1928 Presidential Elections: Hoover And Republican Candidate Al Smith
The 1928 Presidential elections was a contest between Republican nominee Herbert Hoover and Democratic nominee Al Smith. It marked the first time that a Roman Catholic, Al Smith, became a major party's nomination for US President. Despite a rather landslide victory by Herbert Hoover, 60% of the popular vote and over 80% of the electoral returns, this was a heated election pitting wets verses drys, immigrants versus natives, city vs. country, blacks verses whites, and most notably Catholics verses Protestants. According to many, religion was the most sensitive emotional issue of the 1928 election. Differences between Catholics and Protestants were the biggest factor in determining the outcome of this election. It created more interest, excitement, and tension than any other issue of this campaign. The nomination of a Catholic by one of the nation's two major party's rekindled religious strife in the United States (Lichtman 40). Most Protestants did not want a Catholic as president and were willing to do what they could to make sure that Al Smith was defeated. Protestants who were against the election of a Catholic to public office felt that the church was an organized political force seeking to dominate America both spiritually and politically. Both Protestant clergy and laymen thought Catholics were unfit
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for the presidency. Protestants sent out much propaganda during the campaign. The Fellowship Forum, the New Menace, the Railsplitter, the Protestant, the Lash, the Crusader of Florida, and others, were all sent out warning that Smith's nomination threatened the survival of Protestantism in America. These journals asked their readers for contributions to defeat Smith. Herbert Hoover did not actively campaign for pro-Protestant votes.
Public statements by Hoover and other Republican politicians seem to reflect a strategic decision to risk only mild repudiations of religious bigotry, while shifting the onus of intolerance to the Democratic Party (Lichtman 62). In his acceptance speech at the Republican Convention, Hoover endorsed religious tolerance. However, evidence suggests that Hoover and other Republican leaders probably took part in efforts to gain anti-Catholic votes. Further evidence suggests that the Republican leadership deliberately set out to exploit Protestant opposition to the election of a Catholic
president. To combat Hoover and the Republican leadership, Democrats charged Republicans with at best ignoring and at worst encouraging the anti-Catholic offensive against Smith. In Smith's speeches across the country he stressed religious tolerance, while accusing the Republicans of anti-Catholic bigotry. Smith sought to ensure Protestants that he believed in the absolute separation of church and state and he wouldn't allow policy decisions to be determined by his loyalty to the Catholic Church. The Democrats sought to equate a vote for Smith with a vote for toleration of religions. The Democrats also used the issue of religious toleration as a way of obtaining contributions from wealthy donors.
Another issue in the 1928 presidential election was wets versus drys. In addition to being the first Catholic presidential candidate nominated by a major party, Al Smith was also the first major party candidate to challenge constitutional and statutory restrictions on the manufacture and sale of intoxicants. Although there were no differences in the party platforms over the issue of prohibition, the two candidates seemed to have taken different approaches. Smith said that he wanted fundamental changes in the present provisions for national prohibition, while Hoover said that he favored the 18th Amendment and strict enforcement of the Volstead Act. During his acceptance speech at the Democratic convention, Smith said he would fulfill the party's mandate to enforce the 18th Amendment and the Volstead Act but he recommended an amendment to the Volstead Act giving a scientific definition of the alcoholic content of an intoxicating beverage. He also advocated an amendment in the 18th Amendment which would give to each individual state manufacture or cause to be manufactured and sell alcoholic beverages, the sale to be made only by the State itself and not for consumption in any public place. Hoover's position never changed much beyond his statement he made in his acceptance speech, opposing the repeal of the 18th Amendment and modification of the amendment or the enforcement laws that amounted to nullification. He termed prohibition an experiment "noble in motive." Despite his opposition to repeal the 18th Amendment, Hoover won almost every state in the nation, including the several that had rejected prohibition in state-level referenda. Immigrant's verses natives was another issue in this presidential election. In 1928 approximately one-third of the American people were foreign-born or had a foreign born parent. Foreign-stock Americans included