Racial Enculturation Theory

The Impact of Societal Views and Racial Enculturation on Violence and Death Among Black Men in America
Eric Mason
[e-mail]

The Impact of Societal Views and Racial Enculturation on Violence and Death Among Black Men in America By Eric Mason Copyright © 2013 Eric Mason ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

The Impact of Societal Views and Racial Enculturation on Violence and Death Among Black Men in America Eric Mason Major sociological theories of violent crime have successfully linked criminal activity with socioeconomic status. The linkage of socioeconomic conditions to homicides has led to thetheory that the primary determinant of violent crimes lies within a group’s value system and failure to integrate into the dominant culture’s
value system crime only increases.

This study investigated whether racial enculturation and religion influences the attitude of violence and death among Black men in America between ages 19-35 and 65 and older. If relationship existed, there would be an implied opportunity for building new strategies to decrease the incidence of homicides in the Black community.
If there is no significant difference in the relationship with these variables then there will be less evidence upon which to build strategies to decrease the incidence of homicides in the Black community based on this relationship. The hypothesis concerning the influence of racial enculturation and religion, all were significant in predicting the relationship with the dependent variables. The findings of this study suggest a great potential for the development of a strategy to address the concerns of reducing the incidence of homicides in the Black community. Although the relationships were not large they were shown to be significant. Death anxiety and/or attitude can be predicted to somewhat of surety by being keenly conscientious of selected environmental factors impacting Black Americans perspectives on life and death rising from their racial socialization and religious awareness. The results of this study also affirmed that the items selected by the factorial analysis can be assessed with an acceptable degree of reliability and validity. The
second hypothesis investigated whether the instrument of measurement created by the investigator used in the study had an acceptable degree of reliability and validity. Although only a Pilot Study, this analysis suggest that the Eric Mason Death Anxiety Research Survey (EMDARS) may potentially be a useful instrument to measure responses from differing ethnic age groups about death beliefs. Table of Contents Chapter One: Introduction Statement of the Problem Purpose of Study Theory Basis for Research Assumptions Delimitations Operational Definitions of Terms Significance of the Study Research Hypotheses Summary Chapter Two: Literature Review Historical Review Analysis Survey Research Summary Chapter Three: Methodology Research Questions Research Design Sample Instrumentation Procedure

Data Analysis Discussion Limitations Conclusion Chapter Four: Results Demographic Profile of Survey Participants Racial Enculturation, Societal Views, Death Anxiety Death Attitude and Black Religion Analysis of Data Conclusion Limitation of Study Chapter Five: Overall Conclusions Factor Analysis Findings Simple Correlation Findings Regressions Analysis Findings Community and Literature Theory Connections Future Research on World View and Racial Socialization Future Research for Racial Socialization Future Research for World View References Appendices A: Eric Mason Death Anxiety Research Survey B: Societal Cases and Racial Enculturation Cases C: IRB Approval Documentation D: Correlation Simple E: Correlation and Multiple Regressions F. Factorial Analysis Table 5 G. Questions Removed from Dependent and Independent Constructs H. Final Multiple Regressions Analysis – Table 6 Author’s Note List of Figures 1. World View Paradigms 2. Figure 1: Man Is the Center of African Theology of Creation 3. Figure 2: African Cosmogram, Symbol of Continuance of Life 4. Figure 3 Black American Death Support and Connection to the Bereaved 5. Methodological Approaches to Behavioral Studies 6. Demographic Analysis 7. Present Day Black American Views The Impact of Societal Views and Racial Enculturation on Violence and Death Among Black Men in America Chapter One Introduction Statement of the Problem

There exists no single explanation of criminal behavior that accounts for the significant difference in the high incidence of homicide in Black American (see Author Note) communities compared to other major racial/ethnic communities (Aiken, 2001). Fox and Zawitz (1999) shared explanations for homicidal incidents caused by various variables (e.g., geography, nationality, ethnicity, gender, religion, and other demographic information interpreted by cultural differences). Klaus, Robinson, and Laskey (2000) observed that homicide has declined such that it is now the second leading cause of death among major racial/ethnic groups, except for Black Americans, where homicide is the leading cause of death for those ages 15-24. Hensley, Tung, Gray-Ray, and Ray (2004) linked race and crime, resulting in a dramatic and lengthy debate among theorists to provide explanations for how one’s race or ethnicity affects homicide rates. The term epidemic has been used to describe the increasing incidence of homicide in Black American communities (e.g. New York; Chicago; Washington, DC; Houston; and Omaha, Nebraska). Fox and Zawitz (2000) report the number of overall homicides had fallen to the lowest level in three decades due to the reduction of guns in the hands of juveniles and young adults; however, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (2006) has reported a significant increase of Black American homicides. Purpose of Study Clayton (1992, p. 40) affirmed that although major sociological theories of crime (and especially violent crime) have successfully linked criminal activity with socioeconomic status, the variables associated with socioeconomic status are not sufficient to explain the homicidal differentials between Black Americans and Whites. Clayton further suggested that any study of homicide should be longitudinal in design, for when longer time frames and larger areas are analyzed, a different view of homicide emerges. The linkage of socioeconomic conditions to homicides has led to the theory that the primary determinant of violent crimes lies within the group’s value system (Clayton, 1992). Secret and Clayton (1994) stated that the disproportionate incidence of Black American homicide has been well documented in the literature, but comprehensive explanations about this phenomenon are fairly limited. Moynihan (1965) and Wilson (1975) are credited for linking violent crime to the anomic (the breakdown of norms governing social interaction) conditions generated by poor urban living conditions and viewed these conditions as the generator of tensions between the interest of the collective conscience and individual self-interest. These authors concluded that the high crime rates found in inner-city neighborhoods were the result of the inhabitants’ inability to integrate into the dominant culture’s value system (Secret & Clayton, 1994). Wolfgang and Ferracuti (1967) advanced the theory of subcultural patterns of violence. The theory argues that a significant number of Americans live in social, economic, and cultural situations that condone, if not produce, violent behavior. Subcultural theorists have argued that the value system of an individual is the major predictor variable in the etiology of crime (Clayton, 1992). A value system may develop from prolonged exposure to discriminatory and inequitable social and economic systems. Moynihan (1965) and Wilson (1975) observed that subcultural arguments are implicitly tied to class or structural arguments, and once the dominant value system is rejected, an alternative system replaces it that does not view interpersonal violence in and of itself as wrong.

