Olaudah Equiano Book Report
“ Olaudah Equiano’s Silent Study on the English and Persuasions on his Road to Abolish Slavery and Finding the Hidden Comparative Details between the New York Artisans and Gustavus Vassa” When Equiano’s autobiographical text was first published in England, 1789, it was a big hit, as I would say. It was mostly considered as “to end the slave trade and played a crucial role in the nationwide abolitionist movement of the late eighteenth-century England” (Ito 83). For me it was not a surprise that England would have been onboard with the whole aspect of abolishing slavery because throughout Equiano’s autobiography I could notice how well he was being treated. For example, Equiano as a boy was taken to Guernsey and he said, “This woman behaved
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to me with great kindness and attention and taught me everything in the same manner as she did her own child, and indeed in every respect treated me as such” (Equiano 72). This quote has plenty to say that some English people at that time had more of a sense of equality towards Negros than slave owners in the West Indies, for example. Thus, being a reason for why in England Equiano’s book was a success. Another clear example would be how Robert King, Gustavus Vassa’s last owner, granted Equiano his freedom and maintained his word. Who knows if maybe Equiano analyzed this ways of how the English were towards him as a slave and took advantage of a sort of, not weakness, but nobleness of some English peoples. With this I am saying that it is clear that Equiano, in England, used different affective tactics to try abolishing slavery. The first tactic that I would like to mention, was writing the book, of course. As Ito says in his essay, “Olaudah Equiano and The Artisans: The First American Edition of The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, The African”, that Equiano at the beginning of his autobiography expresses how he wishes for the Parliament, and everyone who reads the book (I would say) in this case as Equiano writes, “to excite your august assemblies a sense of compassion for the miseries which the slave trade has entailed on [his] unfortunate countrymen” (qtd from first edition iii by Ito 83). Equiano used some effective words that are simple to understand and very truthful.
This is because for the readers in that time, they knew how slaves were treated, which was very miserable. As I can understand, Equiano was intelligent on starting from the top, the top signifying important peoples like the Parliament and aristocrats. Although the Parliament did not act on Equiano’s request, just by starting from such a high point brings people’s attention. And also he knew that by having the support of aristocratic figures, more and more people would take an interest in him and his book. This brings me to another point on the tactics that Gustavus Vassa used. Having prominent names in the list of subscribers and given Vassa support could have given, or did give the English people security on what they were reading, if it was interesting and if it had a good reason to be read and dealt with. Some subscribers as Ito mentions “as “His Royal Highness of the Prince of Whales”, “His Royal Highness the Duke of York”, “The Right Hon. The Earl of Dartmouth”, “The Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of London”, “His Grace the Duke of Northumberland” (Ito 84). Equiano was indeed being intelligent on putting each one of these aristocratic figures’ names on his book, because it could be seen as a hidden persuasive style. Equiano did so
well on indulging his public that with every new edition published there were, according to Ito, “one hundred more subscribers… By the eighth edition, there are six separate lists” (Ito 84). Equiano’s narrative caused a wide range of effects in England, but in America it was the other way around. If America and England were to be compared at that time, the perfect detail that would describe a contrast between them is that while England was in a route of abolishing slavery, “in America it fit into post-revolutionary rhetoric among artisans concerned with the issues of independence and republicanism” (Ito 83). So, a book about wanting people to have mercy over slaves and end the slave trade did not fit to this equation. Also, William Durell, “the American publisher of Equiano’s Narrative” (Ito 88), had published several other books along with this one that were about the religion topic. Ito cited from Charles Evan’s American Bibliography some titles of books published by Durell which include, “Samuel Austin’s Disinterested Love, the Ornament of the Christian, and the Duty of Man; Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Baptist Churches, in New-York, October 29, 20, and 21, 1791; Abraham Booth’s An Essay on the Kingdom of Christ” (qtd from Evans, Ito 88). These titles support Ito’s comment on how Durell was interested in religious writing (Ito 88) and I most certainly agree with Ito; maybe Durell did not intend to publish a book with abolitionist intent, rather than a book from a free black, previously owned, man, who throughout his lifetime as a slave learned about God and became a Christian.