members of the near immigrant groups from southern and eastern Europe and the old immigrant groups from Great Britain, Ireland, Germany, and Scandinavia. There is some evidence that shows that foreign-stock Americans were only slightly more likely to opt for the Democratic nominee than were native-stock Americans with similar social and economic characteristics. In the presidential elections of 1920 and 1924, immigrants and their children had been far less likely to vote for a Democratic candidate than their counterparts of the second generation and beyond. Only with the nomination of Smith did presidential candidates of the Democratic Party become more appealing to foreign-stock than to native-stock voters. Smith became the first Democratic candidate in four presidential elections to perform better among immigrants and first-generation Americans than among their counterparts of the second and later generations. Many believed that the controversy over prohibition was a big reason for Smith's success with ethnic Americans. Immigrant groups were more likely than their counterparts of native-stock to oppose restrictions on the sale and manufacture of intoxicants. Despite immigrants and their children being slightly more likely to vote for Smith than their native-stock Americans from the same social and economic background, the gap between native and foreign-stock voters was modest in 1928. Another issue in this election was city versus country. In 1920 and 1924, Republicans held a majority in the nation's largest cities. However, despite losing heavily in small towns and farms, Al Smith retained a small majority in the nation's largest cities. However, city people were less likely to vote in 1928 than were country people. Historians have traditionally portrayed the 1920s as a period of abnormal tension between city and country. During this period, many rural areas failed to share the increasing prosperity of the city. The population of urban areas for the first time outnumbered that of the countryside, and people in the country feared they were losing their dominance of American society. Although the types of people inclined to favor Smith were more likely to live in cities than the types inclined to favor Hoover, people in the city or country had only a slight influence on the vote for president. Evidence shows that the personal attributes of voters far overshadowed were they lived. There were sharp differences between Al Smith and Herbert Hoover. "Historians portrayed Al Smith as the representative urbanite- the first authentic symbol of the city ever to seek the presidency. Smith's cigar, derby hat, flash suites all linked him with metropolitan America (Lichtman 138)." Smith represented the big city to many people. Hoover seemed able to bridge the gap between urban and rural America. During one of his speeches, he appealed to America's idealized image and rural heritage. He portrayed himself as someone who grew up poor and was able to achieve success when he grew up. City versus country was not a large factor in the outcome of this election. Blacks versus whites were another issue in this election. Black and white Americans split decisively over the choice between Smith and Hoover. American blacks were traditionally Republican in the 1920s, with their loyalties dating back to the Civil War and its aftermath. The Republicans had freed the slaves and fought for black rights while the Democrats had been sympathetic to the Confederacy and had consistently opposed attempts to exert federal power on behalf of liberated slaves. However, by 1928 most leaders of the black community had become frustrated with the Republican Party. The Republicans seemed responsive to the long memory of black people, but not to their current needs. The Republican administrations also failed to meet demands for legislative and executive protection of black political and civil rights. In their dealings with local politicians in the North, black leaders learned that the Democrats were as willing as the Republicans to grant their demands for recognition and assistance. They realized that white southern Republicans in the 20th century were no more responsive to black rights than the white Democrats. Traditional historical sources reveal that black leaders far outpaced black voters in their rejection of Hoover. They felt Hoover and the Republicans were attempting to establish a lily-white Republican party in the deep South and were trying to foster racist opposition to Smith. No historical documents shows Hoover ordered party leaders to exploit racism in the South or to get rid of blacks from positions of party leadership. The black press was far more favorable to Smith than to Hoover; however, black leaders had little control over black votes. White politicians dominated politics in northern cities. Al Smith was personally appealing to black Americans. Blacks could relate with him and could admire his forthright and vigorous opposition to the Ku Klux Klan (Lichtman 157). The Democrats made a special