Even in the present day, both collective and historical memories have a strong hold on societies. During times of rapid social change or transformation, “the past must cease to be the pattern of the present, and can at best become the model for it” (Hobsbawm, 6). In this case, collective memory can be utilized as historical memory by taking details from the past and adjusting it to become a model for a present political system. Evidently, collective memory and historical memory work in conjunction to not only instill values and collective identity but also justify political strategies. Historical memory is constantly being told, re-told, twisted and turned.
Even the United States’ most treasured political leader, George Washington, has been the subject of memory through the many narratives recorded about him. Let’s be honest, we do not have concrete evidence of the man’s character. All we have are portrayals documented by writers and artists. Yet, we regard him so highly. It is due to historical memory that the nation possesses this exceptionally positive collective memory of Washington. Many elites, like biographers and orators made sure that material they cover about Washington reflected the public taste. For instance, narratives emphasized his patriotic achievements, public virtue and his determination to win the war (Schwartz, 223). The particular narrative of George Washington that many remember is “The Cherry Tree”. George’s story starts with him receiving a hatchet. He was so enthusiastic that he chopped everything, including his father’s favorite cherry tree. After his father found out, George confessed to the chopping, claiming that he cannot tell a lie. This narrative highlights Washington’s sense of integrity, feeding his sacred image of one who cannot do wrong. The manipulation of his image as a great hero became understood as the undisputed collective memory. Presently, political figures continue to turn to George Washington as a model or standard that a leader should aspire to be (Class notes 10/20). Without a doubt, …show more content…
historical memory and collective memory work in tandem with upholding values of political leaders.
When it comes to the foundation of identity, print capitalism, the “creation and dissemination of information for previously unprivileged groups” (Class notes 10/20) must transpire. In effect, the spread of this standardized language diffused ideas, collective consciousness and eventually identity. For example, Ukrainian national identity was created after the literary works of Taras Shevchenko, which led to an accepted Ukrainian literary language. Ultimately, the language will cause the rise of national consciousness in Ukraine. Decades later, a Ukrainian nationalist organization was founded in Kiev (Anderson, 47). From this one can understand that the creation of a standard language or historical memory enables the formation of identity, which is collective memory. Again, both are present and connected to this development of a unified consciousness.
Looking at one of the case studies, Serbia, we can once again discern the presence of both collective memory and historical memory, where the Serbians have rooted their values as well as contemporary political motives. The nation’s known collective memory have been perpetuated by the Guslars, who recite oral folk poetry. These narratives and themes revolved around Medieval Serbia and the Ottoman Turks as their enemies, the Serbian decline and their eventual redemption. (Class notes 11/3) The accounts of Serbian downturn were focused on the loss of Kosovo to the Ottoman Turks and the death of their leader Prince Lazar.
“In the popular consciousness of the Serbs, Kosovo was the singular event that signified the end of Serbia’s greatness and independence.
To struggle and even to die in order to avenge Kosovo became the common goal of generations. The roots of this fierce are found in Serbian literature written not long after the battle itself” (Emmert, 62). Here, we understand the strong collective memory associated with the loss of Kosovo and the desire of redemption by reclaiming the territory. Individuals involved in the battle who perished were described as martyrs through the eulogies and sermons written by religious figures portraying Lazar as “God’s favored servant” (Emmert, 62). With that in mind, the historical memory aspect of Prince Lazard’s martyrdom paired with the collective memory of avenging Kosovo for the Serbs fuel the present-day political elite agenda of claiming Kosovo as Serbian territory. Without a doubt, the use of collective memory and historical memory can defend a nation’s political
strategy.
Consequently, the relationship between collective memory and historical memory is essential to a nation’s collective identity, morals and political strategies. It does not matter if historical memory was present before collective memory; as long as one memory is present then the other is bound to exist. Values, identity and political policies develop from one memory and are reinforced by the other. A nation would not last without the two components in combination. It will eventually undergo rapid social change, utilizing collective memory to model a historical memory for a new structure. Ultimately, the memories are a continuous cycle of maintaining, creating and manipulating that is present in every culture.