The present study investigates the significance of religion and racial socialization influences death attitude beliefs of Black American men represented by two contrasted age groups (19–35 and 65–75), with or without a high school diploma. A statistical analysis of variance will determine significant differences of the means of the administered survey design. Theory Basis for Research This proposal is based on the following: (a) A conceptual framework of African self-consciousness (Baldwin, Brown, & Rackley, 1990); (b) Africentric, European, and Enslaved African World View Paradigms (Mbitu, 1989; Sobel, 1988) TABLE 1; (c) A psychocultural methodology (Kalish & Reynolds, 1981); (d) The educational model of triple quandary (Boykin, 1986); and (e) The racial socialization process (Coard & Sellers, 2005; Lesane, 2002). TABLE 1 WORLD VIEW PARADIGMS AFRICAN WORLD VIEW EUROPEAN WORLD VIEW Groupness Individuality Sameness Uniqueness Commonality Differences Collective Responsibility Competition Cooperativeness and Interdependence Individual Rights Survival of the Nation Separateness and Independence One with Nature Survival of the Fittest In Tune with Nature Conqueror of the Universe ENSLAVED AFRICAN WORLD VIEW The significance of individualism compared to communal interests Inclusion of dichotomous language. The struggle of values Reversal of thoughts Development of a New World Understanding Assumptions The assumptions of the study are the following: (a) Many Black American men possess a Enslaved African world view due to the influence of Africentric and Eurocentric beliefs of the slavery experience in America (Table 1); (b) Most Black American men have experienced either Eurocentric or Africentric socialization that has influenced the direction of world view characteristic (Table 2); (c) Many Black American men are recipients of racism and discrimination, either de jure or de facto; (d) neither the participants’ socioeconomic condition nor social class will affect the results of this proposal; and (e) Almost all Black American men participating have experienced the loss of a loved one. Delimitations This study will be completed using Black American men aged 19 to 35 and 65 to 75 with or without a high school diploma. Generalizations to other major ethnic groups will be limited. It may be difficult for young adult Black Americans to respond to some questions relative to death

if the language is not formed in the culture of death, which is considered to be prevalent in pockets of hip-hop and poor Black American communities (Dyson, 2003, p. 226). Operational Definitions of Terms The following are operational definitions of terms designed to enable understanding and proper interpretation of the proposed study. Definitions are necessary because of the changing intellectual debates of evolving disciplines. (a) Acculturation: The assimilation by one group of the culture of another that modifies the existing culture and so changes group identity (Abercrombie, Hill, & Turner, 2000). (b) Assimilation: The processes by which immigrant groups are integrated into the dominant White culture. It is a one-dimensional, one-way process by which outsiders relinquish their own culture in favor of that of the dominant group (Abercrombie et al., 2000). (c) Africentric world view: A world view that encompasses and focuses on the history and culture of Africa as the focal point of consciousness of self and reality (Hall, 2005). (d) Eurocentric world view: The implicit view that societies and cultures of European origin constitute the natural norm for assessing what goes on throughout the rest of the world (Hall, 2005). (e) Data treatment death anxiety: A negative emotional reaction provoked by the anticipation of a state in which the self does not exist. Excluded from this interpretation are related aspects (e.g., fear of dying or fear related to the death or dying of others; Tomer & Eliason, 2000, p. 5). (f) Death anxiety scales: Questionnaires that yield scores for the level of selfreported concern about death. Some scales distinguish between several types of concern, such as fear of pain or fear of nonbeing (VandenBos, 2007). (g) Determinants of death anxiety: Types of regret induced by the contemplation of one’s death (e.g., past-related regret and future-related regret). The third determinant is meaningfulness of death. The three determinants are related to the extent to which the individual contemplates or ponders his or her mortality, making death salient (Tomer & Eliason, 2000, p. 5). (h) Homicide: The killing of one human being by another (Aiken, 2001). (i) Thanatology: The study of death-related behaviors, thoughts, feelings, and phenomena. Death was mostly the province of theology until the 1960s, when existential thinkers and a broad spectrum of care providers, educators, and social and behavioral scientists became interested in death-related issues (VandenBos,2007). (j) World view: Used synonymously with world vision and the German Weltanschauung, world view refers to the set of beliefs constituting an outlook on the world characteristic of a particular social group, be it a social class, generation, religious sect, or ethnic/racial culture (Abercrombie et al., 2000). Significance of the Study The present study explores how the influences of world view, racial socialization and religion impact the death anxiety and death attitude of Black American men of different ages. Secret and Clayton (1994) observed that subcultural theorists have stated that the value system of an individual is the major predictor variable in the etiology of crime, a value system developed as a result of prolonged exposure to a discriminatory and inequitable social and economic system. The results from this study will offer another piece of evidence as a strategy for reducing the incidence of homicide in Black American community. Research Hypothesis

