1.1 Non Aligned Movement a Brief History The Non Aligned Movement (NAM) is a foundation which has been created during the collapsed of the colonial system and the struggle for independence for the people of Asia, Africa, Latin America and other region of the world and at the height of Cold War. In the early stage of its foundation, NAM’s action were a key factor in the decolonisation process which later led to the attainment of freedom and independence by many countries and peoples and to the founding of tens of new sovereign states. NAM had played a fundamental role in preserving the world security and peace. Heads of State and Government Gamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt, Kwame Nikrumah of Ghana, Shri Jawaharial Nehru of India Ahmad Sukarno of Indonesia and Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia are the founding fathers of NAM and its exemplary leaders. They are also the representatives of 5 main countries when the movement was formatted. It is believed by the historian that the Bandung Asian-African Conference in April 1955 as the most immediate predecessor to the creation of NAM, as it manage to gather 29 Heads of States belonging to the first post-colonial generation of leaders from the two continents. All of them have the same aim which is to identify and assessed the world issues at that time and pursuing out joint policies in international relations. The conference in Bandung 1955 has created the set of principles that would govern relation among large and small nation, it has been adopted later as the essential creation NAM and known as quintessence of the movement until the early 1990s’. The ten principles of Bandung are: * Respect of fundamental human rights and of the objectives and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. * Respect of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations. * Recognition of the equality among all races and of the equality among all nations, both large and small. * Non-intervention or non-interference into the internal affairs of another -country. * Respect of the right of every nation to defend itself, either individually or collectively, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations. * Non-use of collective defence pacts to benefit the specific interests of any of the great powers and non-use of pressures by any country against other countries. * Refraining from carrying out or threatening to carry out aggression, or from using force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any country. * Peaceful solution of all international conflicts in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations. * Promotion of mutual interests and of cooperation. * Respect of justice and of international obligations. Subsequently, a preparatory meeting for the First NAM Summit Conference was held in Cairo, Egypt from 5-12 June 1961. At this meeting, participants discussed the goals of a policy of nonalignment, which were adopted as criteria for membership. These were as follows: a. The country should have adopted an independent policy based on the coexistence of States with different political and social systems and on non-alignment or should be showing a trend in favour of such a policy; b. The country concerned should be consistently supporting the Movements for national independence; a. The country should not be a member of a multilateral military alliance concluded in the context of Great Power conflicts; b. If a country has a bilateral military agreement with a Great Power, or is a member of a regional defence pact, the agreement or pact should not be one deliberately concluded in the context of Great Power conflicts; c. If it has conceded military bases to a Foreign Power the concession should not have been made in the context of Great Power conflicts.
Now in as per July 2011, the membership of NAM had increased to 120 countries which are Afghanistan, Algeria, Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Azerbaijan, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belarus, Belize, Benin, Bhutan, Bolivia, Botswana, Brunei Darussalam, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cambodia, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, Colombia, Comoros, Congo, Côte d 'Ivoire, Cuba, Democratic People 's Republic of Korea (DPRK), Democratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Fiji, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Jamaica, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lao Peoples ' Democratic Republic, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Libyan Arab Jamahirya, Madagascar, Malawi, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mongolia, Morocco, Mozambique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Oman, Pakistan, Palestine, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Peru, Philippines, Qatar, Rwanda, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Sao Tome and Principe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Singapore, Somalia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Suriname, Swaziland, Syrian Arab Republic, Tanzania, Thailand, Timor Leste, Togo, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Turkmenistan, Uganda, United Arab Emirates, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Venezuela, Vietnam, Yemen, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
Besides that there are also members declared as observer states, Observer status is a privilege granted by some organizations to non-members to give them an ability to participate in the organization 's activities. Observer status is often granted by intergovernmental organizations (IGO) to non-member states and international nongovernmental organizations (INGO) that have an interest in the IGO 's activities. Observers generally have a limited ability to participate in the IGO, lacking the ability to vote or propose resolutions. The 17 observer states are Argentina, Armenia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Brazil, China, Costa Rica, Croatia, El Salvador, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Mexico, Montenegro, Paraguay, Serbia, Ukraine, and Uruguay.
