Juvenile Sex Offenders Essay
Introduction
Juveniles who perpetrate sexual offenses are defined as ‘those who commit any sexual act against the victim’s will, without consent, or in an aggressive, exploitive, or threatening manner’. Generally, the same criteria are used in regard to adults and adolescents in terms of what constitutes a sexual offense. Behaviours deemed inappropriate and illegal include fondling, frottage, and digital, penile or object penetration of the vagina or anus, and oral copulation. Also included are such behaviours as voyeurism, exhibitionism, and obscene phone calls. According to Hunter, ‘these juveniles are usually between 12 and 17 years of age and are mostly male, although some studies have found a number of females and prepubescent perpetrators’. Sexually abusive behaviours can vary from non-contact offenses to acts of penetration. These sexually …show more content…
abusive juveniles should not be considered to be engaging in normative “teenage experimentation,” as their behaviours have the potential to cause significant harm to others
Juvenile sexual offense is a serious problem that is increasingly becoming a focus of attention and concern. Each year in the United States, an estimated one-fifth of the reported rapes are committed by juveniles; one-half of the child molestations are committed by juveniles. Approximately half of all adult sexual offenders began their criminal careers during adolescence. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) reported in 2001 that approximately 12% of all rapes resulted in the arrest of a juvenile. In fiscal year 2008-2009 in Virginia, over 7% of the admissions to the Department of Juvenile Justice (DJJ) were for a sexual offense Juvenile sexual offenders are a diverse population, which makes it difficult to attribute universal causal factors to their offending behaviours.
However, research is beginning to make strides in understanding this population and the associated risk factors. Research with this population has shown that there are two types of juvenile sexual offenders: those who target children and those who offend against their peers or adults. The type of offense is based on factors such as the age and sex of the victim, the relationship between the victim and the offender and the amount of force used. Sexual assault is one of the fastest growing violent crimes in the country. According to the Federal Bureau of Investigations, approximately 20% of all people charged with a sexual offense in the United States are juveniles, with approximately 60% of all sexual offenses committed against children under the age of twelve perpetrated by these young offenders. Among adult sex offenders, almost 50% report that their first offense occurred during adolescence.
There is also evidence indicating that juvenile sex offenders may go on to commit over 380 sexual offenses during their lifetime.
Although these statistics suggest that juvenile sex offenses are more prevalent than was once thought, estimates are likely to be low due to issues of secrecy and under-reporting. Survivors of sexual assault suffer both immediate and long-term problems that are likely to impact their mental health, self-esteem, feelings of safety, and relationships with others, to name a few. Perpetrators of sexual offenses are also affected by the negative outcomes of their behaviour, and as mentioned, they often display these patterns of sexually deviant behaviour throughout their lives. These patterns are resistant to change and some young offenders seem to be unaware of the seriousness or deviance of their behaviour. Statistics such as those mentioned earlier, and the high risk that perpetrators pose to their victims and the community at large, supports the need for effective treatment programs that will decrease the likelihood that offenders will continue such destructive patterns of
behaviour. As the need for effective treatment programs for juvenile sex offenders continues to grow, it is important to examine current theoretical perspectives and treatment applications for this population. The purpose of this research paper is to offer evidentiary information that a juvenile sex offender can be rehabilitated. I also seek to inform on what a juvenile sex offender is, the definition of the term rehabilitation and what qualifies one to be a juvenile sex offender. I will also give back ground information about the history of juvenile sex offender programs. There will be mention of how juvenile sex offenders are classified, the characteristics and criteria of juvenile sex offenders.
I will also make mention of the types of Juvenile Sex Offenders and their risk levels. In the following paragraphs, I will be making mention of both female and male juvenile sex offenders and will explore what programs are in place to assist juvenile sex offenders during incarceration and the history of these programs. I will also be discussing the offending patterns of these juvenile offenders. Lastly, there will be some statistical evidence of both the successful and unsuccessful rehabilitation cases.
Chapter 1
The History of Juvenile Sex Offenders Programs
"Prior to the early 1980 's, the predominant view of the sexual offenses committed by adolescent males was that they constituted nuisance value only, reflecting a `boys-will-be-boys ' attitude and a discounted estimate of the severity of harm produced.... Frequently, the sexually offensive behaviour was not seen as assaultive; instead, these acts were seen as examples of experimentation and therefore as innocent". According to Bischof & Smith, improper sex acts were viewed as a by-product of the normal aggressiveness of sexually maturing adolescents, or as a result of the marginal status of the adolescent male and the consequent restriction on his permitted sexual outlets . As a result, many adolescent sex offenses went unrecognized by the criminal justice and mental health systems, with intervention occurring, if at all, when the offender became an adult
Within the last fifteen years, the "boys-will-be-boys" attitude has been replaced by recognition that juvenile sex offenders do indeed pose a risk to society worthy of serious concern. Based upon research into the non-deviant sex lives of juvenile offenders, it has been determined that their misconduct is not simply experimentation. Research has established that significant percentages of these juveniles have engaged in non-deviant sexual behaviour prior to their aberrant offending, laying to rest the idea that all adolescent sexual misconduct is simply the result of curiosity or a desire to explore. Outlets exist for these adolescents that do not include subjecting others to their deviant desires or misconduct.
