation”- A WHRnet publication, 2003 http://www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/beijing12/03_1201_wip.html • Memorandum to the Senates Submitted by CSCC at the South West Zonal Hearing,2009 • Tunde Aremu “Redefining priorities: the post-2007 elections challenge for Nigerian female politician” – Gender Audit of the 2007 elections and issues in women political participation in Nigeria, A WARDC publication (2008). • See Joy Ezeilo, Gender, Constitutionalism and Electoral Reforms in Nigeria- A Working paper series prepared for Gender and Constitutional Reform Network (GECORN), 2009. • Gender Mainstreaming: Competitiveness and Growth, Nordic Council of Ministers/ XGOECD, November 23-24, 2000 http://216.239.37.104/search?q=cache:D2r6wRf... •  Facts and figures on women 's participation in politics, governance, and decision-making, Online Women in Politics http://www.onlinewomeninpolitics.org/statistics.htm