Generally speaking, one can state that theories possibly explain specific actions of a country or a government, but that governments do not automatically act accordingly. Therefore the question arises, whether Kosovo’s independence can be explained by a single theory of international relations and, if so, to what extent one theory can explain the processes that took place in Kosovo.
On 17 February 2008, Kosovo’s declaration of independence was adopted at a meeting of the Assembly of Kosovo. In order to analyze the steps that paved the path to Kosovo’s independence, the interactions between different countries and international organizations with Kosovo will be taken into consideration.
One can assume that after Tito’s death in 1980 Serbia abolished Kosovo’s autonomy statute due to the “death” of Tito’s authority - although the official justification of Serbia has been related to the so-called “Amselfeldmyth” of 1389. The Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic polarized namely with that old legend and hence made use of Serbia’s nationalism because of self-seeking reasons in order to promote his political rise. The “Amselfedmyth” was therefore not only a means to an end for Milosevic as a state actor, but also for his personal career. In this case realism could be applied, because according to offensive realists the state’s major interest is to achieve a hegemonic position, which is in this case fulfilled by a greater territory and a distribution of power to the advantages of Serbia with the occupied Kosovo. Serbia as a figurative actor wanted to attain superiority over Kosovo, because it is one of its principal goals of survival to extend their power and territory. This procedure can consequently be seen as an option that resulted from Serbia’s aspiration to power. Otherwise, Serbia would also have had the option to accept Tito’s heritage and Kosovo’s status.
However, it is also important to take a look at the other side of the coin.