Recognizing that the inappropriate sexual contact some juveniles engage in is not simply the product of innocent curiosity, the question becomes what is the scope of harm being perpetrated on society by this misconduct? This query can be answered in part by looking to the potential future for some of these juveniles through the lens of an eight-year study (1979-1987) that attempted to arrive at an informed picture of the extent of adult sexual offending in society. This study 's subjects were 561paraphiliacs who voluntarily submitted to assessment and/or treatment for their disorders at either the University of Tennessee Center for Health Sciences in Memphis or the New York State Psychiatric Institute in New York City.
Focusing solely on acts of child molestation and sexual assault, the total numbers of victims reported by the study 's subjects were staggering. The 224 subjects assessed as "pedophilia, non-incest, female target" offenders reported committing 5,197 completed paraphiliac acts against 4,435 victims; while the 153 "pedophilia, non-incest, male target" offenders reported 43,100 acts against 22,981 victims. Additionally, for the categories of "pedophilia, incest, female and male targets" the results were respectively: 159 subjects, 12,927 completed acts, 286 victims; and 44 subjects, 2,741 completed acts, 75 victims. Finally, the 126 rapists included in the study claimed 907 completed acts and 882 victims.
The numbers of victims and acts reported by the study 's subjects demonstrate that sexual offending is a problem of monumental proportions, a fact that appears to be especially true for the categories that exclusively involve child molestation. For pedophiles offending outside their homes, the misconduct was characterized by many completed acts spread among many different victims. In difference to this, pedophiles who offended against their own family members reported fewer numbers of victims, but many more acts per victim, as would be expected given the ongoing opportunity to offend against a single individual.
While the overall numbers of acts reported by this research are distressing in and of themselves, another aspect of this study relevant to the present discussion examined the age of onset of deviant sexual interest for each of the 561 subjects. This information was gathered as part of the history taken from the participants, and it was discovered that 54% had at least one deviant sexual interest prior to eighteen years of age. Breaking these numbers down according to the various relevant categories of paraphilia detected, the researchers reported that 50% of the male nonincest pedophiles had developed their deviant interest by the age of sixteen; while more than 40% of the female target non-incest pedophiles, 40% of male target incest pedophiles, 30% of rapists, and 25% of female target incest pedophiles had all acquired their deviant interests by the time they were eighteen years old.
A second study of eighty-three rapists and fifty-four child molesters confined in a Florida evaluation and treatment center and in a Connecticut maximum security prison reached similar results to those above regarding the onset age of offending in its investigation. For the rapists in this study, the mean age at which they committed their first rape was 18.78 years, while the mode was sixteen years of age and the range was from nine to forty-seven. The overall mean for the child molesters ' first offense was 23.8 years, while the mode was sixteen. Taking a closer look at these last figures, the Florida sample of child molesters had a mean age at first offense of 23.7 years with two modes of thirteen and thirty-five years of age, while the Connecticut sample had a mean of twenty-four years old, with modes of sixteen and thirty-one years. In their interpretation of these numbers, the researchers stated:
The bimodal results for the child molesters can be understood to reflect, respectively, the early onset of behaviour among fixated offenders for whom the sexual orientation toward children results from arrested socio-sexual development, and the later onset of behaviour among regressed offenders for whom the sexual involvement with children results from sudden or progressive deterioration of emotionally meaningful or gratifying adult relationships.
The above statistics suggest that a significant proportion of all sexual offenses are committed by persons under the age of eighteen, a fact that appears to be especially true for instances of child molestation. The best available estimates claim that approximately 20% of all rapes and between 30% and 50% of all child molestations are perpetrated by adolescent males. For a more conservative picture of this same problem, consider that in 1993, adolescents under the age of eighteen accounted for 16% of all arrests for forcible rape and 19% of all arrests for every remaining sex offense other than prostitution. Moreover, the age group that accumulated the largest number of arrests in both categories was the thirteen and fourteen-year-olds. In 1993, this single group accounted for 1,460 arrests for forcible rape and 5,485 arrests for other sex offenses.
Besides the fact that offending patterns tend to be initiated in adolescence, another troubling aspect of the data is that many offenders show a progression from hands-off sexually aggressive behaviour to more serious sexual assaults as adults. One study of eighty-four adult rapists and child molesters found that many of these offenders participated in noncontact offenses such as exhibitionism and voyeurism in their adolescent years. A second research effort by the same team revealed that of 231 adults convicted of sexual assault, a significant number showed some evidence of progression from nonviolent sexual offenses in adolescence to violent sexual offenses as adults. Both of these studies graphically illustrate a very real concern that many young offenders will grow into older, more dangerous predators. This potentiality makes it imperative that the mental health and juvenile justice systems respond to these problems early and effectively.