The members of NAM are best described as per this map:
1.2 The Countries of the South Members of NAM are combination of developing countries of the world. All of the members had agreed in helping each other through political and economic development as stated in the movement principles. But there are also a group of countries which are known as the countries of the south in the movement. The countries of the south in this context don’t refer to the geographical location of the countries. The south countries are the economically underdeveloped countries of Asia, Africa, Oceania, and Latin America, considered as an entity with common characteristics, such as poverty, high birth-rates, and economic dependence on the advanced countries. The underdevelopment of the third world is marked by a number of common traits; distorted and highly dependent economies devoted to producing primary products for the developed world and to provide markets for their finished goods; traditional, rural social structures; high population growth; and widespread poverty. Nevertheless, the third world is sharply differentiated, for it includes countries on various levels of economic development. And despite the poverty of the countryside and the urban shantytowns, the ruling elites of most third world countries are wealthy. Third World, the technologically less advanced, or developing, nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, generally characterized as poor, having economies distorted by their dependence on the export of primary products to the developed countries in return for finished products. These nations also tend to have high rates of illiteracy, disease, and population growth and unstable governments. The term Third World was originally intended to distinguish the nonaligned nations that gained independence from colonial rule beginning after World War II from the Western nations and from those that formed the former Eastern bloc, and sometimes more specifically from the United States and from the former Soviet Union (the first and second worlds, respectively). For the most part the term has not included China. Politically, the Third World emerged at the Bandung Conference (1955), which resulted in the establishment of the Nonaligned Movement. Numerically, the Third World dominates the United Nations, but the group is diverse culturally and increasingly economically, and its unity is only hypothetical. The oil-rich nations, such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Libya, and the newly emerged industrial states, such as Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore, have little in common with desperately poor nations, such as Haiti, Chad, and Afghanistan.
As per discussion matter in this paper, we preferred to name African countries as the countries of the south as the discussion subject. This is to credit our first Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman who was first started relationship with Africa and were still continued by his predecessors until now. Our focus of this paper is after Malaysia was accepted into NAM.
1.3 Malaysia in Non Aligned Movement
Malaysia’s interest in joining NAM was due to some reasons. During the Cold War, Malaysia is looking for new space and to move beyond the boundaries set by either the US or Soviet Union. Looking for new members among the developing countries and closing the income gap between rich and poor nations are the main idea of it.
Malaysia first attempt to become a member at the NAM conference in Cairo in 1963 was failed due to propaganda made by Soekarno. Indonesia’s position in NAM has been used effectively by Soekarno to portrait that Malaysia was one of the “accomplices of the neo-colonialists and neo-imperialists pursuing a hostile policy towards Indonesia”. However it was just a Soekarno’s perception. Finally in 1970 Malaysia was admitted into Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). During NAM summit in Algiers in 1964, Malaysia was attempted to establish an embassy in Algeria but it was not given accreditation due to Soekarno’s propaganda. However Morocco came over to save Malaysia from the embarrassing situation allowing Malaysia to set up an embassy in Rabat Morocco. That was the reason after quite sometimes Malaysia only had two embassies in North Africa which is in Egypt and Morocco.
2.0 MALAYSIA AFRICA RELATION
The relationship in terms of economy in between Malaysia and Southern countries was started since 7th to 15th centuries. Malacca was a centre of the Malay empire and was so important in the world. Goods from the port of Malacca were traded in most of the major ports in the world, including eastern Africa ports such as Mogadishu, Mombasa, and Kilwa and vice versa.