H 1: The Investigator believes he will find statistically significant relationship between cultural world view, racial socialization, and religious belief and death anxiety and death attitude beliefs of Black American men.
If this is true, there will be an implied opportunity for building new strategies to decrease the incidence of homicides in the Black American community. If there is no significant difference in the relationship with these variables then there will be less evidence upon which to build strategies to decrease the incidence of homicides in Black American community based on this relationship. H 2: Since the instrument of measurement being used was created by the investigator, he believes the results of the factor analysis to determine instrument constructs can be assessed with an acceptable degree of reliability and validity. Summary Thanatologists, through research, theory, and clinical observations, support the belief that there exists a common set of complex behaviors that characterize the bereavement process for individuals experiencing loss (Aiken, 2001). Kalish and Reynolds (1981) proposed a psychocultural approach to death rooted in ethnicity and suggested variations and subtle patterns unique to specific ethnic and cultural groups. Barrett (1993) acknowledged that this approach results in examining those cultural specific attitudes and perspectives of major American ethnic groups not included in cross-cultural studies, or with limited information
(Graham, 1992). Rosenblatt and Wallace stated that Black Americans have found it helpful for their welfare and survival to observe Whites, not to imitate them, but to recognize how the two groups are distinguished one from one another. However, the comparison is necessary, for although comparison demonstrates how racist oppression links Black Americans to Whites, it further manifests how to resist racist oppression is to resist forces aimed at trivializing or obliterating the way in which Black American individuals, families, and communities deal with life and death (Rosenblatt & Wallace, 2005, p. 153). Many would say that Black Americans are often ignored, demeaned, and mistreated; they continue to be at the bottom of the racial hierarchy and endure the social stigma associated with their status as the group that has been most misunderstood by Whites (Williams & Wilson, 2001, p. 173). This fact makes it crucial to understand how the two groups deal with death, funeral rituals, the emotionality of grief, and the grief process itself (Rosenblatt & Wallace, 2005, pp. 153-165). Chapter Two Literature Review Historical Review African religion affirms and celebrates life. People want to celebrate the joy of living. African religion, according to Ray (2000) and Mbitu (1991), is found in all aspects of life (i.e., it influences all areas of life). Religion has been largely responsible for the shaping of not only African people’s character, but also African culture throughout the centuries. It is believed that the universe was created by God and is subsequently dependent on Him for its continuity, making God the sustainer, the keeper, the upholder of the universe (Mbitu, 1989). Humanity is at the very center of this universe (see Figure 1). Mbitu (1991) observed that there are hundreds of myths all over Africa concerning the origin of death. It is said that African belief about original humanity was that one was intended to live forever (Mbitu, 1991, p. 85; Genesis 5:1–2).

Humanity was given one or more of the following divine gifts: immortality, resurrection, and the ability to become young again. African mythology about death may be summarized as follows: (a) Death came almost by mistake and has remained since among humanity; (b) death means separation from God, from men, and from the coming of sorrows and agonies upon humanity; and (c) people visualize death in personal terms (Mbitu, 1991, p. 116). Many Africans consider death as being caused in one of several ways (e.g., sorcery, spirits, curses, and natural phenomena). Mbitu (1991) affirmed that Africans do not consider death to be the end of human life. The spirit, which is closely associated with breathing, lingers around the body or homestead (Mbitu, 1991, p. 124). The spirit is distinguishable by more or less the same features as it had when the person was alive. However, this does not mean the spirit inhabits or puts on another physical body; rather, the spirit does not lose the identity it had when it was a living person. African society considers humanity as being composed of body and spirit or soul, life, and breath. Belgrave and Allison (2006) observed that much of the media portray Black American men as violent. Although Black American men are incarcerated at disproportionately higher rates than Whites and Hispanics, (which adds credibility to the media’s portrayal), gaps exist relative to explanations for a hermeneutical model to understand the causes of aggression, violence, and crime among Black Americans. The lack of understanding of the context of violence against first Africans, next enslaved Africans (1619), and now contemporary Black Americans only leads to false interpretation of data that highlight the violence in the Black American community (Belgrave & Allison, 2006). Dennis (1990) stated that violence is more prevalent in Black American communities because it has existed in various forms since slavery. He observed how violence was inflicted on Black Americans more than on other groups that were part of the Diaspora and middle-passage experience (Sobel, 1988). Analysis The historical role of the effect of African religion on Black American thoughts on death was presented by Mbitu (1991) and Ray (2000). Psychologist Ronald K. Barrett (1993) researched Black American death care practices from Africa to the present day. Barrett studied the continuity and transformation in Black American funeral traditions, especially the effects of the Great Migration to northern and Midwestern cities from the South. Kalish and Reynolds (1981) observed that to be Black in America is to be part of a history told in terms of coming into contact with death and coping with death. Barrett (1993) was not alone in observing that the Black American death concept is based on the African cosmology that emphasizes the circular, interconnected, and relational intimacy between life and death as compared to the Western linear model (Mbitu, 1989; Ray, 2000). Aiken (2001) and Holloway (2003) provided excellent contrast between the circular Africentric cosmology of life and death when compared to the Western linear model considered more viable by researchers of death studies. Holloway observed that attitudes toward death beliefs held by Black Americans are neither completely positive nor completely negative because they are on a continuum. Aiken referred to this same dynamic of death belief as being linear, dichotomous in thought, not in relationship but rather competitive; a straight line, not circular, which means death is seen as a natural part of the cycle of life. In this view, death becomes an opposing force to struggle against.

Therefore, Black Americans may be characterized as having a holistic view of death and dying, because birth and death are understood to be part of a cycle or continuum (Heller, 2003). Barrett described this contrast between the traditional, circular Black American cultural experience and the linear European view (Heller, 2003, p. 5). He observed that African art symbolically representing life is very commonly referred to as cosmograms and represents the continuance of life (see Figure 2). FIGURE 2 The regal lively dances always drew a crowd, both local people and any tourists present. The costumes complementing the masks were vivid and contributed to the overall effect. Most masks were made of wood and/or coarse fabric. Grass skirts were created from the hibiscus plant. The mask dances we observed are not the same ones as those performed for private, religious ceremonies. Nonetheless, they gave us an insight into the extremely complex culture of the Dogon. Dogon name: Walu Kalish and Reynolds (1981) observed that researchers today acknowledge Black Americans more as heterogeneous as opposed to homogeneous. Heller's (2003, p. 2) interview with Barrett concerning the death and dying experiences of Black Americans quotes Barrett as recognizing the diversity of the Black American experience, especially considering how the word Black is inclusive of the Diaspora descendants who possess histories and cultures distinct from those of Black Americans. Barrett used an inferential model that looks at the relative influence of three variables: cultural identification (i.e., the extent to which a person identifies with traditional Black values and embraces his or her cultural roots in Africa; American Psychological Association, 2005), spirituality, and social class. Barrett included class (see Figure 3) as a variable in his model because research has shown that social class influences the degree to which Blackamericans follow traditional funeral practices (Adkins, 2007).
FIGURE 3