Chapter 2
Characteristics of Juvenile Sex Offenders
An adolescent sex offender is a youth ranging from puberty to the age of legal majority (21 years of age) who commits any sexual interaction with a person of any age against the victim’s will, without consent, or in an aggressive, exploitive, or threatening manner . Children today are much more sexually expressive. With the world of technology at our fingertips, the youth of this technological age have the abilities to reach out and experience a diversity of sexual materials that were, less than twenty years ago, inaccessible. These sights and sounds have led to a mental promiscuity that has without question, led to sexually illicit interactions. Illicit interactions are probably more a matter of having been exposed to sexuality through the vast array of sources of sexual messages and information that exist in today’s technological society.
Although certainly aware of many common characteristics shared with other humans, a criminal persists in operating on the premise of “being one of a kind, different from anyone else”. It is important to understand the characteristics of these juvenile offenders. It is, therefore, important to make a distinction between a legal definition and a social definition of what constitutes sexual offending. The Utah Task Force of the Utah Network on Juveniles Offending Sexually has developed a widely used definition of juvenile offending. It includes activity that falls within the appropriate criminal code, as well as any sexual act that occurs as a result of one or more of the following criteria:
Power differential as manifested in an age difference using chronological and developmental criteria, larger physical size where size is used to intimidate, greater mental capacity where intelligence or maturity is used to gain power over another, and greater physical capacity where the differences between the individuals (e.g., disabilities) are exploited.
Role differentiation as manifested in the exploitation of another while in a position of authority or leadership such as a babysitter.
Predatory patterns, which include any behaviour that sets up the victim, such as stalking or seduction.
Elements of coercion such as bribes, threats, or the use of force to secure the victim 's trust, to intimidate and/or to manipulate the individual to engage in activity to which they would not otherwise consent.
Lakey believed there was nothing wrong with illegal or immoral activity, because rules were made for others. An offenders pride leads him1 to demonstrate his domination, his extraordinary powers, and his ability to pursue and acquire whatever he wants. The youthful sex offender, like the criminal, perceives himself to be more able, more knowledgeable, more clever, more attractive, and superior in every way to others. While most juvenile sex offenders will display this type of attitude when interacting with peers, and adults, the reality of their confidence level in dealing with others is extremely poor. This leads to isolation, another factor contributing to a higher probability of sexual offenses in juvenile offenders.
Lakey believed there was nothing wrong with illegal or immoral activity, because rules were made for others. An offenders pride leads himi to demonstrate his domination, his extraordinary powers, and his ability to pursue and acquire whatever he wants. The youthful sex offender, like the criminal, perceives himself to be more able, more knowledgeable, more clever, more attractive, and superior in every way to others. While most juvenile sex offenders will display this type of attitude when interacting with peers, and adults, the reality of their confidence level in dealing with others is extremely poor. This leads to isolation, another factor contributing to a higher probability of sexual offenses in juvenile offenders.
Isolation
These youthful sex offenders typically isolate themselves from others of their own age and older. The adolescent sex offender does not feel comfortable when engaged with a peer or older adult in social interaction and is shy or timid in the extreme when faced with a same-aged female peer in a social situation. Because they are frequently isolated from their peers, researchers have concluded that social isolation is a primary descriptor of the juvenile sex offender. These youth are often described as “loners” who lack the social skills necessary to develop intimate meaningful relationships, and they have shown themselves to be shyer, timid, and withdrawn than delinquents who commit non-sexual crimes.The typical juvenile sex offender is a loner, has few or no social peers, and prefers playing with younger children.
Kahn and Lafond (1988) found that juvenile sex offenders were socially isolated, and lacking in their interpersonal skills, and Fehrenbach et al., (1986) found nearly two-thirds of juvenile sex offenders demonstrated evidence of social isolation, with 32% reporting no friends at all (Bourke & Donohue 1996, 49). According to Blaske et al’s study (1989), juvenile offenders of both sexual and nonsexual crimes were from broken relationships and had relatively disturbed emotional functioning, with sexual offenders differentially demonstrating poorer peer relationships than both the delinquent and non-delinquent adolescent groups. Graves et al. (1992) assert that these poor social skills isolate the adolescent from meaningful peer group relations and prevent the youth from developing age appropriate social and (intimate) relationships.
Thus it is possible that juvenile sex offenders maintain feelings of inadequacy and/or social incompetence that make it difficult for them to entertain age appropriate sexual relationships that are reciprocally desired.
Family Factors
Many factors contributing to the make-up or profile of the juvenile sex offender could be placed in the family category because most juvenile sex offenders still reside in the home and many interactions, which are considered problematic early in life stem from familial contact. Family dysfunction is another trait frequently shared by juvenile sex offenders, although it is one that is also prevalent in the lives of most juvenile delinquents across all categories of misconduct. A history of violence, alcoholism, drug abuse, serious psychiatric disturbance, and suicide in the youth’s home environment have all been found to contribute to sexual deviance. As a rule, most sex offenders live at home with family members during the commission of their offense(s). The home is usually found to be chaotic, conflictual, dysfunctional, and violent. Physical and sexual mistreatment is common. In a study of the families of juvenile offenders, Fagan and Wexler (1988) reported that juvenile sex offenders were more likely to come from families with child abuse, spousal abuse, and sexual molestation than other juvenile offenders. In addition, Awad, Saunders, and Levene (1984) found that about 33% of juvenile sex offenders had grown up in an abusive and/or neglectful home, and that almost 25% had experienced physical and/or sexual violence between close relatives.