After the acceptance of Malaysia into NAM and other International organisations, such as International Islamic Conference and the Commonwealth, Malaysia’s relations with African countries seems to be improved as it became as an early platform for better future relations in between Malaysia and African countries. The search for justice knowing the reality of the world system that was practised in the world’s political and economic system eventually brought the relationship in between Africa and Malaysia closer as in the 1980s. In 1981, Dr Mahathir Mohamad was appointed as the fourth Prime Minister of Malaysia and through his active foreign policy; he slowly brought Africa closer to Malaysia. From his personal interests of developing countries, involvement support for the anti-apartheid with regard to Africa had ties good political relationship in between Africa and Malaysia. He also applied continuous pressure to the minority white government to abandon the system and to rally international support on the behalf of the black people of South Africa.
In 1980s, Malaysia under the leadership of Dr Mahathir, played an important role in defending the rights of developing countries and also give high commitment towards closer cooperation which subsequently brought Malaysians closer to the Africans. In 1986, Malaysia again plays an important role in an effort to establish South-south cooperation which really benefited Malaysia-Africa relations and toward the development of international cooperation among the developing countries. Malaysia also took part as one of the world community in international institutions such as the UN and its permanent body of organisations during their involvement in Africa. In 1990, during in augural summit in Kuala Lumpur, witnessed Malaysia’s own initiative to gather developing countries to work hand in hand in order to challenge the imbalance of between North and South. This group marked a significance of better economic cooperation in between Malaysia and other members of the group such as Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Kenya, and Senegal. Malaysia realise the important to strengthen South-South cooperation among developing countries, suggested by the South-South commission, the G15, South Investment Trade and Technology Data Exchange Centre (SITTDEC) was formed up. However, it was not easy task to promote cooperation among the developing countries manifested in the G15. Despite the obstacles faced, Malaysia keep on his effort emphasizing the value of unity among developing countries. The G15 members consists of Algeria, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Islamic Republic Of Iran, Jamaica, Kenya, Malaysia, Mexico, Nigeria, Senegal, Sri Lanka, Venezuela and Zimbabwe.
The members of G15 are best described as per this map:
African political and economic structures are fragile as what has been acknowledged by Asian countries, including Malaysia. In support of the these reforms and the 1991 UN New Agenda for the Development in Africa (UN-NADAF), the Asian countries took an initiatives to form up Tokyo International Conference on Africa Development (TICAD) in October 1993. Through this formation of TICAD, Asian countries “will serve to strengthen an emerging new partnership for sustainable development of Africa’s development partners. There are 35 points which adopted in the declaration and one of the points was that African countries will work closely with their Asian counterparts in exchanges ideas and experiences for its development. Malaysia as one of the active member strongly participated in this new partnership and always attended the subsequent Asia Africa forum conferences. Other involvement of Malaysia was programmes that emerged from the TICAD conference such as the Asia-Africa Cooperation in Export Promotion Conference in Seoul, South Korea in December 1998 and Africa Asia Business forum in Kuala Lumpur in October 1999. This conference had discussed on the experiences of Asian and the challenges of African countries in promoting their exports. Most importantly, they are looking for a better cooperation and also equal partnership. Malaysia also suggested that that African should not neglect the west even they are turning to the east in developing themselves.
In 23 May 2000, Malaysia hosted the third Asia Africa forum in Kuala Lumpur. This forum managed to gather the largest participation of 10 Asian countries, 49 African countries, 13 donor countries and 11 international, regional and sub-regional organisations in the history of TICAD. The commitment that showed by Malaysia was highly appreciated by the African countries and all of the parties involved and it is further helping a better relationship in between African countries and Malaysia. A part of TICAD, Malaysia also has taken own initiatives through the formation of Langkawi International Dialogue (LID) in 1995. This dialogue is mainly to enhance better economic relationships with the South-South cooperation to survive in the global economy. In this dialogue, they were focusing on the theoretical discussion of problems and also sharing their experiences in facing challenges. In May 1997, Southern African countries invited Malaysia to participate in the Southern African International Dialogue which was held in Kasane, Botswana. Southern African region was the first continent following Malaysia as an example adopting the Dialogue to develop their nation. The focus was mainly on the problems and changing ideas on how they manage to overcome the challenges in the process to develop their nation. In 2001, Malaysia again was invited to participate in Southern African International Dialogues which was held in Kampala, Uganda. During this Dialogue, Malaysia raise up the issue about the importance of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) to develop the country. The concept of FDI was adopted by Malaysia and it was success. Realising that the concept will benefit African countries, Malaysia exchange its ideas on how to attract more investments into African countries and how to manage it. Apart of economic benefits through smart partnership in between Malaysia and South-south countries, the UD and SAID also used by Malaysia as a platform to promote its national interests and internal agendas. They also expanded their discussion to include issues concerning social and youth welfare.