Mbitu's (1991) summary of the effect of African religion on Black American culture, spirituality, and creativity are aligned with Barrett’s inferential model, which he has effectively used to research Black Americans’ collective (community) thoughts on death and dying (Heller, 2003). Though Barrett’s use of social class was to assist in understanding contemporary Black Americans, I am in agreement with Mbitu's (1991) summarization that world view (birth by the African cosmology), as opposed to social class, should be used to understand contemporary Black Americans’ thoughts on death and dying, for two reasons. First, social class refers to a Eurocentric understanding of the founding of America (De Tocqueville, 2000, pp. 441–443). There is a difference in the founding of the United States and founding of European nations, e.g., Great Britain. The United States desired to be a Republic, not a nation where inhabitants were divided by social status. Second, De Tocqueville (2000, Chapter 18) observed that the Republic had to quickly turn its attention to the dilemma of race (i.e., removing Africans to ensure actualization of the Republic). The French author suggested the following as a solution to the Republic’s becoming a reality: (a) The Indians would be totally annihilated, leaving only Africans to handle the Anglo-Saxon “experiment to work” (De Tocqueville, pp. 389–410); and (b) the longer the founding Anglo-Saxons waited, the more burdensome the Africans would become (pp. 411–440). Every U.S. president since the passage and adoption of the U.S.

Constitution in 1789, particularly Lincoln in his Second Inaugural Address, has attempted to address this dilemma (Bennett, 2000). Mbitu (1991) observed how African religion has played a significant role in the development of the Blackamerican value system. African religion (a) cultivated the whole person; (b) provided a world view for understanding how the world in which people live affects their experience of life and supplies answers to questions that arise for all human beings; (c) provided moral values by which to regulate and harmonize life within the family and community (African morals build relationships between people and the world around them); (d) assisted in social communication, giving common purpose to one another, and in communication with the Creator and spirit beings; (e) celebrated life and affirmed life; and (f) made people deeply sensitive to the invisible world that dovetails with the physical world, making communication possible horizontally and vertically (Mbitu, 1991, pp. 197–201). The present study investigates the significance of world view and racial socialization administered through a survey research design as they affect the death anxiety beliefs of Black American men aged 19 to 35 and 65 to 75, with or without a high school diploma. An analysis of variance will test for the statistical significance of the differences among the mean scores of the two groups, variables, and factors. Survey Research Zernike (2007) affirmed that violent crime rose by double-digit percentages in cities across the country over the past two years, reversing the declines of the mid-to-late 1990s. According to a recently released report by the Police Executive Research Forum, Chief Executive Director Chuck Wexler gathered statistics for 2006 from 56 policing agencies across the nation and discovered that homicides had increased 2.89% compared to 2005. Among the jurisdictions filing reports with the Police Executive Research Forum, total homicides in 2006 were 10.21% higher than they had been in 2004 (Wexler, 2007). Zernike (2007) reported that violent crime increases have been attributed to the spread of methamphetamine use in some Midwestern and western cities, gangs, high rates of poverty, and school drop-out rates. However, the most common theme has been easy access to guns and willingness, even eagerness, to settle disputes with them, specifically among people aged 15 to 29 (Wexler, 2007). The Federal Bureau of Investigation (1989) explained how deaths among adolescents had reached epidemic proportions in the United States and that epidemiologic analyses have indicated that the United States’ recorded homicide rate is among the highest in the world. Prothrow-Stith (1993) observed that all adolescents living in distressed urban areas risk becoming either victims or perpetrators of violence; however, the risk is higher for Blacks than for youth of other ethnic groups. Malley-Morrison and Hines (2004) discussed how family violence focuses on contributing factors that do not receive as much public attention as leading attributors to violent behavior, alcohol, substance abuse, and the ease with which guns may be purchased in Black American communities by adolescents and young adults. Prothrow-Stith (1993) observed that societal factors such as racism and loss of economic opportunity remain significant causes of the epidemic violence but are not the only contributors to the epidemic that prevails in Black American communities. The research instrument being developed for this proposed study is for an emic approach to studying behavior. The terms emic and etic were used by Pike (1966), a linguist, to highlight

distinctions between phonetics, a generalization from different languages (Table 3). Jones observed that psychologists use the terms emic and etic to differentiate approaches to studying behavior whose origins are either external to one particular culture (etic) or exclusively within one culture (emic). Test developers today subscribe to an etic orientation, not believing there is need to develop separate tests and measures for Black Americans or other cultural subgroups (Jones, 1996, p. 8).
TABLE 3 EMIC APPROACH ETIC APPROACH STUDIES BEHAVIOR FROM WITIN THE SYSTEM STUDIES BEHAVIOR FROM A PERSPECTIVE OUTSIDE THE SYSTEM EXAMINES ON LY ONE CULTURE EXAMINES MANY CULTURES, COMPARING THEM TO ONE ANOTHER STRUCTURE DISCOVERED BY THE ANALYST STRUCTURE CREATED BY THE ANALYST CRITERIA ARE RELEVANT TO INTERNAL CHARACTERISTICS CRITERIA ARE CONSIDERED ABSOLUTE AND UNIVERSAL