Furthermore, Smith(1988) found that juvenile sex offenders who had either been victims of physical and/or sexual abuse in the home or had witnessed the abuse of another family member committed more serious sexual offenses than those juveniles who had not experienced such abuse (Bourke & Donohue 1996, 48).
Knopp (1982), reporting on limited clinical impressions of an unspecified number of families in one adolescent sex offender program, found that offenders were more likely to come from families that were either very rigid and enmeshed, or very chaotic with a great deal of role confusion . Enmeshment is another primary factor of incestuous families wherein boundaries and roles become blurred. Family members can become too dependent on one another and sacrifice independent thought or action to remain a part of the family unit. Parents can become over involved with one child and downplay or make excuses for that child’s actions, thereby minimizing the seriousness of the incident(s) and saving the child from responsibility and accountability.
In a review of another adolescent sex-offender program serving very violent and dangerous offenders in a long-term secure facility, Knopp reported that staff used the word “chaotic” when describing the families of the majority of the adolescent sex offenders (Bourke & Donohue 1996, 48). In a study by Smith and Israel (1987), it was found that both physical and emotional absences on the part of parental figures significantly intensified the mutual dependency and sexual acting-out between siblings.
General Factors
The youthful sex offender is typically self-absorbed; opportunistic and manipulative; possesses few social skills; seeks immediate sexual gratification; does the forbidden for thrills; isolated and lonely; prefers the company of younger children; possesses high intelligence or low functioning; displays little remorse or empathy for victim(s); and consistently espouses deniability of offense or minimization of offense. Indeed, juvenile sex offenders are commonly diagnosed with comorbid conditions such as conduct disorder, attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder, anti-social personality disorder , narcissistic personality disorder , learning disabilities, affective disorders, post traumatic stress disorder (Hunter et al. 1993), and substance abuse.
In addition to the salient background variables already considered, a variety of other factors are considered part of the psychological makeup and environmental reality of juvenile sex offenders. A partial list of these factors include: learning difficulties and behavioural problems in school, which in turn lead to poor academic achievement; low self-esteem; symptoms of depression, anxiety, and other psychiatric problems; low to average intelligence quotient scores; and frequent exposure to pornography (Martin & Pruett 1998, 306). All juvenile sex offenders have been prematurely sexualized either as victims themselves or as offenders, and they are immature for their age.
More often than not they are under-socialized, and their general life skill knowledge and experience are limited. Juvenile sex offenders generally have a maladaptive value system. Sexual offending, especially by young offenders, may be linked with peripheral ‘hyper-masculinity’ where low status, chronic and multiple adversity, and risk-taking were implicated more than sexual deviance in aggressive behaviour. Hendriks and Bijleveld conducted a study utilizing 116 male juveniles to determine differences between those who offend against children and those who offend against same-age peers or adults. Thirteen hypotheses were tested that in general indicated child molesters were more neurotic and less extravert, victims of bullying, large negative self-images, problematic family backgrounds, victims of sexual abuse more often, less violent physically and more violent verbally, victims more often male, and career criminals acts were more sexual rather than other offenses.
Perhaps the most widely reported shared experience among young sexual offenders is a history of sexual victimization. This form of victimization may perpetuate what is commonly known as the cycle of abuse; i.e., the observation that victims of sexual abuse often re-create their abusive experiences later in life with themselves as the perpetrators. Much of the research with juvenile sex offenders indicates that approximately 50% to 60% of all juvenile offenders were themselves victims of sexual abuse (Bourke & Donohue 1996, 49). Furthermore, Becker and Stein (1991) examined 160 juvenile sex offenders and determined that juveniles who had been victims of sexual molestation had abused more victims than juvenile sex offenders without such histories of sexual victimization. Pierce and Pierce in 1987, found academic problems were present in 49% of juvenile sex offenders, and 38% had been placed in special classes (Bourke & Donohue 1996, 49). Fehrenbach et al. In 1986, studied 163 juvenile sex offenders, and found 45% of these students were at least one grade level behind, relative to their age, and 30% had behavior problems in school at the time of the study.
Types of Sexual Abusers
Some empirical evidence distinguishes three types of juvenile sex offenders:
1. STATUS OFFENDERS: These are children and teens whose sexual behavior is consensual and with partners close to their age; it is unlawful only because they or their partners are under the age of consent. While this is illegal on the books, millions of teens violate such laws every year. They are seldom prosecuted except in institutional settings such as group homes—a double standard with potentially lifelong legal consequences.
2. FIRST OFFENDERS: First offenders involved in abusive conduct. The majority of juveniles arrested for sex offenses are those who are much older than their partners or who have used force or coercion. The re-arrest rate for this group is quite low, however, and currently unpredictable: tests used by researchers to identify individuals at risk for recidivism have a false positive rate of more than 80 percent when used with adolescents.
3. REPEAT OFFENDERS: Repeat offenders. Perhaps 4 to 8 percent of juveniles arrested for sex crimes fall into this category. Some may become dangerous adult sexual predators, while others may outgrow the problem before they become adults. It’s impossible to say who or how many fall into either group because no research exists on the number of repeat offenders or their later careers.