There are several ideas on why Equiano’s autobiography was not that effective in America, in this case in New York to be more exact, according to where Ito talks about in his essay. While in England, Equiano “traveled round Britain speaking against the slave trade and selling copies of his book” (qtd by Ito 85). Being present made everything for Equiano’s book selling easier, rather than not being present, or not knowing that his book was being sold in New York, and the readers not being sure of who is this man, did not create a large impact then. In 1791, the first American edition of Equiano’s autobiography was published. But, as Ito quotes from Green, “There is no evidence that Equiano sanctioned the edition, profited by it, promoted it, or even knew about it” (94). Greens comment can be supported when Equiano writes, “anxiously trying to get to Montserrat once more to see Mr. King, my old master, and then to take a final farewell of the American quarter of the globe” ( Equiano 230). So, Equiano did not go back to the America’s and this could have affected his book not being so popular in that part of the globe; because, although he did not know, in America even less they knew about him. The most important detail on the American edition of the narrative is that opposite from England that its subscribers were all mayor aristocratic figures, in the American edition the “list is filled with the names of those who have left little other mark on history” (Ito 85). The list of subscribers included, as Ito points out in his essay, two Quaker merchants (Melancton Smith and John Murray) who “fall short of being particularly ‘notable’ ” (Ito 86); Cornelius Davis, “A teacher for the African Free-School” (Ito 87), who used Equiano’s book in this school to demonstrate to those black students that they can be taught; and the group who predominated the list of subscribers were New York’s artisans who Ito says that “the subscribers to Equiano’s Narrative consisted of people outside of the flourishing literary world” ( Ito 89). These details about the subscribers demonstrate the disorganization of what meaning the Americans were giving to Narrative and thus it did not make it an effective one.
These artisans were known to be “second-class citizens” (Ito 89), people who did not belong to elite groups in society rather belonging to a common person in New York’s society (not only Ney York) that worked hard and sweated being, a “baker, grocers, shoemaker, carpenter, blacksmith” (Ito 89) or as Ito points out, an “Urban mechanic” (89). It is very curious to me, why did the artisans take an interest on Equiano’s autobiography, because for the reasons of it being an anti-slavery movement or a Christian text (which was why Durell published it), does not convince be at all. Ito says that artisans, “always feared that competition of cheap labor that freed slaves could offer” (89). So, what were they interested in, if them being afraid of slaves as completion? Also, Ito cites from Shane White that, “Though a smaller proportion of New York artisans, about one in eight, possessed slaves, artisans were still in 1790 the largest group of slaveholders” (qtd from White, Ito 91). Besides being known as the working class, artisans were the sort of margined citizens who believe in an egalitarian society, a society were all people are equal in rights. Equality was what they hoped for the world, but it is not know that the artisans protested against slavery as Ito writes, “All these arguments suggests that artisans encountered and interacted regularly with slaves and did not protest the practice of slavery” (Ito 91). With these details I may assume that although they wanted equality, they embraced more the sense of earning money for a living and not letting others, freed slaves, take their place. If I were to be an artisan at that time I would have been afraid to. Because, the reality is that artisans were much like slaves. They both were a group of margined individuals who “were dismissed as uneducated or uncultivated and thus unimportant” (Ito 90). In comparison to Equiano, the artisans and he were so alike that a possible reason why the artisans supported this book could have been that they identified themselves with the narrator. Them both, the artisans and Equiano, wanted to be respected as a person of independent mind, equal to others, eager to be portrayed as skillful men who worked as hard as anybody and owned in their hearts moral standards and respect towards others. Both artisans and blacks were also gaining power in society. More and more slaves were being freed and with their freedom they were given plots of land, which means for them being able to maintain themselves and even a family. So, Equiano and the artisans were very much alike in these aspects and maybe the artisans found refuge under Equiano’s book.
All these interesting aspects in Akiyo Ito’s essays which I have analyzed helps to understand, The interesting Narrative of The Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, The African, Written by Himself, in a way that it depends on the reader, where it is being read and the what is going on in that place to try and understand how they (the reader) sees and wants to portray what Equiano describes in his autobiography. Some had seen it as inspiration as the artisans did, because Equiano was much like them, In England it was seen for in my opinion was, which is an anti-slavery movement, others viewed it as a book about Christianity and other, like the teachers for the school of “colored” (Ito 87), used it to embrace how Equiano has learned to read, wright, speaks and become fully literate, serving as inspiration to young black children. So, it is not the lack of effectiveness that Equiano’s Narrative had in New York, in comparison to England; it is just that it was viewed in a different aspect.
