New York Journal, October 18, 1787
conventional wisdom: republics should be small and homogeneous – U.S. was already 1200 miles long and 200 miles inland
population was relative large 3 ½ million and diverse – wide range of nationalities, religions, existence of slavery in some states
Antifederalists cited size and diversity of America as asserting that a national regime would be a threat to personal liberty
“Brutus” pseudonym for a New York Antifederalist (probably Robert Yates), a convention delegate who bolted
Federalist #10 is a response to Brutus I
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confederated government vs. one great republic
United States as an assembly of states; the Philadelphia Convention produced a new hybrid
Publius describes it in Federalist 39 “partly national, partly federal”
note federal=confederal prior to the Philadelphia Convention
not a complete consolidation but it approaches it
potential for “absolute and uncontroulable power”
Brutus notes Article I, Sec. 8, Cl. 18 implied powers –the “necessary and proper” clause
supremacy clause of Article VI: federal laws and treaties are supreme notwithstanding state constitutions and laws
Article I, Sec. 8 powers – considerable powers by themselves overwhelming when elastic clause is added
power of individual states will diminish – “a clog upon wheels of government of the U.S.” – will be pushed aside
liberty was the goal of the Revolution; the Antifederalists believed that this would be threatened in a large republic
Brutus uses argument from authority –citations to Montesquieu and Beccaria – European authorities the American founders looked to
republican liberty is best preserved in a small territory
large republics led to ambitious enterprises, glory, empire building, adventurism
government is too remote in a large territory cites Beccaria
ancient republics were undermined as they grew large
in a pure