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Juveniles who perpetrate sexual offenses are defined as ‘those who commit any sexual act against the victim’s will, without consent, or in an aggressive, exploitive, or threatening manner’. Generally, the same criteria are used in regard to adults and adolescents in terms of what constitutes a sexual offense. Behaviours deemed inappropriate and illegal include fondling, frottage, and digital, penile or object penetration of the vagina or anus, and oral copulation. Also included are such behaviours as voyeurism, exhibitionism, and obscene phone calls. According to Hunter, ‘these juveniles are usually between 12 and 17 years of age and are mostly male, although some studies have found a number of females and prepubescent perpetrators’. Sexually abusive behaviours can vary from non-contact offenses to acts of penetration. These sexually …show more content…
abusive juveniles should not be considered to be engaging in normative “teenage experimentation,” as their behaviours have the potential to cause significant harm to others
Juvenile sexual offense is a serious problem that is increasingly becoming a focus of attention and concern. Each year in the United States, an estimated one-fifth of the reported rapes are committed by juveniles; one-half of the child molestations are committed by juveniles. Approximately half of all adult sexual offenders began their criminal careers during adolescence. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) reported in 2001 that approximately 12% of all rapes resulted in the arrest of a juvenile. In fiscal year 2008-2009 in Virginia, over 7% of the admissions to the Department of Juvenile Justice (DJJ) were for a sexual offense Juvenile sexual offenders are a diverse population, which makes it difficult to attribute universal causal factors to their offending behaviours.
However, research is beginning to make strides in understanding this population and the associated risk factors. Research with this population has shown that there are two types of juvenile sexual offenders: those who target children and those who offend against their peers or adults. The type of offense is based on factors such as the age and sex of the victim, the relationship between the victim and the offender and the amount of force used. Sexual assault is one of the fastest growing violent crimes in the country. According to the Federal Bureau of Investigations, approximately 20% of all people charged with a sexual offense in the United States are juveniles, with approximately 60% of all sexual offenses committed against children under the age of twelve perpetrated by these young offenders. Among adult sex offenders, almost 50% report that their first offense occurred during adolescence.
There is also evidence indicating that juvenile sex offenders may go on to commit over 380 sexual offenses during their lifetime.
Although these statistics suggest that juvenile sex offenses are more prevalent than was once thought, estimates are likely to be low due to issues of secrecy and under-reporting. Survivors of sexual assault suffer both immediate and long-term problems that are likely to impact their mental health, self-esteem, feelings of safety, and relationships with others, to name a few. Perpetrators of sexual offenses are also affected by the negative outcomes of their behaviour, and as mentioned, they often display these patterns of sexually deviant behaviour throughout their lives. These patterns are resistant to change and some young offenders seem to be unaware of the seriousness or deviance of their behaviour. Statistics such as those mentioned earlier, and the high risk that perpetrators pose to their victims and the community at large, supports the need for effective treatment programs that will decrease the likelihood that offenders will continue such destructive patterns of
behaviour. As the need for effective treatment programs for juvenile sex offenders continues to grow, it is important to examine current theoretical perspectives and treatment applications for this population. The purpose of this research paper is to offer evidentiary information that a juvenile sex offender can be rehabilitated. I also seek to inform on what a juvenile sex offender is, the definition of the term rehabilitation and what qualifies one to be a juvenile sex offender. I will also give back ground information about the history of juvenile sex offender programs. There will be mention of how juvenile sex offenders are classified, the characteristics and criteria of juvenile sex offenders.
I will also make mention of the types of Juvenile Sex Offenders and their risk levels. In the following paragraphs, I will be making mention of both female and male juvenile sex offenders and will explore what programs are in place to assist juvenile sex offenders during incarceration and the history of these programs. I will also be discussing the offending patterns of these juvenile offenders. Lastly, there will be some statistical evidence of both the successful and unsuccessful rehabilitation cases.
Chapter 1
The History of Juvenile Sex Offenders Programs
"Prior to the early 1980 's, the predominant view of the sexual offenses committed by adolescent males was that they constituted nuisance value only, reflecting a `boys-will-be-boys ' attitude and a discounted estimate of the severity of harm produced.... Frequently, the sexually offensive behaviour was not seen as assaultive; instead, these acts were seen as examples of experimentation and therefore as innocent". According to Bischof & Smith, improper sex acts were viewed as a by-product of the normal aggressiveness of sexually maturing adolescents, or as a result of the marginal status of the adolescent male and the consequent restriction on his permitted sexual outlets . As a result, many adolescent sex offenses went unrecognized by the criminal justice and mental health systems, with intervention occurring, if at all, when the offender became an adult
Within the last fifteen years, the "boys-will-be-boys" attitude has been replaced by recognition that juvenile sex offenders do indeed pose a risk to society worthy of serious concern. Based upon research into the non-deviant sex lives of juvenile offenders, it has been determined that their misconduct is not simply experimentation. Research has established that significant percentages of these juveniles have engaged in non-deviant sexual behaviour prior to their aberrant offending, laying to rest the idea that all adolescent sexual misconduct is simply the result of curiosity or a desire to explore. Outlets exist for these adolescents that do not include subjecting others to their deviant desires or misconduct.
