Massachusetts State Prison (Female)

Counseling the Dually Diagnosed Female Offender

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Counseling the Dually Diagnosed Female Offender

Massachusetts Correctional Institution - Framingham (MCI-Framingham} is the Massachusetts Department of Correction 's only committing institution for female offenders. It is located in Framingham, Massachusetts, a large town located midway between Worcester and Boston. The prison was once known as "Framingham State Prison". MCI Framingham is the official name, and is favored.( Beckerman, A. (2002)
MCI-Framingham is a medium security correctional facility for female offenders. Several References note it as the oldest female correctional institution, which is still in operation, in the United States. It opened in 1877.
The prison houses both state and county offenders, as well as those awaiting sentencing. There are prisoners of a variety of classification levels. Sixty three percent of the inmates are there for non-violent offenses, most often involving drugs. There are few, if any, cells available to hold female prisoners elsewhere in the state, even pre-trail. As the only facility for female offenders, the prison is reported to be the most overcrowded in the state. Three-quarters of the women in this prison are mothers.( Beckerman, A. (2002))
Since women are a small percentage of the total number of the incarcerated, women 's prisons have been seen as something of an "add-on" to the men 's prison system. Typically they offer poorer facilities and fewer therapy, education, and job-training programs than men 's prisons. Such programs can reduce an inmate 's sentence, yet many female prisoners cannot participate in them. This means that women will leave prison without the vocational or life skills that might reduce the likelihood that they will return. And the poor quality of mental health care for a population in which one-third is estimated to suffer from serious mental illness is a crime in itself. (Bloom, B. (2004))
In the early days of MCI-F, women could be imprisoned for disobeying their husbands, drunkenness, adultery, prostitution, or simple homelessness. As Clara Barton, superintendent at Framingham in the 1880s, remarked, "three-fourths of the women in this prison are neither convicted of, nor sentenced for, crimes deemed worthy of trial by jury, but rather offenses against the good order and customs of society. [These] are not so much crimes against others as against the offender herself." Today, Rathbone remarks, "men are still punished mostly for crimes against property and people ... while the majority of women continue to be punished for transgressions against conventional morality, namely, for having sex and getting high." (Bloom, B. (2004))
The demographics are shifting in this regard, driven by a sharp increase in the rate of property offenses such as embezzlement, fraud, and forgery committed by women. But Rathbone has a point. In 2002, about 38 percent of women in state prisons were doing time for drug or public-order violations--a category that includes prostitution, weapons violations, and drunk driving--compared to 28 percent of men. What 's more, just over half of men in state prisons are serving time for violent crimes, while only one-third of women are there for similar offenses. So crime--or at least punishment--remains very much a gendered affair in the United States. (Chesney-Lind, M., & Immarigeon, R. (2004)) About 4,000 women are admitted to MCI-Framingham each year. Their histories typically are riddled with trauma and abuse. Incarceration commonly exacerbates existing mental health problems, resulting in self-destructive behaviors such as suicidal ideation and self-inflicted harm. Many inmates also have substance abuse histories and/or have engaged in behaviors (such as sharing needles) that put them at risk for transmission of infectious diseases.( Kampfner, C. J. (2005))
The number of women in United States prisons and jails has been increasing for the past decade. At the end of 1993, there were more than 55,000 women incarcerated in federal and state prisons. These women accounted for 5.8 percent of the total state and federal prison population and 9.3 percent of the county jail population. Between 1980 and 1993, the growth rate for the female prison population increased by approximately 313 percent for women compared to 182 percent for men. Massachusetts has seen a growth in the number of women in their correctional facilities as well. In 1990, there were 511 incarcerated women in Massachusetts correctional facilities; by 1995, this number had grown 596 women. These women represented six percent of the total offender population in Massachusetts. Because of this national increase, the United States has had to build many new correctional facilities for both men and women (Knight, J. W. (2006)). To respond to the growing population of female offenders, there needs to be an understanding of the makeup of this population in order to identify their needs. (Kampfner, C. J. (2005))
Nationally, women prisoners are ethnically diverse. African-American women make up about 46 percent of women in prison and 43 percent of women in jail. Caucasian women comprise 36 percent of women in prison and 38 percent of women in jail whereas Hispanic women comprise 14 percent of women in prison and 16 percent of women in jail. At the Massachusetts Correctional Institution at Framingham (MCI-Framingham), the only state facility for women, Caucasian women make up 66 percent of the offender population with African-American women comprising 19 percent and Hispanic women comprising 14 percent.( Knight, J. W. (2006))
Family demands on women prisoners differ greatly than that of men prisoners. Over 75 percent of incarcerated women are mothers, most of which have two or more children. It has been estimated that, on average each day, 165,000 children are affected by their mother 's incarceration. Most of these women are single parents. Over seventy percent of incarcerated mothers had custody of their dependent children before they were incarcerated. However, only 50 percent of incarcerated fathers had custody of their children prior to incarceration. Furthermore, between 8 and 10 percent of women are pregnant when they enter prison.( Marr, M. (2006))
These children usually reside with their grandparents, other relatives, or friends. It has been found that 74 percent of children of incarcerated mothers are cared for by their relatives or friends, and of this number, only 25 percent of the fathers assume responsibility for them. Similarly, in Massachusetts, 75 percent of children of incarcerated parents live with relatives and 25 percent are in the care of the state, either in foster care or group care. In addition, the majority of women incarcerated in Massachusetts are between the ages of 30 and 39. What is interesting is that, nationally, 89 percent of children of incarcerated fathers are cared for by the child 's mother.( Marr, M. (2006))