effort in 1928 to organize black votes. Al Smith's religious preference and his opposition to national prohibition were the major sources of Hoover's appeal to white Southerners. The Republican Party also tried to exploit southern racism. Republican leaders in the south distributed racist propaganda and portrayed Smith as favoring completely equality of races. Hoover approved and directed this propaganda effort as well as the course taken by the campaign in the south. Hoover closely watched party strategy and decisions on matters related to race. He sought in several ways to assure white southerners that he posed no threat to their racial hegemony. He ignored the party's declaration on the need for antilynching legislation and raised no other issues that may have upset white racists. This approach appeared to have been successful as Hoover became the first Republican candidate since Reconstruction to receive the electoral votes of Florida, North Carolina, Texas, and Virginia. He also lost none of the northern states with substantial populations of blacks. Economic issues were another issue in the 1928 presidential election. Economic prosperity was a big reason Hoover won the election. Most middle-and upper-class Americans had received many benefits from economic change during the 1920s and believed it would stay the same with Republican presidents. Many working-class Americans failed to vote or voted Republican during the 1920s. Lower-class Americans overwhelmingly supported Smith in 1928; however, lower-class Americans were less likely to participate in the election than Americans of higher-class. There was no economic crisis confronting the nation in 1928 and Smith and Hoover did not differ sharply on issues of economic policy. Democrats could have done more to gain the votes of the poor in this election. Instead of exploiting economic distress, they looked to persuade the business community that they were as safe and sound as the GOP (Lichtman 179). The Democratic platform did not mention any programs that were aimed at altering the distribution of wealth and power in America, and it endorsed two of business's favorite proposals- lowering taxes and government economy. During the campaign, Smith attempted to do all he could to secure the favors of American business, including avoiding positions that could antagonize businessmen. Democratic progressives were not pleased with Smith's failure to give alternatives to the economic policies of the Republican Party. Smith also campaigned hard to get the votes of discontented farmers. Farmers did not trust Hoover as an ally of the farmers. The Democrats hoped to use the agricultural issue to gain the support of progressive Republican leaders and of Midwestern farmers who usually voted Republican. This did not work however as Smith received very little support from the heads of farm organizations. Out of all the many issues that played a role in the outcome of the 1928 Presidential election, religion was the biggest. For the first time a Roman Catholic became a major party's nomination for U.S. President. Despite Herbert Hoover defeating Al Smith by a rather wide margin, this election saw a heated conflict between Catholics and Protestants, as they split far more decisively in 1928 than in any other previous election.
for the presidency. Protestants sent out much propaganda during the campaign. The Fellowship Forum, the New Menace, the Railsplitter, the Protestant, the Lash, the Crusader of Florida, and others, were all sent out warning that Smith's nomination threatened the survival of Protestantism in America. These journals asked their readers for contributions to defeat Smith. Herbert Hoover did not actively campaign for pro-Protestant votes.
Public statements by Hoover and other Republican politicians seem to reflect a strategic decision to risk only mild repudiations of religious bigotry, while shifting the onus of intolerance to the Democratic Party (Lichtman 62). In his acceptance speech at the Republican Convention, Hoover endorsed religious tolerance. However, evidence suggests that Hoover and other Republican leaders probably took part in efforts to gain anti-Catholic votes. Further evidence suggests that the Republican leadership deliberately set out to exploit Protestant opposition to the election of a Catholic
president. To combat Hoover and the Republican leadership, Democrats charged Republicans with at best ignoring and at worst encouraging the anti-Catholic offensive against Smith. In Smith's speeches across the country he stressed religious tolerance, while accusing the Republicans of anti-Catholic bigotry. Smith sought to ensure Protestants that he believed in the absolute separation of church and state and he wouldn't allow policy decisions to be determined by his loyalty to the Catholic Church. The Democrats sought to equate a vote for Smith with a vote for toleration of religions. The Democrats also used the issue of religious toleration as a way of obtaining contributions from wealthy donors.