Recognizing that the inappropriate sexual contact some juveniles engage in is not simply the product of innocent curiosity, the question becomes what is the scope of harm being perpetrated on society by this misconduct? This query can be answered in part by looking to the potential future for some of these juveniles through the lens of an eight-year study (1979-1987) that attempted to arrive at an informed picture of the extent of adult sexual offending in society. This study 's subjects were 561paraphiliacs who voluntarily submitted to assessment and/or treatment for their disorders at either the University of Tennessee Center for Health Sciences in Memphis or the New York State Psychiatric Institute in New York City.
Focusing solely on acts of child molestation and sexual assault, the total numbers of victims reported by the study 's subjects were staggering. The 224 subjects assessed as "pedophilia, non-incest, female target" offenders reported committing 5,197 completed paraphiliac acts against 4,435 victims; while the 153 "pedophilia, non-incest, male target" offenders reported 43,100 acts against 22,981 victims. Additionally, for the categories of "pedophilia, incest, female and male targets" the results were respectively: 159 subjects, 12,927 completed acts, 286 victims; and 44 subjects, 2,741 completed acts, 75 victims. Finally, the 126 rapists included in the study claimed 907 completed acts and 882 victims.
The numbers of victims and acts reported by the study 's subjects demonstrate that sexual offending is a problem of monumental proportions, a fact that appears to be especially true for the categories that exclusively involve child molestation. For pedophiles offending outside their homes, the misconduct was characterized by many completed acts spread among many different victims. In difference to this, pedophiles who offended against their own family members reported fewer numbers of victims, but many more acts per victim, as would be expected given the ongoing opportunity to offend against a single individual.
While the overall numbers of acts reported by this research are distressing in and of themselves, another aspect of this study relevant to the present discussion examined the age of onset of deviant sexual interest for each of the 561 subjects. This information was gathered as part of the history taken from the participants, and it was discovered that 54% had at least one deviant sexual interest prior to eighteen years of age. Breaking these numbers down according to the various relevant categories of paraphilia detected, the researchers reported that 50% of the male nonincest pedophiles had developed their deviant interest by the age of sixteen; while more than 40% of the female target non-incest pedophiles, 40% of male target incest pedophiles, 30% of rapists, and 25% of female target incest pedophiles had all acquired their deviant interests by the time they were eighteen years old.
A second study of eighty-three rapists and fifty-four child molesters confined in a Florida evaluation and treatment center and in a Connecticut maximum security prison reached similar results to those above regarding the onset age of offending in its investigation. For the rapists in this study, the mean age at which they committed their first rape was 18.78 years, while the mode was sixteen years of age and the range was from nine to forty-seven. The overall mean for the child molesters ' first offense was 23.8 years, while the mode was sixteen. Taking a closer look at these last figures, the Florida sample of child molesters had a mean age at first offense of 23.7 years with two modes of thirteen and thirty-five years of age, while the Connecticut sample had a mean of twenty-four years old, with modes of sixteen and thirty-one years. In their interpretation of these numbers, the researchers stated:
The bimodal results for the child molesters can be understood to reflect, respectively, the early onset of behaviour among fixated offenders for whom the sexual orientation toward children results from arrested socio-sexual development, and the later onset of behaviour among regressed offenders for whom the sexual involvement with children results from sudden or progressive deterioration of emotionally meaningful or gratifying adult relationships.
The above statistics suggest that a significant proportion of all sexual offenses are committed by persons under the age of eighteen, a fact that appears to be especially true for instances of child molestation. The best available estimates claim that approximately 20% of all rapes and between 30% and 50% of all child molestations are perpetrated by adolescent males. For a more conservative picture of this same problem, consider that in 1993, adolescents under the age of eighteen accounted for 16% of all arrests for forcible rape and 19% of all arrests for every remaining sex offense other than prostitution. Moreover, the age group that accumulated the largest number of arrests in both categories was the thirteen and fourteen-year-olds. In 1993, this single group accounted for 1,460 arrests for forcible rape and 5,485 arrests for other sex offenses.
Besides the fact that offending patterns tend to be initiated in adolescence, another troubling aspect of the data is that many offenders show a progression from hands-off sexually aggressive behaviour to more serious sexual assaults as adults. One study of eighty-four adult rapists and child molesters found that many of these offenders participated in noncontact offenses such as exhibitionism and voyeurism in their adolescent years. A second research effort by the same team revealed that of 231 adults convicted of sexual assault, a significant number showed some evidence of progression from nonviolent sexual offenses in adolescence to violent sexual offenses as adults. Both of these studies graphically illustrate a very real concern that many young offenders will grow into older, more dangerous predators. This potentiality makes it imperative that the mental health and juvenile justice systems respond to these problems early and effectively.
Chapter 2
Characteristics of Juvenile Sex Offenders
An adolescent sex offender is a youth ranging from puberty to the age of legal majority (21 years of age) who commits any sexual interaction with a person of any age against the victim’s will, without consent, or in an aggressive, exploitive, or threatening manner . Children today are much more sexually expressive. With the world of technology at our fingertips, the youth of this technological age have the abilities to reach out and experience a diversity of sexual materials that were, less than twenty years ago, inaccessible. These sights and sounds have led to a mental promiscuity that has without question, led to sexually illicit interactions. Illicit interactions are probably more a matter of having been exposed to sexuality through the vast array of sources of sexual messages and information that exist in today’s technological society.
