In this newspaper article, the author emphasizes the fact that the B.C. First Nations grand chief, Stewart Phillip, has recently declined to participate in a royal ceremony. This was done as an act of protest from the grand chief, with his argument being that there are too many problems in his communities that the provincial and federal governments have ignored. The author of this article, Hina Alam, is a journalist who has worked for many different newspapers including the Times of India, the Lufkin …show more content…
Daily News, the Daily Telegram, and the Toronto Star. Based on this, she has lots of experience and credentials in crafting news stories. Regardless of the author’s credentials, most of the article consists of quotes from the B.C. grand chief himself, as he provides some expert insight regarding the state of his communities. My policy paper topic is on Aboriginal land claims. This article is particularly relevant because it refers to a lack of progress on a 2014 Supreme Court decision that granted land title to over 1700 square kilometres of the B.C. interior to the Tsilhqot’in First Nation. This is a relevant case study that I can pursue in further investigating.
Alcantara, C.
& Davidson, A. (2015). Negotiating Aboriginal self-government agreements in Canada: An analysis of the Inuvialuit experience. Canadian Journal of Political Science, 48:3, 553-575. doi:10.1017/S0008423915000402
The authors of this academic journal article argue that a variety of institutional and non-institutional factors have hindered the Inuvialuit First Nation from being able to self-govern. According to the journal, the Inuvialuit First Nation was one of the first Aboriginal groups to finish a comprehensive land claim negotiation by completing a modern treaty. However, even after being granted land title in 1984, the Inuvialuit still have not completed a self-government agreement. This source seems quite reliable, as the authors have analyzed several documents related directly to the self-government process, and they enriched their research by conducting interviews and using media accounts. This source can relate to my policy paper in two distinct ways. First, the difficulty with self-government agreements may have an impact on the perspective of my policy paper. Since barriers to self-governance exist, solving the issue of land claim negotiations appears to be one step in a much larger process towards Aboriginal rights being recognized. As well, the journal article talks of some disagreements within the Inuvialuit Aboriginal community. I may investigate whether the differing opinions and motivations within Aboriginal groups is also a factor that …show more content…
makes land claim negotiations such a slow-moving process.
Atkinson, M. M., Berdahl, L., McGrane, D., & White, S. (2015). Public policies toward Aboriginal peoples: Attitudinal obstacles and uphill battles. Canadian Journal of Political Science, 48:2, 281-304. doi:10.1017/S0008423915000281
This academic journal article makes an assertion that non-Aboriginal Canadians are split on Aboriginal policy issues, and are generally unwilling to support them directly. Two studies of were conducted in Saskatchewan for this journal article, and both of them display high levels of prejudice, as well as assumptions being made about the role of government in Aboriginal policy-making. The studies displayed in the article were conducted by the authors of the article themselves, and so in that respect the results are reliable. However, the studies surveyed the opinions of those in Saskatchewan, which probably do not accurately reflect the opinions of non-Aboriginal Canadians in general. This information may help with my policy paper, as the attitudes and opinions of the Canadian public can have a significant influence on the government decision-making process. Since the non-Aboriginal Canadians seemed to be pretty dismissive with respect to issues of Aboriginal self-government, this may be another reason that the land claims negotiation process is slow-going. If a significant percentage of the public does not want to extend the rights of Aboriginal people, then perhaps the government is intentionally slowing the land claims processes in order to mitigate public backlash.