With other African states south of the Sahara, Malaysia had started to cultivate stronger relationship since 1980, with the opening of its first embassy in Bamako, Mali in 1984. The changing scenario of politics and economic environments in Sub-Sahara African the 1990s witnessed Malaysian efforts to establish bilateral relation with Malaysia’s Technical Cooperation Programme (MTCP). In March 1990, the political scenario of Southern Africa started to change with independence declaration of Namibian, followed by the release of Nelson Mandela and other black South Africans from jail by the Pretoria regime. With these changes, Malaysia took proactive measures to tie a stronger relationship. With that in November 199, Dr Mahathir started a diplomatic visit to Namibia to establish and strengthen the relation between these two countries. At some later time, Malaysia took the opportunity with more participation in Sub-Sahara Africa and later part, the Southern African region became the ‘port of entrance’ for the economic activity.
In the late 1990s, International diplomatic and economic pressure over apartheid regime changed the internal economic and political conditions of South Africa. The anti-apartheid movement and the release of Nelson Mandela together with other prominent figures of anti-apartheid markedly change South Africa. Malaysia kept on monitoring the changes that occurred in South Africa closely. During CHOGM declaration, at the end of 1991 which held in Harare, Zimbabwe, Malaysia stated to lifted people to people sanctions against South Africa. Subsequently, a liaison officer in South Africa was established, and then followed by the opening of the Malaysian Airline System office in Johannesburg. At the end of 1993, Malaysia lifted all remaining diplomatic, trade and economic sanctions against South Africa. Diplomatic relations were officially established in November 1993.
Malaysia and South Africa’s relations were obviously strongly cemented through the personal relationship that existed between their leaders, namely Nelson Mandela and Mahathir Mohamad. Malaysia’s firm and strong stand on the issue of apartheid had been one of the factors that added strength to the evolving relationship. These historical links should, however, also be viewed within a larger socio-political picture, in other words, it should be seen alongside the backdrop of Malaysia’s relationship with Africa at large. These ties that developed should be further enhanced through other level cooperation and within other sectors that in the future can further strengthen relations and exercise their support for one another. Majority of South African are suffered badly under the apartheid system. Malaysian individuals, private sector and government strongly support and work hand in hand to hell South African government to improve their people conditions. In September 2003, President Thabo Mbeki paid a visit to Malaysia which coincided with the final days of the Dr Mahathir Mohamed premiership. It shows a very strong brotherly-sisterly relationship in between these two countries. South African’s effort to improve their potential, economic, and social conditions are fully recognized and support by Malaysia.
Relations in between Malaysia and Africa had witnessed better and improved from the last decade. The policy of ‘Prosper Thy Neighbour’ which uphold by Malaysia and its adaptation of the Smart Partnership via international cooperation obviously played an important role in enhancing ties between both parties. Over the last decade, Malaysia 's trade with Africa significantly, rising from USD1.1 billion in 2001 to USD7.8 billion last year. That 's an average annual growth rate of 22 percent. However, the range of products we trade is very limited. Palm oil makes up 49% of Malaysia 's exports to Africa, and electrical and electronic products make up another 10%. Crude petroleum constitute 43% of our imports from Africa, and iron and steel products another 10%. Today, Africa accounts for just 2 per cent of Malaysia 's total trade. So there is considerable scope for increased trade between our two territories. Over the last ten years, investments from Africa in Malaysia 's manufacturing sector totalled USD18 million. These investments were mainly from South Africa, Nigeria and Kenya. Malaysia also take South Africa as its door to enter Sub Saharan Africa untapped market.