Although certainly aware of many common characteristics shared with other humans, a criminal persists in operating on the premise of “being one of a kind, different from anyone else”. It is important to understand the characteristics of these juvenile offenders. It is, therefore, important to make a distinction between a legal definition and a social definition of what constitutes sexual offending. The Utah Task Force of the Utah Network on Juveniles Offending Sexually has developed a widely used definition of juvenile offending. It includes activity that falls within the appropriate criminal code, as well as any sexual act that occurs as a result of one or more of the following criteria:
Power differential as manifested in an age difference using chronological and developmental criteria, larger physical size where size is used to intimidate, greater mental capacity where intelligence or maturity is used to gain power over another, and greater physical capacity where the differences between the individuals (e.g., disabilities) are exploited.
Role differentiation as manifested in the exploitation of another while in a position of authority or leadership such as a babysitter.
Predatory patterns, which include any behaviour that sets up the victim, such as stalking or seduction.
Elements of coercion such as bribes, threats, or the use of force to secure the victim 's trust, to intimidate and/or to manipulate the individual to engage in activity to which they would not otherwise consent.
Lakey believed there was nothing wrong with illegal or immoral activity, because rules were made for others. An offenders pride leads him1 to demonstrate his domination, his extraordinary powers, and his ability to pursue and acquire whatever he wants. The youthful sex offender, like the criminal, perceives himself to be more able, more knowledgeable, more clever, more attractive, and superior in every way to others. While most juvenile sex offenders will display this type of attitude when interacting with peers, and adults, the reality of their confidence level in dealing with others is extremely poor. This leads to isolation, another factor contributing to a higher probability of sexual offenses in juvenile offenders.
Lakey believed there was nothing wrong with illegal or immoral activity, because rules were made for others. An offenders pride leads himi to demonstrate his domination, his extraordinary powers, and his ability to pursue and acquire whatever he wants. The youthful sex offender, like the criminal, perceives himself to be more able, more knowledgeable, more clever, more attractive, and superior in every way to others. While most juvenile sex offenders will display this type of attitude when interacting with peers, and adults, the reality of their confidence level in dealing with others is extremely poor. This leads to isolation, another factor contributing to a higher probability of sexual offenses in juvenile offenders.
Isolation
These youthful sex offenders typically isolate themselves from others of their own age and older. The adolescent sex offender does not feel comfortable when engaged with a peer or older adult in social interaction and is shy or timid in the extreme when faced with a same-aged female peer in a social situation. Because they are frequently isolated from their peers, researchers have concluded that social isolation is a primary descriptor of the juvenile sex offender. These youth are often described as “loners” who lack the social skills necessary to develop intimate meaningful relationships, and they have shown themselves to be shyer, timid, and withdrawn than delinquents who commit non-sexual crimes.The typical juvenile sex offender is a loner, has few or no social peers, and prefers playing with younger children.
Kahn and Lafond (1988) found that juvenile sex offenders were socially isolated, and lacking in their interpersonal skills, and Fehrenbach et al., (1986) found nearly two-thirds of juvenile sex offenders demonstrated evidence of social isolation, with 32% reporting no friends at all (Bourke & Donohue 1996, 49). According to Blaske et al’s study (1989), juvenile offenders of both sexual and nonsexual crimes were from broken relationships and had relatively disturbed emotional functioning, with sexual offenders differentially demonstrating poorer peer relationships than both the delinquent and non-delinquent adolescent groups. Graves et al. (1992) assert that these poor social skills isolate the adolescent from meaningful peer group relations and prevent the youth from developing age appropriate social and (intimate) relationships.
Thus it is possible that juvenile sex offenders maintain feelings of inadequacy and/or social incompetence that make it difficult for them to entertain age appropriate sexual relationships that are reciprocally desired.
Family Factors
Many factors contributing to the make-up or profile of the juvenile sex offender could be placed in the family category because most juvenile sex offenders still reside in the home and many interactions, which are considered problematic early in life stem from familial contact. Family dysfunction is another trait frequently shared by juvenile sex offenders, although it is one that is also prevalent in the lives of most juvenile delinquents across all categories of misconduct. A history of violence, alcoholism, drug abuse, serious psychiatric disturbance, and suicide in the youth’s home environment have all been found to contribute to sexual deviance. As a rule, most sex offenders live at home with family members during the commission of their offense(s). The home is usually found to be chaotic, conflictual, dysfunctional, and violent. Physical and sexual mistreatment is common. In a study of the families of juvenile offenders, Fagan and Wexler (1988) reported that juvenile sex offenders were more likely to come from families with child abuse, spousal abuse, and sexual molestation than other juvenile offenders. In addition, Awad, Saunders, and Levene (1984) found that about 33% of juvenile sex offenders had grown up in an abusive and/or neglectful home, and that almost 25% had experienced physical and/or sexual violence between close relatives.