Work Cited
Equiano, Olaudah. The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa: The African. Written by Himself. London: Olaudah Equiano, 1794. Google Books Search. Web. 26 February 2013.
Ito, Akiyo. “Olaudah Equiano and the New York Artisans: The First American Edition of the Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, The African.” University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill: Early American Literature 32. 1(1997): 82-101. Web.
to me with great kindness and attention and taught me everything in the same manner as she did her own child, and indeed in every respect treated me as such” (Equiano 72). This quote has plenty to say that some English people at that time had more of a sense of equality towards Negros than slave owners in the West Indies, for example. Thus, being a reason for why in England Equiano’s book was a success. Another clear example would be how Robert King, Gustavus Vassa’s last owner, granted Equiano his freedom and maintained his word. Who knows if maybe Equiano analyzed this ways of how the English were towards him as a slave and took advantage of a sort of, not weakness, but nobleness of some English peoples. With this I am saying that it is clear that Equiano, in England, used different affective tactics to try abolishing slavery. The first tactic that I would like to mention, was writing the book, of course. As Ito says in his essay, “Olaudah Equiano and The Artisans: The First American Edition of The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, The African”, that Equiano at the beginning of his autobiography expresses how he wishes for the Parliament, and everyone who reads the book (I would say) in this case as Equiano writes, “to excite your august assemblies a sense of compassion for the miseries which the slave trade has entailed on [his] unfortunate countrymen” (qtd from first edition iii by Ito 83). Equiano used some effective words that are simple to understand and very truthful.
This is because for the readers in that time, they knew how slaves were treated, which was very miserable. As I can understand, Equiano was intelligent on starting from the top, the top signifying important peoples like the Parliament and aristocrats. Although the Parliament did not act on Equiano’s request, just by starting from such a high point brings people’s attention. And also he knew that by having the support of aristocratic figures, more and more people would take an interest in him and his book. This brings me to another point on the tactics that Gustavus Vassa used. Having prominent names in the list of subscribers and given Vassa support could have given, or did give the English people security on what they were reading, if it was interesting and if it had a good reason to be read and dealt with. Some subscribers as Ito mentions “as “His Royal Highness of the Prince of Whales”, “His Royal Highness the Duke of York”, “The Right Hon. The Earl of Dartmouth”, “The Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of London”, “His Grace the Duke of Northumberland” (Ito 84). Equiano was indeed being intelligent on putting each one of these aristocratic figures’ names on his book, because it could be seen as a hidden persuasive style. Equiano did so
well on indulging his public that with every new edition published there were, according to Ito, “one hundred more subscribers… By the eighth edition, there are six separate lists” (Ito 84). Equiano’s narrative caused a wide range of effects in England, but in America it was the other way around. If America and England were to be compared at that time, the perfect detail that would describe a contrast between them is that while England was in a route of abolishing slavery, “in America it fit into post-revolutionary rhetoric among artisans concerned with the issues of independence and republicanism” (Ito 83). So, a book about wanting people to have mercy over slaves and end the slave trade did not fit to this equation. Also, William Durell, “the American publisher of Equiano’s Narrative” (Ito 88), had published several other books along with this one that were about the religion topic. Ito cited from Charles Evan’s American Bibliography some titles of books published by Durell which include, “Samuel Austin’s Disinterested Love, the Ornament of the Christian, and the Duty of Man; Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Baptist Churches, in New-York, October 29, 20, and 21, 1791; Abraham Booth’s An Essay on the Kingdom of Christ” (qtd from Evans, Ito 88). These titles support Ito’s comment on how Durell was interested in religious writing (Ito 88) and I most certainly agree with Ito; maybe Durell did not intend to publish a book with abolitionist intent, rather than a book from a free black, previously owned, man, who throughout his lifetime as a slave learned about God and became a Christian.