The growing interests among Malaysia’s companies keep on increased. Malaysia Government strongly supported Malaysian companies to get involved in the African economies. However Malaysia Government urged the private sector from Malaysia not to rely too much on the government especially when trading and investing in the African economy. Malaysia’s investors in Africa were urged to also invest in human development, as this is the main sector that most of the African countries needed in order to become a develop country.
3.0 THE BENEFITS AND THE LOSS The relation between Malaysia and Africa has established many major relations regarding economics mostly; political as prestigious steps and others cultural changes incoming. Since the first involvement with Africa, Malaysia has gain back the public image in proving that we are also eligible in becoming the NAM members. The relation and cooperation had managed to deny all the bad pictures by the Konfrantasi lead by Soekarno. As the membership has been established, all the good relation with others has been strengthened. Malaysia and Africa had made deals on economics since the 15th century as Malacca been the main port of trading. The good deals had been prolonging as both countries still in developing mode. The trading and investment for both countries can clearly seen and analyse through this table: Year | SA’s Exports to M’sia | SA’s Imports fm M’sia | Total Trade | Balance of Trade + Surplus - Deficit | 1993 | 0.02 | 0.01 | 0.04 | +0.01 | 1994 | 0.46 | 0.31 | 0.77 | +0.14 | 1995 | 0.68 | 0.51 | 1.19 | +0.01 | 1996 | 0.72 | 0.64 | 1.36 | +0.08 | 1997 | 0.81 | 0.93 | 1.74 | -0.11 | 1998 | 1.17 | 0.45 | 1.62 | +0.72 | 1999 | 0.95 | 0.63 | 1.58 | +0.32 | 2000 | 0.95 | 0.86 | 1.81 | +0.09 | 2001 | 0.94 | 0.83 | 1.83 | +0.06 | 2002 | 0.95 | 0.73 | 1.69 | +0.22 | 2003 | 1.27 | 0.85 | 2.12 | +0.42 |
From this table of profits, we can see that since 1993, the total trade had increased. The recession in 1997 clearly had affected the figure but it is still under acceptable numbers. The success of this economic relation had developed as former Prime Minister; Dr Mahathir Mohamad introduced Langkawi International Dialogue (LID) to monitor and formulated the best solution in upcoming economic deals of both countries. But as we can analyse, the benefits are mostly towards the African countries in economics reading not Malaysia. But despite of that, Malaysia had gain much respects and beliefs from other developing countries in the capability to bring up a successful bond with the African countries. As a shift, many investors came to Malaysia and also Africa as their attracted to the economic plan formulate and adapted in both countries. The exchange of technology and educational matters had also been a major gain for Malaysia. This had been the catalyst in bringing up more economics major development and bond upcoming years. The LID convention had been the most effective initiative by the leaders in practically realising the plans for economics developments.
