his Disorienting Encounters, he writes to inform his Muslim audience about Paris, comparing the city’s greatness to that of Constantinople. He describes Paris as “the seat of the government of the land of the French, the mother of its cities, the throne of its kingdom, the abode of its great men, the source of its laws, the home of its learning and sciences” (As-Saffar 123). Even as a foreigner, As-Saffar could see that Paris was great and impressive, that it was the heart of France. As a tourist of standing, he was exposed to the experiences of the upper-class Parisians and was able to note their wealth, making references to servants and stating, “Goods in this city are very expensive because of the wealth of its inhabitants and the high quality of the merchandise” (As-Saffar 134). Wealth and power go hand in hand with influence. Paris clearly influenced the French people as a whole: As-Saffar says, “The [French] glory in its name and aspire to live there, while imitating its inhabitants in their behavior, refined manners, and cultured way of life” (As-Saffar 123). The statement that the French imitate the Parisians suggests that an average Frenchman from outside of Paris is inherently distinct from an average Parisian since he must actively attempt to mimic Parisian behavior. As-Saffar’s statement implies he believed the Parisians were not average Frenchmen that could stand for the French people as a whole.
Alexis de Tocqueville’s Recollections take place in 1848, during and after the February Revolution, which ended the July Monarchy and began the Second Republic. Similar to As-Safar, Tocqueville acknowledged that there were some differences between the people of Paris and the people of the rest of France. One technical difference mentioned was dialect: “Ten times, at least, inexperienced sentries speaking every imaginable dialect held me covered, for Paris was full of countrymen from all over France, many of whom were there for the first time” (Tocqueville 163). While a difference in dialect does not necessarily mean that the countrymen were unlike the Parisians in their mentalities, it was certainly a barrier that separated them from the Parisians, at least to Tocqueville. However, Tocqueville believed all the people of France, Parisians and countrymen alike, would suffer if the revolution would go too far, which is what he told the National Guard: “Do you think that, if Paris is in anarchy and the whole kingdom in confusion, it is only the King who will suffer?” (Tocqueville 40). In this case, the sufferings of the people of Paris could easily stand for the general confusion present throughout the nation.
Tocqueville’s Recollections also serve to contrast the grand image of Paris that As-Saffar painted.
Tocqueville was able to sense the February Revolution of 1848 beginning by the way the people were acting: he writes, “as soon as I had set foot in the street I could for the first time scent revolution in the air: the middle of the street was empty; the shops were not open; there were no carriages, or people walking; one heard none of the vendors’ cries; little frightened groups of neighbors talked by the doors in lowered voices; anxiety or anger disfigured every face” (Tocqueville 36). It was quiet, too quiet, and the atmosphere was too tense. The nearly silent streets of Paris became a representation of the Parisians’ apprehension. When Tocqueville was walking through the streets and saw the barricades, fallen trees, and the other acts of destruction, he found himself “saying what had long been on the tip of [his] tongue: ‘Believe me this time it is not another riot, but a revolution.’” (Tocqueville 38). The manner in which the Parisians had transformed the city physically in addition to the incorporeal manner made it doubly obvious what was happening even though it was not quite like the last revolution that had occurred. Tocqueville comments on this, saying, “Nowhere did I see the seething unrest I had witnessed in 1830, when the whole city reminded me of one vast, boiling cauldron. This time it was not a matter of overthrowing the government, but simply of letting it fall”, implying this revolution did not require much effort and therefore there was no need for all the energetic shouting and violence that had happened in 1830 (Tocqueville 39). This time, the Parisians had transformed Paris into a quiet, but tense entity rather than one raging in civil
war.
Edmond de Goncourt wrote Pages from the Goncourt Journal in 1870-1871 at the end of Second Empire, during the Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune. Goncourt, like As-Saffar and Tocqueville, noted a separation between Paris and other parts of France, saying, “Paris has never known an October like this. The clear, starry nights are like nights in the south of France” (Goncourt 174). While the appearance of the night sky in these locations has little to do with the mentalities of the people themselves, it can be a simple symbol of Paris being generally unlike southern France.
While Tocqueville described a Paris that was silent and deserted, Goncourt describes a Paris that was full of noise and crowds of people. During the Franco-Prussian War, there was a moment on August 6th when Parisians falsely believed the Crown Prince of Prussia had been defeated and “every voice raised in a tremendous Marseillaise, the roar of which drowned the buzz of noise from the stockbrokers’ enclosure inside the [Stock Exchange] … One kept running into men pale with emotion, children hopping around in excitement and women making drunken gestures” (Goncourt 167). This Paris was a much louder, livelier, and perhaps grander place than what Tocqueville had described. Later on October 31st, “Standing behind a group of people questioning a National Guard, [Goncourt] heard the words revolver shots, rifle shots, wounded…The Rue de Rivoli was packed with people, and the crowd, sheltering under umbrellas, grew thicker as one approached the Hôtel de Ville” (Goncourt 176). Here, the Parisians are out and about, sharing news, spreading rumors, and gathering in crowds to express their “distress at Bazaine’s capitulation” (Goncourt 177). By being in the streets, the Parisians created a Paris quite different from the quiet, deserted city it had been in 1848.
Marc Bloch’s Memoirs of War relates his experiences in 1914-1915 at the start of World War I. When he describes Paris during early days of mobilization, he says, “The city was quiet and somewhat solemn. The drop in traffic, the absence of buses, and the shortage of taxis made the streets almost silent” (Bloch 78). This description is rather like Tocqueville’s at first, emphasizing desertion, but then Bloch continues, “On the streets, in the stores and streetcars, strangers chatted freely; the unanimous goodwill, though often expressed in naïve or awkward words and gestures, was nonetheless moving”, showing interaction among Parisians slightly more similar to what Goncourt described (Bloch 78). The concept of strangers sharing awkward, but mutual wishes of goodwill suggests a tentative sense of unity that most likely prevailed throughout France, not only Paris, at least among the common people. Paris, in this context, could stand for France as a whole. It was war, the Great War, the war to end all wars, so despite France’s increasing political polarization, the French had a common foreign enemy to rally against. Perhaps the grandness of Paris in Bloch’s description of Paris was in the potential of unity, rather than the riches and power As-Saffar had described.