When Is Humanitarian Intervention Justified?
When is Humanitarian Intervention Justified?
“The regime is killing us, many of the opposition fighters are becoming criminals and the world is watching it like a film” (The Economist, 2013). This is a statement by a Syrian student whose sentiment has become common amongst Syrians. According to the UN, since March 18th 2011, the date that marked the beginning of the Syrian uprising, 70,000 Syrians, mostly civilians, have died, but the death toll is likely to be considerably higher (ibid.). The conflict between followers of the governing Ba’ath Party and the Syrian opposition, which has turned into an utter civil war (Nebehay, 2012), has also resulted into a substantial refugee problem and a deficiency in basic resources and services that has led to “more than 4 million Syrians now lack[ing] fuel, electricity, a telephone line and food” (The Economist, 2013). These facts reveal that the Syrian situation, which has been going on for more than two years, has turned into a conspicuous humanitarian catastrophe. Yet, “both NATO and the United States have stated in no uncertain terms that they will not intervene” and “Russia and China have vetoed efforts in the UN Security Council to condemn Syria” (Landis, 2012).
I used Syria as an introductory case study because it forms a contemporary demonstration of the extent to which states can abuse their sovereignty rights, “treating [them] as a license to kill” (Bellamy & Wheeler, 2011, p.512). Although the international community has gotten militarily involved in other instances, for various reasons it is not willing to do so in Syria, as it was not ready to intervene in Darfur in 2003-4, when the Sudanese government “embarked on what the UN has described as a reign of terror” (Bellamy & Wheeler, 2011, p.520), despite previous “declarations that such crimes must ‘never again’ be allowed to happen” (Stark, 2011, p.4). In this essay it will be argued that within today’s normative context, especially with
“The regime is killing us, many of the opposition fighters are becoming criminals and the world is watching it like a film” (The Economist, 2013). This is a statement by a Syrian student whose sentiment has become common amongst Syrians. According to the UN, since March 18th 2011, the date that marked the beginning of the Syrian uprising, 70,000 Syrians, mostly civilians, have died, but the death toll is likely to be considerably higher (ibid.). The conflict between followers of the governing Ba’ath Party and the Syrian opposition, which has turned into an utter civil war (Nebehay, 2012), has also resulted into a substantial refugee problem and a deficiency in basic resources and services that has led to “more than 4 million Syrians now lack[ing] fuel, electricity, a telephone line and food” (The Economist, 2013). These facts reveal that the Syrian situation, which has been going on for more than two years, has turned into a conspicuous humanitarian catastrophe. Yet, “both NATO and the United States have stated in no uncertain terms that they will not intervene” and “Russia and China have vetoed efforts in the UN Security Council to condemn Syria” (Landis, 2012).
I used Syria as an introductory case study because it forms a contemporary demonstration of the extent to which states can abuse their sovereignty rights, “treating [them] as a license to kill” (Bellamy & Wheeler, 2011, p.512). Although the international community has gotten militarily involved in other instances, for various reasons it is not willing to do so in Syria, as it was not ready to intervene in Darfur in 2003-4, when the Sudanese government “embarked on what the UN has described as a reign of terror” (Bellamy & Wheeler, 2011, p.520), despite previous “declarations that such crimes must ‘never again’ be allowed to happen” (Stark, 2011, p.4). In this essay it will be argued that within today’s normative context, especially with
Bibliography: Bellamy, A. (2010), “Peace Operations and Humanitarian Intervention”, chapter 10 in Beeson & Bisley ed. “Issues in 21st World Politics”, Palgrave Macmillan Bellamy, A Carlsson, I. (2005), “The UN at 50: a Time to Reform”, Foreign Policy 100 (Autumn), 3-18 Donnely, J Last accessed: April 7th, 2013 Finnemore, M Hoffman, S. (1995), “The Politics and Ethics of Humanitarian Intervention”, Survival: Global Politics and Strategy 37 (4), 29-51 Holzgrefe, J Kymlicka, W. (2002), “Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Introduction” 2nd ed., Oxford University Press Landis, J Lauren, P. (2011), “The Evolution of International Human Rights” 3rd ed., University of Pennsylvania Press Nebehay, S Last accessed: April 7th, 2013 Powers, G Last accessed: April 7th, 2013 Stark, A Téson, F. (2001), “The Liberal Case for Humanitarian Intervention”, State of Florida College of Law