Foot, R. (2007, June 25). The dysfunctional land world of claims. Canwest News Service. Retrieved from http://www.pressreader.com/canada/leader-post/20070625/281788509645559
In this newspaper article, the author contends that land claim negotiations have been a very dysfunctional and frustrating process for all of the parties involved. For instance, the article notes that Ottawa once offered a native reserve a swamp in an effort to settle a land claim, and it talks of some tension-filled native blockades that have occurred in response to unsettled land claims. The author, Richard Foot, is a journalist who was a founding National Post staff member, and he has a special area of interest in Canada’s military history. This puts him in a considerably reliable position to talk about Canadian history and politics. One way this source can be useful to my research is that it discusses the native blockades and other acts of civil disobedience that have been taking place in response to land claim issues. This is a new discovery for me, and it underscores the degree to which Aboriginal people feel as though their needs have not been met. Furthermore, the article notes some specific promises that Stephen Harper had made with respect to the issue. Now that his term in office has ended, I can investigate whether or not he lived up to these promises, and what the reaction has been from the Aboriginal community.
Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada. (2003). Resolving Aboriginal claims: A practical guide to Canadian experiences. Retrieved from Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada website: http://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/1100100014174/1100100014179
This government report states that the main way to achieve results with Aboriginal land claim negotiations is by building nurturing relationships between the government and the Aboriginal groups.
The report outlines the extensive issues that existed prior to the modern land claim negotiations processes, and some of the more recent efforts that the federal government has made in order to regain the trust of Aboriginal communities. This report is authorized by the Canadian government, who holds a wealth of specific details regarding land claim negotiations. In this respect, this source is about as reliable as it gets. The report fully outlines the specific and comprehensive land claim negotiations processes. This source will be instrumental to my understanding of the dialogue that occurs between the government and Aboriginal groups in land claim negotiations. As well, when working on my policy paper, I can refer to some of the legal literature referenced in this report, such as for example, The Indian Act. This can help me to obtain a firm grasp on the ways in which First Nations people have been marginalized in the past, and possible ways that the government can achieve reconciliation with
them.
Smith, M. H. (1996). Our home or native land? What governments’ Aboriginal policy is doing to Canada. Toronto, ON: Stoddard Publishing Co. Limited.
In this book, Melvin H. Smith suggests that groups of government-funded academics, lawyers, and consultants are intentionally making sure that land claim negotiations do not get settled, and are in effect oppressing the rights of Aboriginal people. He states that between 1973 and 1995, only ten comprehensive land claim settlements have been concluded, while hundreds remain ongoing. The author, Mel Smith, was a lawyer with a focus on constitutional law, and he was involved in the patriation of Canada’s Constitution and the Charlottetown Accord. Based on this information, it appears as though that he had a vast understanding of Canada’s political landscape at the time the book was written. This book is an exceptional source, as I have not seen any other authors make this assertion that there are people intentionally keeping the land claim negotiations at a sluggish pace. Through further research on my policy paper, I hope to be able to arrive at a decision whether to support or refute this argument. If lawyers and bureaucrats are using their own self-interested agenda to perpetuate the land claims process, then clearly some reforms need to be made in government to facilitate the furthering of the Aboriginal interests at stake.
Yellowstone to Yukon Conservation Initiative. (2003). Y2Y principles for working with Aboriginal people. Retrieved from Yellowstone to Yukon Conservation Initiative website: https://y2y.net/news/y2y-principles-for-working-with-aboriginal-people.pdf
In this non-governmental organization report, the Yellowstone to Yukon Conservation Initiative outlines the ways in which they hope to interact with Aboriginal people. Specifically, in Canada, they believe that north of the 60th parallel, Aboriginal groups will soon have significant influence over a lot of land within the Yellowstone to Yukon region. This will be due to the conclusion of land claims. The author of this report, the Yellowstone to Yukon Conservation Initiative, is an international group that encourages the protection of wildlife habitats between Yellowstone National Park and the Yukon. While they may have grounds to speak on issues of ecological conservation, there is no significant evidence provided to substantiate their belief that some land claim negotiations will soon be concluded. However, this source suggests to me that the issue of land title is not as linear as it originally seemed. There are not just disputes between the Aboriginal groups and the varying branches of government. Rather, there are also non-governmental forces that may want to interact with and have influence on the Aboriginal communities. It seems as though that this can occur even after land claims are settled and self-government agreements are in place.