Furthermore, Smith(1988) found that juvenile sex offenders who had either been victims of physical and/or sexual abuse in the home or had witnessed the abuse of another family member committed more serious sexual offenses than those juveniles who had not experienced such abuse (Bourke & Donohue 1996, 48).
Knopp (1982), reporting on limited clinical impressions of an unspecified number of families in one adolescent sex offender program, found that offenders were more likely to come from families that were either very rigid and enmeshed, or very chaotic with a great deal of role confusion . Enmeshment is another primary factor of incestuous families wherein boundaries and roles become blurred. Family members can become too dependent on one another and sacrifice independent thought or action to remain a part of the family unit. Parents can become over involved with one child and downplay or make excuses for that child’s actions, thereby minimizing the seriousness of the incident(s) and saving the child from responsibility and accountability.
In a review of another adolescent sex-offender program serving very violent and dangerous offenders in a long-term secure facility, Knopp reported that staff used the word “chaotic” when describing the families of the majority of the adolescent sex offenders (Bourke & Donohue 1996, 48). In a study by Smith and Israel (1987), it was found that both physical and emotional absences on the part of parental figures significantly intensified the mutual dependency and sexual acting-out between siblings.
General Factors
The youthful sex offender is typically self-absorbed; opportunistic and manipulative; possesses few social skills; seeks immediate sexual gratification; does the forbidden for thrills; isolated and lonely; prefers the company of younger children; possesses high intelligence or low functioning; displays little remorse or empathy for victim(s); and consistently espouses deniability of offense or minimization of offense. Indeed, juvenile sex offenders are commonly diagnosed with comorbid conditions such as conduct disorder, attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder, anti-social personality disorder , narcissistic personality disorder , learning disabilities, affective disorders, post traumatic stress disorder (Hunter et al. 1993), and substance abuse.
In addition to the salient background variables already considered, a variety of other factors are considered part of the psychological makeup and environmental reality of juvenile sex offenders. A partial list of these factors include: learning difficulties and behavioural problems in school, which in turn lead to poor academic achievement; low self-esteem; symptoms of depression, anxiety, and other psychiatric problems; low to average intelligence quotient scores; and frequent exposure to pornography (Martin & Pruett 1998, 306). All juvenile sex offenders have been prematurely sexualized either as victims themselves or as offenders, and they are immature for their age.
More often than not they are under-socialized, and their general life skill knowledge and experience are limited. Juvenile sex offenders generally have a maladaptive value system. Sexual offending, especially by young offenders, may be linked with peripheral ‘hyper-masculinity’ where low status, chronic and multiple adversity, and risk-taking were implicated more than sexual deviance in aggressive behaviour. Hendriks and Bijleveld conducted a study utilizing 116 male juveniles to determine differences between those who offend against children and those who offend against same-age peers or adults. Thirteen hypotheses were tested that in general indicated child molesters were more neurotic and less extravert, victims of bullying, large negative self-images, problematic family backgrounds, victims of sexual abuse more often, less violent physically and more violent verbally, victims more often male, and career criminals acts were more sexual rather than other offenses.
Perhaps the most widely reported shared experience among young sexual offenders is a history of sexual victimization. This form of victimization may perpetuate what is commonly known as the cycle of abuse; i.e., the observation that victims of sexual abuse often re-create their abusive experiences later in life with themselves as the perpetrators. Much of the research with juvenile sex offenders indicates that approximately 50% to 60% of all juvenile offenders were themselves victims of sexual abuse (Bourke & Donohue 1996, 49). Furthermore, Becker and Stein (1991) examined 160 juvenile sex offenders and determined that juveniles who had been victims of sexual molestation had abused more victims than juvenile sex offenders without such histories of sexual victimization. Pierce and Pierce in 1987, found academic problems were present in 49% of juvenile sex offenders, and 38% had been placed in special classes (Bourke & Donohue 1996, 49). Fehrenbach et al. In 1986, studied 163 juvenile sex offenders, and found 45% of these students were at least one grade level behind, relative to their age, and 30% had behavior problems in school at the time of the study.
Types of Sexual Abusers
Some empirical evidence distinguishes three types of juvenile sex offenders:
1. STATUS OFFENDERS: These are children and teens whose sexual behavior is consensual and with partners close to their age; it is unlawful only because they or their partners are under the age of consent. While this is illegal on the books, millions of teens violate such laws every year. They are seldom prosecuted except in institutional settings such as group homes—a double standard with potentially lifelong legal consequences.
2. FIRST OFFENDERS: First offenders involved in abusive conduct. The majority of juveniles arrested for sex offenses are those who are much older than their partners or who have used force or coercion. The re-arrest rate for this group is quite low, however, and currently unpredictable: tests used by researchers to identify individuals at risk for recidivism have a false positive rate of more than 80 percent when used with adolescents.
3. REPEAT OFFENDERS: Repeat offenders. Perhaps 4 to 8 percent of juveniles arrested for sex crimes fall into this category. Some may become dangerous adult sexual predators, while others may outgrow the problem before they become adults. It’s impossible to say who or how many fall into either group because no research exists on the number of repeat offenders or their later careers.
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