There are several ideas on why Equiano’s autobiography was not that effective in America, in this case in New York to be more exact, according to where Ito talks about in his essay. While in England, Equiano “traveled round Britain speaking against the slave trade and selling copies of his book” (qtd by Ito 85). Being present made everything for Equiano’s book selling easier, rather than not being present, or not knowing that his book was being sold in New York, and the readers not being sure of who is this man, did not create a large impact then. In 1791, the first American edition of Equiano’s autobiography was published. But, as Ito quotes from Green, “There is no evidence that Equiano sanctioned the edition, profited by it, promoted it, or even knew about it” (94). Greens comment can be supported when Equiano writes, “anxiously trying to get to Montserrat once more to see Mr. King, my old master, and then to take a final farewell of the American quarter of the globe” ( Equiano 230). So, Equiano did not go back to the America’s and this could have affected his book not being so popular in that part of the globe; because, although he did not know, in America even less they knew about him. The most important detail on the American edition of the narrative is that opposite from England that its subscribers were all mayor aristocratic figures, in the American edition the “list is filled with the names of those who have left little other mark on history” (Ito 85). The list of subscribers included, as Ito points out in his essay, two Quaker merchants (Melancton Smith and John Murray) who “fall short of being particularly ‘notable’ ” (Ito 86); Cornelius Davis, “A teacher for the African Free-School” (Ito 87), who used Equiano’s book in this school to demonstrate to those black students that they can be taught; and the group who predominated the list of subscribers were New York’s artisans who Ito says that “the subscribers to Equiano’s Narrative consisted of people outside of the flourishing literary world” ( Ito 89). These details about the subscribers demonstrate the disorganization of what meaning the Americans were giving to Narrative and thus it did not make it an effective one.
These artisans were known to be “second-class citizens” (Ito 89), people who did not belong to elite groups in society rather belonging to a common person in New York’s society (not only Ney York) that worked hard and sweated being, a “baker, grocers, shoemaker, carpenter, blacksmith” (Ito 89) or as Ito points out, an “Urban mechanic” (89). It is very curious to me, why did the artisans take an interest on Equiano’s autobiography, because for the reasons of it being an anti-slavery movement or a Christian text (which was why Durell published it), does not convince be at all. Ito says that artisans, “always feared that competition of cheap labor that freed slaves could offer” (89). So, what were they interested in, if them being afraid of slaves as completion? Also, Ito cites from Shane White that, “Though a smaller proportion of New York artisans, about one in eight, possessed slaves, artisans were still in 1790 the largest group of slaveholders” (qtd from White, Ito 91). Besides being known as the working class, artisans were the sort of margined citizens who believe in an egalitarian society, a society were all people are equal in rights. Equality was what they hoped for the world, but it is not know that the artisans protested against slavery as Ito writes, “All these arguments suggests that artisans encountered and interacted regularly with slaves and did not protest the practice of slavery” (Ito 91). With these details I may assume that although they wanted equality, they embraced more the sense of earning money for a living and not letting others, freed slaves, take their place. If I were to be an artisan at that time I would have been afraid to. Because, the reality is that artisans were much like slaves. They both were a group of margined individuals who “were dismissed as uneducated or uncultivated and thus unimportant” (Ito 90). In comparison to Equiano, the artisans and he were so alike that a possible reason why the artisans supported this book could have been that they identified themselves with the narrator. Them both, the artisans and Equiano, wanted to be respected as a person of independent mind, equal to others, eager to be portrayed as skillful men who worked as hard as anybody and owned in their hearts moral standards and respect towards others. Both artisans and blacks were also gaining power in society. More and more slaves were being freed and with their freedom they were given plots of land, which means for them being able to maintain themselves and even a family. So, Equiano and the artisans were very much alike in these aspects and maybe the artisans found refuge under Equiano’s book.
All these interesting aspects in Akiyo Ito’s essays which I have analyzed helps to understand, The interesting Narrative of The Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, The African, Written by Himself, in a way that it depends on the reader, where it is being read and the what is going on in that place to try and understand how they (the reader) sees and wants to portray what Equiano describes in his autobiography. Some had seen it as inspiration as the artisans did, because Equiano was much like them, In England it was seen for in my opinion was, which is an anti-slavery movement, others viewed it as a book about Christianity and other, like the teachers for the school of “colored” (Ito 87), used it to embrace how Equiano has learned to read, wright, speaks and become fully literate, serving as inspiration to young black children. So, it is not the lack of effectiveness that Equiano’s Narrative had in New York, in comparison to England; it is just that it was viewed in a different aspect.
Work Cited
Equiano, Olaudah. The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa: The African. Written by Himself. London: Olaudah Equiano, 1794. Google Books Search. Web. 26 February 2013.
Ito, Akiyo. “Olaudah Equiano and the New York Artisans: The First American Edition of the Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, The African.” University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill: Early American Literature 32. 1(1997): 82-101. Web.