Jones (1996) placed significance on the development of measures for understanding the psychological characteristics and dynamics of Black Americans (i.e., to understand, measure, and predict the behavior of Black Americans as individuals, researchers need to know how Black Americans are characterized psychologically, not how they are psychologically the same as or different from Whites). This emic proposal focus on addressing results solicited through tests and measurements developed for Black Americans. Jones observed that this type of study focus leads to an understanding of Black American characteristics, dynamics, and behaviors. Theorists have observed that, although there is mutual respect for the traditional etic studies that have often created confusion about Black American characteristics, tests and measures developed and standardized on White populations cannot by themselves relay reliable information about the behavior and functioning of cultural subgroups (e.g., Black Americans). This strategy has led to hypotheses about other groups but failed to justifiably provide substantial understanding of the psychological characteristics and dynamics of Black Americans or any other major ethnic group (Jones, 1996, p. 9). Analysis An instrument will be developed for this study that will address the significant aspects of the proposal. The limited literature directly related to the Black American death experience across the life continuum reemphasizes the significance of the study. This proposal investigates how an educational intervention comparing how world view and racial socialization affect the death beliefs of Black Americans may result in a reduction of the incidence of homicide among Black Americans. The test instrument to be used in this study will be conscious of the importance of the approach being used, and its validity and reliability will provide essential measurements of Black Americans’ world view and the process of socialization used in the development of their value system. McAdoo (2007) observed how early research about the socialization process was descriptive and used a comparative deficient-oriented approach to family studies. Though recent research using an ecological approach has become more value free, Peters (1985) critiqued how the major contributions of various researchers were weak because as much as they could they failed to consider the cultural values of specific racial groups in their efforts to understand parenting differences. Most family studies are not emic but etic, and the White family is the measuring tool by which cultural subgroups are compared unfairly. McAdoo insisted that it is the lack of race-specific studies that gives reason for the questionable thoughts of family social sciences. The research methodology and descriptive approaches have served as a frontal assault on Black American families in a society that speaks of multiculturalism, the importance of

diversity, and the fulfillment of the dream rooted in the American dream (King, 1986). Myers (1996) observed that the Black American family is treated as being dysfunctional because it does conform to the nuclear family structure, which Whites consider the ideal family structure. Moynihan (1965) cited three significant weaknesses of the Black American family that have distorted social science thoughts for more than 30 years: (a) the Black American family is instable; (b) the Black American family produces a number of illegitimate children; and, (c) the Black American family is matriarchal in structure. The Moynihan study resulted in Black American families being labeled as pathological, comprising perceived abnormalities of structure and function (Myers, 1996). Lesane (2002) wrote that the empirical studies in the racial socialization literature are in the investigative stage and place emphasis on (a) prevalence and correlation of race socialization, (b) content of race socialization messages, and (c) race socialization as a predictor of adult and child outcomes (e.g., racial identity, academic performance, and self-esteem). It is this third investigative stage that has significant relevance for the current proposal, for it examines how racial socialization influences the death beliefs of Black American men across the life continuum. Coard and Sellers (2005) stated that many Black American parents have insisted there is a definite need for Black American youth to understand the social, economic, and political forces impinging on racial equality in order to empower Black American youth with coping mechanisms to be successful living in a dual-consciousness society (Du Bois, 1999). Finally, Mosley-Howard and Evans (2000) have suggested that sociohistorical evidence stands as a living testimony that the Black American family structure is anything but weak, especially compared to the nuclear family promoted by social service agencies to combat what is considered the crisis in the Black American family. Strong cultural values have dominated Black American families since the beginning of the American experiment—filial piety, family reciprocity, sense of duty, and group survival provide the background for intergenerational support of Black American families (Hill, 2003). The tradition of passing on beliefs from one generation to the next affords the continued resilience of the Black American family, whose extended family model has distinctive characteristics (e.g., existence of fluid and flexible boundaries, inclusion of blood and non-blood kin). Education and the instruction from racial socialization process have shaped the world view of Black American men across the life continuum. The fact that the behavior of Black Americans is rooted in both African and American culture calls attention to the psychological influences of African culture and the Africentric world view on the psychology of Black Americans. Belgrave and Allison (2006) defined world view as a way of thinking that organizes all aspects of one’s life, including intra- and interpersonal thought and behaviors and one’s functioning in social systems and institutions in the community and larger society. World views provide people with guidelines for living: They affect perceptions, thoughts, feelings, inferences, and behaviors and how individuals experience the external world (Belgrave & Allison, 2006, p. 27). It is this belief that has led to the development of Africentric models for understanding Black American parenting behaviors models that acknowledge aspects of African history, traditions, and beliefs that have survived through time and continue to influence Black American parents in the rearing of their children.

Letiecq and Koblinsky (2003) acknowledged that these Africentric values and traditions provide an important context for understanding parental roles and family functioning in contemporary Black American family life. In reviewing conceptual frameworks for child development, Letiecq and Koblinsky stated that the most widely used model is the social ecology model, according to which examination of child outcomes is influenced by characteristics of the individual, family, community, and culture, as well as complex interactions among variables. Letiecq and Koblinsky wrote how some theorists have debated that traditional ecological models minimize the role of social history and how research on Black American families would be set apart from the dominant European culture if variables such as values, historical experiences, and cultural strengths that contribute to families’ adaptive behaviors were considered (Letiecq & Koblinsky, 2003). The Africentric model is an affirmation of the primary values Black American parents attach to family relationships: focusing on the children, respecting and seeking counsel from elders, valuing education, holding strong spiritual values, and emphasizing the We as opposed to I (Billingsley, 1992). Summary Ray and Najman (1974) insisted that death acceptance is not necessarily the opposite of death anxiety. They developed and utilized a scale that was highly homogeneous, with all items correlating with the total score of significance less than .005, two-tailed alpha reliability, r = .58. Low negative correlation between death acceptance and death anxiety was the result of all variables in the survey being intercorrelated, supporting the authors’ hypothesis and thereby establishing the viability of death acceptance as a separate concept and not the categorical opposite of death anxiety (Ray & Najman, 1974). Thorson and Powell (1992) observed that the fear of death is universal and is a concept that has been discussed since 1896. Citing the research of Hall, Becker, Butler, and Momeyer, Thorson and Powell observed that useful instruments have been developed for measuring the different dimensions of death anxiety. Thorson and Powell observed that most psychological scales for the assessment of death anxiety are convenient to score and administer with comparisons of relative differences in scores. The most frequently used instrument is the Death Anxiety Scale (DAS), created by Donald Templar (1990) and considered initially to measure only a single general death anxiety construct. The scale has since been demonstrated to have a diverse factor structure when individual items are added in combination with the Fear of Death Scale (developed in dissertation study by Boyar, 1964, as cited in Thorson and Powell, 1992). Thorson and Powell (1992) used Nehrke’s modification of Templar’s DAS and Boyar’s Fear of Death Scale to develop a 34-item true/false inventory, the Revised Death Anxiety Scale (RDAS). Respondents score 1 point for each response that indicates anxiety (negatively phrased items are reversed in the scoring process). Higher scores are indicative of higher death anxiety. The RDAS was administered to 208 college graduate and undergraduate students, 97 men and 11 women (age range = 18–53years, median age = 23 years; Thorson & Powell, 1992). The RDAS is one of many psychological scales that have the virtue of convenience of administration with large samples, providing a means of assessing differences and making comparisons between and within groups more feasible.