4.0 CONCLUSION The relationship between Malaysia and Africa had steadily established during the expanding market in Islamic world during the 7th and 15th centuries. Where at that time, Malacca was a centre of Malay empire and was so important to the world. The trading of goods from the port of Malacca to all of major ports in the world including Mogadishu, Mombasa and Kilwa and others in eastern Africa. There are also participation of the African people such as the Swahili as they on behalf of their masters, the Arabs and Indians. The linkages between Southeast Asia and Africa had change as the forced migration of people by the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC) as political exiles, convicts or slaves which has affected the social and cultural of South Africa.From Johan Saravanmuthu, after gaining the independence in 1957, M’sia in the lead of the 1st Prime Minister, our early FP has fully supported other countries which in pursuit of independence where at the time was mostly the African. (Most African states gain independence in 1960’s). The political development under colonialist rule had attracted Malaysia’s attention. At that time, UN was the organization where the smaller nation can be heard and ensured own security (Abdullah Ahmad, TAR & M’sia FP 1963-1970). Through the membership with UN, Malaysia had started its involvement and relationship with Africa.1st major relationship is through participation in peacekeeping campaign under UN in Congo Crisis in 1960. It involves up to 1413 personnel and last for 3 years as we had withdrawn due to internal and regional problems of Konfrantasi. Malaysia had come closer to Africa as the firm policy on decolonisation, anti-colonialism and anti-apartheid in 1960s. Malaysia-Africa had much benefited fm the changes, recession and downside of the economic downturn in 1980s. The establishment of South-south Corporation (1986) is the proof of the strong cooperation among the developing countries. Malaysia main role shown as the formation of South south commission from 2nd South South conference (KL, 1986). Economic activities between Malaysia and African nations continue to be relatively lacking, especially when compared to Africa 's interactions to larger Asian countries, like China. Africa accounts for 2.1% of Malaysia 's total trade, while Malaysia only accounts for 1.6% of African total trade. Nevertheless, trade between both Africa and Malaysia is on the rise; it has grown steadily at 22% per annum in the past decade.Although the African continent is generally an untapped market for Malaysian entrepreneurs, efforts are being made to improve relations between these two actors and to encourage Malaysian companies to expand into Africa. Both sides are also actively looking to expand and develop relations. Malaysia has recognised the rapid economic growth and change in the African business environment and the possible business, trade, and investment opportunities to be gained on the continent. The economic and political ties between Malaysia and countries of Africa (and the Caribbean) had been strengthen by espousing and promoting the values of Smart Partnerships, a ‘people-first’ approach towards enhancing socio-economic development in member countries from Africa and the Caribbean. As a dialogue based on the exchange of ideas on topics related to socio-economic development and political issues, LID acts as a platform through which topical subjects can be addressed and successful Governmental initiatives can be advanced for adoption. Through MABF, Malaysian and African SMEs, privately-owned companies, and Government industries are encouraged to invest in and look to Africa for business opportunities.
As participating countries are able to voice concerns and exchange ideas through LID and the corresponding SAID, which is part of the Smart Partnership Dialogue but centred on the African continent, specifically Southern and Eastern African countries, LID promotes South-South cooperation. However, limiting the attendance to only Malaysia and African countries to the exclusion of other Southeast Asian nations may limit the variety of ideas that are exchanged as part of the forum.
REFERENCES * Abdullah Ahmad(1985)Tengku Abdul Rahman and Malaysia’s Foreign Policy 1963-1970, Kuala Lumpur, Berita Publishing. * Abdul Razak Baginda(ed)(2004) Malaysia and the Islamic World. London : ASEAN Academic Press. * Hamidin Hamid (2003). Malaysia-Africa Relations. Searching for common goals. Kuala Lumpur: Rythm Publishing Co. * Saravananmuthu, Johan (2010)Fifty Years of Malaysian Foreign Policy. Singapore:ISEAS * Consultancy Africa Intelligence. Bridging Africa and Malaysia : The Langkawi International Dialogue.
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[ 2 ]. Third World By Gerard Chaliand.