Another issue in the 1928 presidential election was wets versus drys. In addition to being the first Catholic presidential candidate nominated by a major party, Al Smith was also the first major party candidate to challenge constitutional and statutory restrictions on the manufacture and sale of intoxicants. Although there were no differences in the party platforms over the issue of prohibition, the two candidates seemed to have taken different approaches. Smith said that he wanted fundamental changes in the present provisions for national prohibition, while Hoover said that he favored the 18th Amendment and strict enforcement of the Volstead Act. During his acceptance speech at the Democratic convention, Smith said he would fulfill the party's mandate to enforce the 18th Amendment and the Volstead Act but he recommended an amendment to the Volstead Act giving a scientific definition of the alcoholic content of an intoxicating beverage. He also advocated an amendment in the 18th Amendment which would give to each individual state manufacture or cause to be manufactured and sell alcoholic beverages, the sale to be made only by the State itself and not for consumption in any public place. Hoover's position never changed much beyond his statement he made in his acceptance speech, opposing the repeal of the 18th Amendment and modification of the amendment or the enforcement laws that amounted to nullification. He termed prohibition an experiment "noble in motive." Despite his opposition to repeal the 18th Amendment, Hoover won almost every state in the nation, including the several that had rejected prohibition in state-level referenda. Immigrant's verses natives was another issue in this presidential election. In 1928 approximately one-third of the American people were foreign-born or had a foreign born parent. Foreign-stock Americans included members of the near immigrant groups from southern and eastern Europe and the old immigrant groups from Great Britain, Ireland, Germany, and Scandinavia. There is some evidence that shows that foreign-stock Americans were only slightly more likely to opt for the Democratic nominee than were native-stock Americans with similar social and economic characteristics. In the presidential elections of 1920 and 1924, immigrants and their children had been far less likely to vote for a Democratic candidate than their counterparts of the second generation and beyond. Only with the nomination of Smith did presidential candidates of the Democratic Party become more appealing to foreign-stock than to native-stock voters. Smith became the first Democratic candidate in four presidential elections to perform better among immigrants and first-generation Americans than among their counterparts of the second and later generations. Many believed that the controversy over prohibition was a big reason for Smith's success with ethnic Americans. Immigrant groups were more likely than their counterparts of native-stock to oppose restrictions on the sale and manufacture of intoxicants. Despite immigrants and their children being slightly more likely to vote for Smith than their native-stock Americans from the same social and economic background, the gap between native and foreign-stock voters was modest in 1928. Another issue in this election was city versus country. In 1920 and 1924, Republicans held a majority in the nation's largest cities. However, despite losing heavily in small towns and farms, Al Smith retained a small majority in the nation's largest cities. However, city people were less likely to vote in 1928 than were country people. Historians have traditionally portrayed the 1920s as a period of abnormal tension between city and country. During this period, many rural areas failed to share the increasing prosperity of the city. The population of urban areas for the first time outnumbered that of the countryside, and people in the country feared they were losing their dominance of American society. Although the types of people inclined to favor Smith were more likely to live in cities than the types inclined to favor Hoover, people in the city or country had only a slight influence on the vote for president. Evidence shows that the personal attributes of voters far overshadowed were they lived. There were sharp differences between Al Smith and Herbert Hoover. "Historians portrayed Al Smith as the representative urbanite- the first authentic symbol of the city ever to seek the presidency. Smith's cigar, derby hat, flash suites all linked him with metropolitan America (Lichtman 138)." Smith represented the big city to many people. Hoover seemed able to bridge the gap between urban and rural America. During one of his speeches, he appealed to America's idealized image and rural heritage. He portrayed himself as someone who grew up poor and was able to achieve success when he grew up. City versus country was not a large factor in the outcome of this election. Blacks versus whites were another issue in this election. Black and white Americans split decisively over the choice between Smith and Hoover. American blacks