Following its use in several studies demonstrating differences in the elements that make up the construct of death anxiety, the RDAS has demonstrated age sensitivity with acceptable levels of reliability in several large and diverse samples. The RDAS has been used in both true/false and 5-point Likert response formats. Initially the RDAS consisted of 25 true/false items. Scoring was based on 1 = no anxiety, 2 = left blank, and 3 = anxiety indicated. Ranges are 25 to 75, with higher scores indicating higher death anxiety with a calculated Cronbach’s alpha of .804 (Thorson & Powell, 1992). This literature review is best summarized by the etic and emic studies on death anxiety and historical thoughts on African cosmological beliefs on death. DePaola, Griffin, Young, and Neimeyer (2003) observed the lack of discussion among the few researchers assessing death anxiety in relationship to race. Thorson and Powell (1992) and Thorson, Powell, and Samuel (1998) emphasized the concerns of DePaola and colleagues not to generalize results even though their samples were for an emic study on Black Americans. Chapter Three Methodology Research Questions The primary research question is: How significant are the influences of world view, religion and racial socialization on death anxiety and death attitude beliefs of Black American men represented by two age groups (19–35 and 65–75), with or without a high school diploma? A correlation matrix will determine if there is a relationship of any of the variables with each other (e. g. does world view, religion, and racial socialization relate one way or another with death anxiety and death attitude beliefs). The secondary research question is: What unique constructs are measured by the Eric Mason Death Anxiety Research Survey (EMDARS) that align with the current death measuring instruments concerning the aged? Are the constructs measured with an acceptable degree of reliability and validity? This portion of the analysis is a pilot study only and will be used in future post-doctoral research. Due to the instrument not being a standardized assessment tool and was created by the investigator specifically for this study, it was necessary to ascertain a first opinion of the statistical reliability of the current questions comprising the EMDARS. Research Design The research design for the proposed project will be a survey that will determine if there is significant influence of world views (Eurocentric and Africentric) and racial socialization on the death anxiety beliefs of Black American men of two different ages. Independent variables are world view and racial socialization. A multidimensional attitude toward death index will be used to measure the five dependent variables: fear of death, death avoidance, neutral acceptance, approach acceptance, and escape acceptance. To test spuriousness in the relationships, I will employ five test variables: income, education, age, area reared (rural or urban), and present residence (rural or urban). These variables have been found in previous research to be related to the independent and the dependent variables (Aiken, 2001). Because there is no control group and randomization may be questioned, the application of a nonexperimental design is appropriate for three reasons: (a) This design is used quite frequently in field research (e.g., the Even Start Literacy Program); (b) as this design is used to illustrate

how various validity threats operate with actual examples, one learns to think critically about these threats as opposed to just learning about designs; and (c) this design introduces the structural elements common to all experimental designs from which researchers build stronger designs for internal validity to suit the circumstances of the work (Shadish, Cook, & Campbell, 2002). Sample A total of 80 participants will be actively recruited to participate in taking the survey which will last about one hour. Participants will be Black American men aged 19 to 35 and 65 and older. Participants will be classified by age, education, place of rearing (rural or urban), present residence (urban or rural), and income. A stipend of $10.00 will be paid to participants completing the survey. Places of recruitment will include but not be limited to community centers, parks, public locations, schools, colleges, senior citizen groups, Black American churches, barbershops, beauty parlors, and nail shops. Instrument Eric Mason Death Anxiety Research Survey (EMDARS) (Mason, 2007). The instrument used is 125-items, Likert format (Appendix A). The EMDARS yields an overall score as well as scores on six subscales or factors. The six factors are: acculturation, world view, death anxiety, death attitude, religious, and racial socialization. Statements are coded as follows: Strongly Disagree (0); Disagree (1); Undecided (2); Agree (3); and Strongly Agree (4). The validity and reliability of these measures have been verified through test–retest procedures used by the following individual tests: African American Acculturation Scale- Revised (AAAS-R) (Klonoff & Landrine, 2000); World-View Opinionnaire (WVO) (Kelsey & Ransom, 1996); Revised Death Anxiety Scale (RDAS) (Thorson & Powell, 1992); Death Attitude Profile – Revised (DAP-R) (Wong et.al., 1994); and the Afrocentricity and Racial Socialization Scales (ARSS) (Mutisya & Ross, 2005). The acculturation factor consists of 21-items comprising eight new empirically derived subscales or factors (1-21, Appendix A): religious beliefs & practices, preference for things Blackamerican, interracial attitudes, family practices, health beliefs & practices, segregation, and family values. Klonoff and Landrine (2000) state segregation should not be regarded as an aspect of Black American culture because it is not purposefully handed down by Black Americans from generation to generation and is not widely preferred but is the result of institutional racism. Scoring consists simply of adding the participant’s ratings on each item in the subscale (to obtain subscales scores) and of summing all of the participants’ ratings on all items to obtain the total acculturation score. Example of questions: “I was taught a child should never call an adult by their first name, even if the adult tells you to do so;” “Most educational tests, for example, the SAT and ACT, are considered culturally-biased;” “I was taught to speak to people I pass on the streets.” The world view factor consists of 17-items (45-62, Appendix A) developed from concepts in the African/European world view paradigms (Nobles, 1976). This is a measurement of an individual’s dominant world view of culture, ethnicity, and the universe. High score represents consistency with the African world view and low score consistency with European world view. Examples of questions: “Individualism is more important to me than being part of the group” “I