What appears to be a determinant to the incarceration of women is poverty. The majority of incarcerated women are poor; prior to the mother 's arrest, the family typically survived on less than $500 per month. Fifty-three percent of women prisoners and 74 percent of women in jail were unemployed prior to their incarceration. Thus, women are more likely than men to be serving sentences for drug offenses and other nonviolent crimes with economic motives. In 1991, in comparison to one in six males, one in four women reported committing their offense in order to acquire money to buy drugs. In the same year, thirty-two percent of women incarcerated in state prisons were serving sentences for drug-related offenses. An additional 29 percent of these women were serving sentences for property offenses such as larceny, theft, bribery, or fraud.( May, K. (2005))
Similarly, in federal prisons, almost 64 percent of incarcerated women were serving sentences for drug-related offenses. Like women in state prisons, the next most common offenses were property offenses such as larceny or theft. The latter making up 6.3% and extortion, bribery, or fraud making up 6.2% . 1994, the Department of Correction in Massachusetts reported that 24 percent of incarcerated women were serving sentences for drug-related offenses, 32 percent were serving time for property offenses, and 32 percent were serving sentences for "other offenses".( May, K. (2005))
Another determinant of incarceration is a history of childhood or adult abuse. Prior to their incarceration, more than 40 percent of women in state prisons and 44 percent of women in jail had either been physically or sexually abused at some point during their lifetime. In addition, domestic violence is a common tragedy that many incarcerated women have survived. More than 30 percent of incarcerated women serving sentences for murder were convicted of killing a husband, ex-husband, or boyfriend. Moreover, 17.2 percent of incarcerated women lived in a foster home or group home during their childhood.
As explained earlier, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts has one state correctional facility specifically designed for women. This facility is located in Framingham. MCI-Framingham offers substance abuse counseling; educational classes including GED classes, AIDS education, and college-level courses; mental health programs; visiting rooms specifically designed for women and their children; and a reintegration program which prepares women for release into the community. In addition, for the last 10 years, MCI-Framingham has offered Hodder House, a 35-bed an alternative-to-incarceration facility for pre-release or minimum status offenders (minimum status is usually granted when a prisoner has three or less years remaining of their sentence). (May, K. (2005))
It is important to note that 90 percent of the women at Hodder House enter the program with substance abuse issues, according to Maureen Marr, Unit Administrator (Marr, 1997). For these prisoners, there is in-house programming including a 60-day substance abuse course, pre-General Equivalency Diploma (GED) classes, parenting classes, and Parents Anonymous, as well as access to family visits and DSS supervised visits. Women who have pre-release status can participate in the above programs, in addition to community work assignments.
In addition to Hodder House, there are two other alternative-to-incarceration facilities in Massachusetts for incarcerated women. Charlotte House is 15-bed pre-release center and Houston House is a 15-bed facility for pregnant women which allows pre-release prisoners to have their baby stay with them while they serve the remainder of their sentence. But, with an average of 600 women incarcerated in Massachusetts at any one time, it appears that more facilities are needed.( May, K. (2005))
Moreover, Aid to Incarcerated Mothers (AIM) is a program which provides services to incarcerated mothers and their children. AIM is a community-based organization which was created by incarcerated mothers and concerned community women who wanted to help keep families together (Aid to Incarcerated Mothers). The objective of AIM is to help the inmate mother meet her parental responsibilities with the long range goal of reuniting her family (Aid to Incarcerated Mothers). (Hairston, C. F. (2004))
AIM 's support can include working with the mother in developing a service plan for her children and advocating on her part with DSS to prevent permanent separation (Aid to Incarcerated Mothers). In addition, AIM works to enhance women 's parenting skills by providing role models, support groups, and individual counseling which build the self-esteem and independence of mothers in prison; these programs are also a part of follow-up upon release (Aid to Incarcerated Mothers). Furthermore, AIM provides transportation for children 's visits, as well as counseling and recreational programming to support children regarding issues around visits, home situations, caretakers, and school (Aid to Incarcerated Mothers). "AIM is like an open doorway in a hallway of locked doors," said an incarcerated mother (Aid to Incarcerated Mothers). (Hairston, C. F. (2004))
Upon incarceration, many women face losing custody of their children. Although most women have family members who will care for their children while they are incarcerated, as this paper has pointed out, some children will be in the care and protection of the state. As mentioned earlier, approximately 75 percent of children of incarcerated parents in Massachusetts live with relatives and 25 percent are in the care of the state, whether that is foster or residential care. Incarcerated mothers with children in the care of the state, need continual support advocacy from DSS in order to ensure a healthy reunification with her family.
It is of utmost importance that local, state, and federal governments support the incarcerated mother 's relationship with her children as family ties during imprisonment can decrease the recidivism of the offender. This support can include family visitation, or alternative-to-incarceration programs. However, these initiatives can only be successful when the parent-child relationship is preserved. By creating more alternative facilities and by adjusting sentencing guidelines and imprisonment statutes to allow more qualified women to be placed in alternative-to-incarceration programs, incarcerated mothers would be able to both serve their sentences and continue their relationships with their children. (Hairston, C. F. (2004))
In response to the growing population of incarcerated women in Massachusetts, the Commissioner of the Department of Correction requested the Research Division to investigate programs in other states that allow children to remain with their mother during all or some period of their sentence. In 1992, there were twelve states that had programming for women that allowed some infants and children to stay with their mothers; seven more states had plans for initiating such programs, and three other states had previously had such programs, but had abandoned them due to financial concerns. At this time, it is unknown if the results of this study have provided any additional opportunities for incarcerated women in Massachusetts.

