Period 3
ERWC
Mr. Bingaman
Most evidence suggests that when law enforcement authorities use racial profiling, racial tension can easily become a problem in communities. If ethnic minorities are far more likely to be stopped by police, they tend to feel that they are being unfairly harassed as a result, and before long racial tensions build up between the police and the local community. A great example of this tension is the reaction sparked by the Ferguson trials. Historically, black riots are driven by a collective lack of faith in the justice system, and feelings that the concerns of the community remain unheard. David A. Harris professor of law at the university of Pittsburgh says, "Neither the police nor the public can make the streets safe by themselves; police work without public support will not do the whole job. The police and those they serve must have a real partnership, based on trust, dedicated to the common goal of suppressing crime and making the community a good place to live and work." How can we expect the police to form this crucial partnership with all this tension in between the police and community? Statistics have proven that racial profiling is simply not effective: ethnic minorities are no more likely to commit crimes than whites and if law enforcement agents spend too much time detaining ethnic minorities, they are likely to miss potential suspects. In 2010 the New York City Population was 23.4% African Americans, 47.3% White Asian, and Native Americans, and 29.3% Latinos. In 2011 The New York city police stops recorded that these were the percentages of stop and frisks among the population: African Americans 53.0% White Asian Native Americans 13.3% and Latinos 33.7 Interestingly, according to the NYCLU (New York Civil Liberties Union), "a weapon was found in only 1.8 percent of blacks and Latinos frisked, as compared to a weapon being found in 3.8 percent of whites frisked." If racial profiling is used to narrow down