[ 3 ]. . R. Kasdan, The Third World: A New Focus for Development (1973); E. Hermassi, The Third World Reassessed (1980); H. A. Reitsma and J. M. Kleinpenning, The Third World in Perspective (1985); J. Cole, Development and Underdevelopment (1987)
[ 4 ]. Tang Siew Mun ‘Malaysia and Northeast Asia : An overview in Abdul Razak Baginda ‘Malaysia’s foreign policy continuity and change’, P.93
[ 5 ]. Cited in Abdullah Ahmad, 8P. cit, P.36
[ 6 ]. Dr Hamidin Abd Hamid ‘Malaysia-Africa Relations : An overview in Abdul Razak Baginda ‘Malaysia’s foreign policy continuity and change’, P.170
[ 7 ]. Foreign Affairs Malaysia, 19(2), 1986, P.32
[ 8 ]. Dr Hamidin Abd Hamid ‘Malaysia-Africa Relations : An overview in Abdul Razak Baginda ‘Malaysia’s foreign policy continuity and change’, P.177
[ 9 ]. Dr Hamidin Abd Hamid ‘Malaysia-Africa Relations : An overview in Abdul Razak Baginda ‘Malaysia’s foreign policy continuity and change’, P.177
[ 10 ]. Dr Hamidin Abd Hamid ‘Malaysia-Africa Relations : An overview in Abdul Razak Baginda ‘Malaysia’s foreign policy continuity and change’, P.177
[ 11 ]. Dr Hamidin Abd Hamid ‘Malaysia-Africa Relations : An overview in Abdul Razak Baginda ‘Malaysia’s foreign policy continuity and change’, P.178
[ 12 ]. Dr Hamidin Abd Hamid ‘Malaysia-Africa Relations : An overview in Abdul Razak Baginda ‘Malaysia’s foreign policy continuity and change’, P.179
[ 13 ]. Dr Hamidin Abd Hamid ‘Malaysia-Africa Relations : An overview in Abdul Razak Baginda ‘Malaysia’s foreign policy continuity and change’, P.179
[ 14 ]. News Straits Times, 24 September 1993
[ 15 ]. Dr Hamidin Abd Hamid, Malaysia-Africa Relations : Searching for Common Goals, Kuala Lumpur : Rhythm Publication 2003
[ 16 ]. Speech by Y.B. Dato’ Sri Mustapa Mohamed Minister of International Trade and Industry at The Malaysia-Africa Business Forum 8.30, 18 June 2011 (Saturday), Hall B2, Putrajaya International Convention Centre
[ 17 ]. V. Padayachee and I.Valodia, “Malaysian Investment in South Africa : South-South Relations in a Globalising Environment”, University of Natal’s Papers, 2000, P. 4-5
[ 18 ]. News Straits Times, 23 August 2001 ; Can Africa Claim The 21st Century, P,27
[ 19 ]. ‘Administrative Arrangements; Langkawi International Dialogue’, LID Joint Secretariat, 19-21 June 2011.
[ 20 ]. Ibid.
[ 21 ]. ‘Summary Report: Malaysia-Africa Business Forum 2011: Exploring New Dimensions’. 18 June 2011. Putrajaya, Malaysia.
[ 22 ]. Karim Azhari, ‘Langkawi International Dialogue: Out and Into Africa’, New Straits Times, 23 June 2011, http://www.nst.com.my.
[ 23 ]. ‘Summary Report: Malaysia-Africa Business Forum 2011: Exploring New Dimensions’. 18 June 2011. Putrajaya, Malaysia.
References: * Abdullah Ahmad(1985)Tengku Abdul Rahman and Malaysia’s Foreign Policy 1963-1970, Kuala Lumpur, Berita Publishing. * Abdul Razak Baginda(ed)(2004) Malaysia and the Islamic World. London : ASEAN Academic Press. * Hamidin Hamid (2003). Malaysia-Africa Relations. Searching for common goals. Kuala Lumpur: Rythm Publishing Co. * Saravananmuthu, Johan (2010)Fifty Years of Malaysian Foreign Policy. Singapore:ISEAS * Consultancy Africa Intelligence [ 3 ]. . R. Kasdan, The Third World: A New Focus for Development (1973); E. Hermassi, The Third World Reassessed (1980); H. A. Reitsma and J. M. Kleinpenning, The Third World in Perspective (1985); J. Cole, Development and Underdevelopment (1987) [ 4 ] [ 7 ]. Foreign Affairs Malaysia, 19(2), 1986, P.32 [ 8 ] [ 17 ]. V. Padayachee and I.Valodia, “Malaysian Investment in South Africa : South-South Relations in a Globalising Environment”, University of Natal’s Papers, 2000, P. 4-5 [ 18 ]
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