prefer to read books about my heritage” and “I have social responsibility for others in my own race.” The death anxiety factor consists of 17-items (63-79, Appendix A) and has an acceptable level of reliability and has achieved in its use among several large diverse samples (Thorson & Powell, 1992). The Revised Death Anxiety Scale (RDAS) (Thorson & Powell, 1992) is agesensitive and has been utilized in several studies demonstrating differences in the elements that make up the construct of death anxiety. The items are scored as follow: positive phrased items strongly agree = 4; agree = 3; undecided = 2; disagree = 1; and strongly disagree = 0. Negative phrased items strongly agree = 0; agree = 1; undecided = 2; disagree = 3; and, strongly disagree = 4. Blank items are counted as undecided (score = 2). Add up the assigned item scores to get a respondent’s total score. Items are scored with one point given for responses indicating no anxiety, two for blank items, and three for responses indicating anxiety. Lower scores will indicate African centered anxiety, high scores Eurocentric, and blank scores no anxiety. Following examples of high, blank, and low questions: “I fear dying a painful death;” “I was taught not to be afraid of death;” “I was taken to funerals as a child.” The death attitude factor is 32-items (80-112, Appendix A) consisting of theoretical formation of five components: approach acceptances (7-items) fear of death, death avoidance, escape avoidance, and neutral acceptance theoretical scales (Wong et. al., 1994). The scale has been proven to have well to very good reliability, and measures a broad spectrum of death attitudes (Neimeyer, p. 141). Scores for all items are from 0-4 in the direction of strongly agree (0) to strongly disagree (4). For each dimension, a mean scale score can be computed by dividing the total scale score by the number of items forming each scale. Examples of questions: “I avoid death thoughts at all costs;” “I always try not to think of death;” “Death should be viewed as a natural, undeniable and unavoidable event.” The Afrocentricity/racial socialization factor (22-45, Appendix A) consists of 10 statements for general measures of Afrocentricity and 14 statements that are general measures of racial socialization (Mutisya & Ross, 2005). Developed from the assumptions derived from Afrocentric theory, the instrument contains several background questions and statements. Afrocentric scale variables are measures of cultural identity and pride; whereas, the racial socialization scale variables measure various types of racial socialization from family members and others during the participant’s upbringing. Examples of questions: “My parents expressed the importance of race and of trying to get ahead in life;” “Blacks should try to learn more about Africa, its people, culture, and language;” “The traditions and life values of my family and ethnic cultural group were stressed during my upbringing.” A high score represent an Africentric world view and racial socialization; low score, Eurocentric world view and normalized socialization. Scoring consists simply of adding the participant’s ratings on each item in the subscale (to obtain subscales scores) and of summing all of the participants’ ratings on all items. The Black Religion factor consists of 13 questions (112-125, Appendix A) and measures the religious values based on a cultural perspective. Developed from the assumptions derived from the theological constructs of Black religious thoughts rooted in the Africentric tradition.

Examples of questions: “I believe in the Holy Ghost,” “I like Gospel Music.” Scoring consists simply of adding the participant’s ratings on each item in the subscale and of summing all of the participants’ ratings on all items. A high score represent an Africentric religious consciousness and low score either Enslaved or Eurocentric consciousness. Procedure Following recruitment of participants, persons selected will take a 125-item, Likert-type survey. Participants will complete the survey and submit completed surveys to Eric Mason only. Participants will be identified by preprinted number on Eric Mason Death Anxiety Research Survey. (Appendix C). Data Analysis Data will be analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Scientists (SPSS) using correlation and multiple regressions procedures. The purpose is to determine how significant are world view and racial socialization influences on death anxiety beliefs among Black American men represented by two contrasted age groups (19-35 and 65-75), with or without a high school academic diploma. If the correlation matrix of all variables suggests relationship of Africentric world view and racial socialization influence on death anxiety beliefs of Black American men, then there will be an implied opportunity for building strategies to decrease the incidences of homicides in the Black American community. If there is no significance in levels of Africentric world view and racial socialization on death anxiety beliefs, then there will be less evidence upon which to build strategies to decrease the incidence of homicides in Black American community based upon this relationship. The multiple regressions analysis will be used to further understand the relationships between the variables should the initial correlation matrix identify significant correlations. Discussion Limitations DePaola and colleagues (2003) cited limitations for the study of death anxiety and attitudes that should be considered with respect to the current proposal. Some limitations are the following: (a) failure to demonstrate how death anxiety and beliefs vary across the life continuum; (b) assessment of death anxiety and death acceptance in a meaningful purpose based on cultural understanding; (c) concern for psychometric soundness of death anxiety measures used in previous studies. This is an emic study and is culturally specific and gender specific. Conclusion Conway-Turner (1995) states that students must learn to appreciate a group of individuals that is different from themselves in terms in terms of both culture and age. The lack of an Africentric framework in discussions of the epidemic of violence confronting the Black American community has only increased the threat to Black American young men becoming victims of the epidemic. The lack of research manifests how the process discussed by Conway-Turner (1995) only has lead to further misunderstanding and failure of students to transcend negative views of Black Americans as well as the influences of such views. The discussion of death anxiety as contrasted by two age groups of the same culture and varying only by world view and the socialization process of parenthood (racial socialization) will provide insight to another strategy