were traditionally Republican in the 1920s, with their loyalties dating back to the Civil War and its aftermath. The Republicans had freed the slaves and fought for black rights while the Democrats had been sympathetic to the Confederacy and had consistently opposed attempts to exert federal power on behalf of liberated slaves. However, by 1928 most leaders of the black community had become frustrated with the Republican Party. The Republicans seemed responsive to the long memory of black people, but not to their current needs. The Republican administrations also failed to meet demands for legislative and executive protection of black political and civil rights. In their dealings with local politicians in the North, black leaders learned that the Democrats were as willing as the Republicans to grant their demands for recognition and assistance. They realized that white southern Republicans in the 20th century were no more responsive to black rights than the white Democrats. Traditional historical sources reveal that black leaders far outpaced black voters in their rejection of Hoover. They felt Hoover and the Republicans were attempting to establish a lily-white Republican party in the deep South and were trying to foster racist opposition to Smith. No historical documents shows Hoover ordered party leaders to exploit racism in the South or to get rid of blacks from positions of party leadership. The black press was far more favorable to Smith than to Hoover; however, black leaders had little control over black votes. White politicians dominated politics in northern cities. Al Smith was personally appealing to black Americans. Blacks could relate with him and could admire his forthright and vigorous opposition to the Ku Klux Klan (Lichtman 157). The Democrats made a special effort in 1928 to organize black votes. Al Smith's religious preference and his opposition to national prohibition were the major sources of Hoover's appeal to white Southerners. The Republican Party also tried to exploit southern racism. Republican leaders in the south distributed racist propaganda and portrayed Smith as favoring completely equality of races. Hoover approved and directed this propaganda effort as well as the course taken by the campaign in the south. Hoover closely watched party strategy and decisions on matters related to race. He sought in several ways to assure white southerners that he posed no threat to their racial hegemony. He ignored the party's declaration on the need for antilynching legislation and raised no other issues that may have upset white racists. This approach appeared to have been successful as Hoover became the first Republican candidate since Reconstruction to receive the electoral votes of Florida, North Carolina, Texas, and Virginia. He also lost none of the northern states with substantial populations of blacks. Economic issues were another issue in the 1928 presidential election. Economic prosperity was a big reason Hoover won the election. Most middle-and upper-class Americans had received many benefits from economic change during the 1920s and believed it would stay the same with Republican presidents. Many working-class Americans failed to vote or voted Republican during the 1920s. Lower-class Americans overwhelmingly supported Smith in 1928; however, lower-class Americans were less likely to participate in the election than Americans of higher-class. There was no economic crisis confronting the nation in 1928 and Smith and Hoover did not differ sharply on issues of economic policy. Democrats could have done more to gain the votes of the poor in this election. Instead of exploiting economic distress, they looked to persuade the business community that they were as safe and sound as the GOP (Lichtman 179). The Democratic platform did not mention any programs that were aimed at altering the distribution of wealth and power in America, and it endorsed two of business's favorite proposals- lowering taxes and government economy. During the campaign, Smith attempted to do all he could to secure the favors of American business, including avoiding positions that could antagonize businessmen. Democratic progressives were not pleased with Smith's failure to give alternatives to the economic policies of the Republican Party. Smith also campaigned hard to get the votes of discontented farmers. Farmers did not trust Hoover as an ally of the farmers. The Democrats hoped to use the agricultural issue to gain the support of progressive Republican leaders and of Midwestern farmers who usually voted Republican. This did not work however as Smith received very little support from the heads of farm organizations. Out of all the many issues that played a role in the outcome of the 1928 Presidential election, religion was the biggest. For the first time a Roman Catholic became a major party's nomination for U.S. President. Despite Herbert Hoover defeating Al Smith by a rather wide margin, this election saw a heated conflict between Catholics and Protestants, as they split far more decisively in 1928 than in any other previous election.