Summary: Running For Presidency

Running for Presidency In his book Minority Victory: Gilded Age Politics and the Front Porch Campaign of 1888, Charles W. Calhoun argues that the beginning of modern presidency and campaigning began in 1888 between Grover Cleveland and Benjamin Harrison. He illustrates his points by describing how Cleveland and Harrison’s individual personalities and actions play into the transformation. He also discusses the economic issues that hindered and helped the candidates during their campaigning period and also what made Harrison’s campaign different from previous nineteenth-century Gilded Age presidential politics. President Grover Cleveland, who was running for presidency from the Democratic Party, is described in the book as an indecisive candidate
who is stuck in old issues. He allows himself to be run and told what to do and he also is portrayed as someone who more so sits for presidency than runs for it and is considered passive in the fight for the presidency title. One example of Cleveland’s uncertainty is displayed in his tariff policy. His policy declared British free trade and no American protection 1, and then after he voices his stance on the tariff issue, he tries to withdraw his statement 2 . Several times in the book Calhoun uses quotes like, “endorses the views expressed by President Cleveland in his last annual message to Congress as the correct interpretation of that platform upon the question of tariff reduction; and also endorses the efforts of our Democratic Representatives in Congress to secure a reduction of excessive taxation.”3 and describes Cleveland as “straddling” the final platform4. Calhoun also brings to light the issues that Cleveland wants to deal with rather than that of economic tariff issues. Cleveland still wanted to work on the Reconstruction of America after Civil War5, however, the people of this time period seemed to be tiring of race and civil rights issues that had not yet been resolved and wanted to focus more on the current economic issues they were facing. Grover Cleveland pushed for his originally stated stance on the tariff issues to be re-elected and to gain support. Cleveland is also portrayed as a pushover and as someone who does whatever he is told to gain support. For example, A.J. Warner wrote to Randall that “Cleveland surrendered to Wat[t]erson and the South on the tariff”6 and Calhoun also says “Cleveland demonstrated that “the Southern Free Traders are his masters”7. Compared to Cleveland, Benjamin Harrison was an active campaigner, and he cared about the modern issues. Harrison used Political Textbooks and newspapers to his advantage, even though every paper was overtly Democratic or Republican, Harrison was able to basically interview himself and answer the questions that he thought were important to the voters. Harrison also made speeches, unlike Cleveland, and he used his speeches to connect with the people. He opened up his yard and allowed citizens to come up to his porch and ask him questions8 which allowed him to portray to his audience his stance on the issues and his understanding of politics, as well as allowing him to seem more personable to the people who would be voting. Although there was not a high level of enthusiasm in voting to nominate Harrison9 he took his position seriously and defined a new way of campaigning. The economic issues of the time also played a large role in the way that Cleveland and Harrison campaigned for the election of 1888.
Calhoun describes Cleveland and his committee as having the upper hand during the campaigning period, financially speaking. “Republicans could not count on filling their campaign coffers with contributions from the army of federal officeholders. That advantage in 1888 would go to the Democrats”10. Cleveland also implemented patronage and civil service during his campaign which assisted his team financially11. However, even without this resource, Harrison’s campaigning committee did an excellent job in raising money for their cause. The Republican team worked hard, donating their own money, fundraising, tapping industrial and commercial interests and forming relationships between themselves and the nation’s industries. Senator Matthew S. Quay, chairman of the Republican team, lent $50,000 toward the campaign and vice presidential nominee Levi P. Morton donated $20,00012. Aside from giving from their own funds, the Republican committee also “engaged in some fund-raising, but soon accepted the argument of other party leaders that the best way to tap industrial and commercial interests for contributions was to create a special advisory committee of economic leaders who had the trust of their colleagues in the business world”13. Harrison’s additions to the team included John Wanamaker, Thomas Dolan, and Herman Armour; and these men collected over
$700,00014. Harrison’s team proved that even though the odds were not in their favor initially, their hard work and intelligence used in choosing committee members could help them win the election. Calhoun argues that Benjamin Harrison’s campaign and election was the one that led the following elections into the modern format that is now used.
Harrison’s modern ideas of running for presidency included a more personal approach to his constituency, a wise use of media resources, and also the importance of committee workers who actively participate in campaigning publicly and also within the conventions. Benjamin Harrison was the first nominee to give speeches to the people who would be voting, along with publishing his platform to the public through use of political text books and newspapers15. Also his front porch campaign allowed Harrison to answer questions and state his position on the issues effectively16. Another important aspect of Harrison’s campaigning and election is due to the effort that his Republican team put into their jobs and the support he gained from other people. William W. Dudley wrote Harrison “I love you as a brother and will stand by you as long as I live”17. Other supporters include Michner and Elkins. Michner said during the convention “New York is standing by us firmly and will continue. I believe our man will be nominated”, and somehow Platt was under the impression that if Harrison gained New York’s full support he would be appointed as secretary of the treasury in a Harrison administration. Later on some accounts showed that “Elkins made the promise to Platt in exchange for New York’s full support for Harrison”18. The undying support and
confidence that Harrison’s men had in his ability to win played a major role in how actively they campaigned and ultimately why they won. Calhoun makes a winning argument with this book that contrary to common belief modern day campaigns and elections began with Harrison. He makes his point by describing both the Democratic and Republican side of the process of being nominated then campaigning and finally into the election. He portrays Harrison’s personality throughout his work and why his campaigning ideas worked better than Cleveland’s and how they changed the way following presidents would run for the White House, actively instead of passively. Calhoun also describes Harrison’s overcoming of economic trials and his personable approach to help make his case, describing the new ideas that Harrison and his team brought to the table.