Resources
Beckerman, A. (2002). Mothers in prison: Meeting the prerequisite conditions for permanency planning. Social Work, 39, pp. 9-14.

Bloom, B. (2004). Imprisoned mothers. In Gabel, K. & Johnson, D. (eds.). Children of Incarcerated Parents. Boston, MA: Lexington Books.

Chesney-Lind, M., & Immarigeon, R. (2004). Alternatives to women 's incarceration. In Gabel, K. & Johnston, D. (eds.). Children of Incarcerated Parents. Boston, MA: Lexington Books.

Kampfner, C. J. (2005). Post-traumatic stress reactions in children of imprisoned mothers. In Gabel, K. & Johnston, D. (eds.). Children of Incarcerated Parents. Boston, MA: Lexington Books.

Knight, J. W. (2006). "Incarcerated women with their children: A national survey of boarding-in programs." [unpublished study by the Massachusetts Department of Correction].

Marr, M. (2006). Interview with Maureen Marr, Unit Administrator of Hodder House.

May, K. (2005). Interview with Katherine May, DSS Director of the Foster Care Review Unit.

Hairston, C. F. (2004). Family ties during imprisonment: Important to whom and for what? Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, pp. 87-102.

References: Bloom, B. (2004). Imprisoned mothers. In Gabel, K. & Johnson, D. (eds.). Children of Incarcerated Parents. Boston, MA: Lexington Books. Chesney-Lind, M., & Immarigeon, R. (2004). Alternatives to women 's incarceration. In Gabel, K. & Johnston, D. (eds.). Children of Incarcerated Parents. Boston, MA: Lexington Books. Kampfner, C. J. (2005). Post-traumatic stress reactions in children of imprisoned mothers. In Gabel, K. & Johnston, D. (eds.). Children of Incarcerated Parents. Boston, MA: Lexington Books. Knight, J. W. (2006). "Incarcerated women with their children: A national survey of boarding-in programs." [unpublished study by the Massachusetts Department of Correction]. Marr, M. (2006). Interview with Maureen Marr, Unit Administrator of Hodder House. May, K. (2005). Interview with Katherine May, DSS Director of the Foster Care Review Unit. Hairston, C. F. (2004). Family ties during imprisonment: Important to whom and for what? Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, pp. 87-102.