which may be employed to effectively address the ills of a community. Discovering existence of a relationship between Africentric world view, racial socialization, age, and how they relate to death anxiety beliefs held by Black American men will enlighten those who study Black American culture. Community discussions are presently being held regarding violence; however, the public discussions, i.e., news media, political, and government interventions lack the presence and thoughts of Black Americans, for Teepen (Omaha World Herald, 2007) states the majority culture enjoys asking one another about a people, Black Americans, whom they have little to no knowledge. Chapter Four Results This chapter presents findings from the survey conducted with Black American men living in a Midwestern city, exploring the significance of influence of worldview and racial socialization on the death anxiety beliefs held by the two age groups. Data was analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) Graduate Package 15.0.1 for Windows, using simple correlation, factor analysis, and multiple regression procedures. This chapter includes a description of respondents, and an analysis of major findings. (Appendix C). Demographic Profile of Survey Participants The demographic data collected included Black American men ages 19-35 and 65 and older who had either graduated from high school, attended and/or graduated from college; or, attended Technical School. Each respondent had experienced the death of a loved one, whether they were related or not. Respondents were solicited from the general public. The respondents were separated into two age groups (19-35, N=40; 65 & older, N=40). Five demographic variables were employed to test spuriousness to the relationships: income, age, education, area reared (urban or rural), and present residence (rural or urban) (Table 4, Appendix B). TABLE 4 – Descriptive Analysis of Demographics Racial Socialization, World View, Death Anxiety, Death Attitude, and Religion Data will be presented in summary form associated with the survey questions designed to identify the respondent’s socialization process and world view. The Racial socialization factor within the original unedited version of Eric Mason Death Anxiety Research Survey consisted of 23 statements, 13 for general measures of Afrocentricity, and 10 statements measuring for Racial Socialization (questions 23-45, Appendix A). The variables measure cultural identity, pride, and various types of socialization taught by family members and others during the respondent’s upbringing. Black American parents have historically used this method in the rearing of Black children stressing the need for the children to understand what it means to be a Black American reared in America (Mutisya & Ross, 2005). Scores for all items are from 0-5 in the direction of strongly agree (0) to strongly disagree (5). Scoring consists of adding the respondent’s ratings on each item and summing all of the respondent’s ratings on all items. A high score. (e.g., over 150) represents an Africentric paradigm where racial socialization is employed in the rearing of the

child; whereas, a low score (e.g., fewer than 150) represents an Eurocentric world view where normalized socialization occurs (Appendix B). World view is a term used synonymously with world vision and the German Weltanschauung, referring to the set of beliefs constituting an outlook on the world characteristic of a particular social group, be it a social class, generation, religious group, or ethnic/racial culture (Abercrombie et al., 2000). The world view factor consisted of 17-items, (questions 46-62, Appendix A), and was developed from concepts in the African/European world view paradigms (Nobles, 1976). The individual’s dominant world view of culture, ethnicity, and the universe is being measured. Scores for all items are from 0-4 in the direction of strongly agree (0) to strongly disagree (4). Scoring consists simply of adding the participant’s ratings on each item in the subscale (to obtain subscale scores) and of summing all of the participants’ ratings on all items. A high score, e.g., over 150, represents consistency with the African world view and low score, e.g., under 150, consistency with the European world view (Appendix B). Death Anxiety factor consisted of 17-items (questions 63-79, Appendix A) and has been used in several studies with large diverse samples (Thorson & Powell, 1992, p 43). This scale is age sensitive and has the ability to demonstrate differences in the elements that make up the construct of the scale, items are scored as follow: positive phrased items strongly agree = 4; agree = 3; undecided = 2; disagree = 1; and strongly disagree = 0. Negative phrased items strongly agree = 0; agree = 1; undecided = 2; disagree = 3; and, strongly disagree = 4. Blank items are counted as undecided (score = 2). Add up the assigned item scores to get a respondent’s total score. Death Attitude factor consisted of 32-items (questions 80-112, Appendix A) representative of five theoretical components: approach acceptances (10-items), fear of death (7-items), death avoidance (5-items), escape avoidance (5-items), and neutral acceptance (5-items). Scores for all items are from 0 to 4 in the direction of strongly disagree (0) to strongly agree (4). A mean score is computed by dividing the total score by the number of items forming each scale (Appendix B). The Black Religion factor consisted of 13 questions (112-125, Appendix A) and measures the religious values based on a cultural perspective. Developed from the assumptions derived from the theological constructs of Black religious thoughts rooted in the Africentric tradition. Examples of questions: “I believe in the Holy Ghost,” “I like Gospel Music.” Scoring consists simply of adding the participant’s ratings on each item in the subscale and of summing all of the participants’ ratings on all items. A high score represent an Africentric religious consciousness and low score either Enslaved or Eurocentric consciousness. ANALYSIS OF DATA The analysis was completed by me using SPSS format. Following collection of data by the investigator, the documents were submitted to a computer technician for scanning and data was made available on data disks and information transferred to Excel spreadsheets. Once the programming was complete, the information was categorized according to the survey response and SPSS format. The transfer was successful, and the display manifested the responses of participants accordingly. Since data were categorized by headings (e.g. death attitude was divided according to the areas previously discussed therefore classified by 17 specific headings),

a summary of each major category total was compiled from the cells, thereby enabling the information to be analyzed succinctly. The present study explored if world view and racial socialization had an influence on the death anxiety beliefs of Blackamerican men of different age groups. The statistical tests, Simple Correlation and Multiple Regression, were employed to see if a significant correlation between Africentric world view, racial socialization or age influenced death anxiety beliefs and death attitudes. If relationship is affirmed, the result suggests an opportunity to build new strategies to decrease the incidence of homicides in the Blackamerican community. In addition, factor analysis is used so that the analysis can investigate the impact of a grouping of like variables. As referenced in Chapter One, homicide remains the number one crime in Blackamerican communities and present strategies to reduce the incidence of homicides are not working (Klaus, Robinson, and Laskey, 2001). Therefore, there is a need to discover a new strategy which will address the issue of reducing the incidence of homicides in the Blackamerican community among Blackamerican men ages 15-24. For this study the investigator chose to conduct the analysis in three phases. Phase one of the study investigates a simple correlation of individual responses of participants. The type of Correlation being used is Spearman’s rho because the data being analyzed is ordinal. The correlation was calculated for the relationship between racial socialization and death attitude (Appendix D). Though many choices were available to use as an example, the following was chosen to represent the results: How my family prepared me to deal with a world which did not treat Blacks as equal to Whites [question 44], correlated with uncertainty of what happens after death [question 113]. A statistically significant relationship between participants’ racial socialization and death attitudes utilizing questions 44 and 113 was found, (r (80) =.485, p