Vanguard Project History

Rockefeller’s statement reflects that, despite great confidence, Washington was aware of the conflict emerging. A development in American science would directly counteract one in Soviet science (and vice versa). The military connotations of these developments were also understood, as military review of the program noted its potential in ballistic use. It was understood that the Vanguard project’s significance lay far beyond the physical satellite it planned to place in orbit. Vanguard, by 1957, was off to a slow start. The first satellite launch facility was only built that year in Cape Canaveral, Florida (Naval Research Laboratory), and TV-2, only the third test vehicle for stage one, was being tested. It was at this time when project
Vanguard learned of the unexpected—the USSR had succeeded in launching their satellite before them. In the first battle of the space race, they had won. Sputnik emerged as a Soviet initiative to launch the world’s first satellite, and, much like America, had employed German scientists to do so. The Soviet Union, striving for advancement, had captured German scientists for use in the project. Helmut Gottrup, the chief scientist on the (Soviet) German team had asked Minister Dmitry Ustinov when he was allowed to return home and was met with the response “as soon as you make a rocket fly around the world” (Russian SpaceWeb). Though intentionally a joke, Ustinov’s reply reflected Russia’s fierce conviction in the race to develop a satellite. The Sputnik initiative materialized through the NII-4 program in 1946, a team of German and Soviet rocket scientists. Lead by scientist Mikhail Tikhonravov, the NII-4 program had made great advances in the satellite rocket technology before the United States had even begun their research (Russian SpaceWeb). The United States government, in response to the clear Soviet advance in space, immediately increased their effort in the space race tenfold.
Lyndon B. Johnson, Senate preparedness Subcommittee chairman, immediately began a “full, complete, and exhaustive inquiry into the state of the nation’s satellite and missile efforts (Lyndon B. Johnson quoted in Vanguard – A History).” The Vanguard project had received ultimate priority in military initiatives and, as a result, received a needed boost in men, materials, and money. This drastic increase in effort on the part of everyone involved had culminated in greater testing and development of Vanguard project rockets. Despite multiple failures throughout 1957 and 1958, their efforts culminated in a successful launch on January 31st, 1958. Explorer 1 left the launch pad at cape Canaveral and, at last, the United States had proven their worth in space exploration (Office of the Historian). Despite their eventual success, the political ramifications of “losing” the first milestone of the space race were lasting. The United States had developed newfound conviction in the space race, now aware of their adversaries’ potential; additionally, the creation of NASA had cemented space exploration’s place in the US government and budget. The United States’ delayed reaction, only prioritizing space exploration after the Soviet display of their technology, highlighted the competitive nature of the nation. Had the Soviets not succeeded
in their Sputnik endeavor, it is likely that Vanguard would have remained on the backburner collecting scraps of funding in its slow development. Sputnik’s political effects affect the United States to the modern day, being the genesis of the United States’ direct effort in the space race—one that would go far beyond Washington. For the American public, the space race began on October 4th, 1957—the day Sputnik was launched. Americans watched in utter bewilderment as the tiny artificial moon crossed their suburban skies and the Space Age dawned upon them. Historian Roger D. Launius, in reflection of that day, writes “The only appropriate characterization that begins to capture the mood on 5 October involves the use of the word hysteria.” Culturally, Sputnik incited sudden crises in confidence in American technology, politics, and military. And as much as America feared the prospect of space, they became obsessed with it:
I first saw the satellite scooting across a dark evening sky orbiting the Earth at a speed of 18,000 miles per hour. Watching Sputnik traverse the sky was seeing history happen with my own eyes. To me, it was as if Sputnik was the starter's pistol in an exciting new race. I was electrified, delirious, as I witnessed the beginning of the Space Age. (Dickson quoted in NOVA) Sputnik was, to many, the most amazing thing they had ever seen. The idea that humans could impact the universe beyond the atmosphere of their own planet was beyond comprehension and, for the first time, it had been done. Restaurants placed “Sputnik Burgers” on their menus, homes became adorned with space themed lamps and furnishings, and the suffix “-nik” became commonplace (Collins 136-138). Sputnik had truly infected the American people with a desire to look towards the sky. The American education system underwent changes as math and science curriculums were bolstered. The National Defense Education Act of 1958 bolstered science education, college loans in STEM fields increased, and the National Science Foundation saw its budget expand threefold (The Columbus Dispatch). Shocked and shamed into action, the American home front embraced the Space Age completely. As astronauts became celebrities, the Jetsons invaded Saturday morning television, and rocket kits sold in immense numbers, the immense sense of cultural jealousy and competition that developed as a result of Sputnik became evident. While Sputnik lead to awe inspired, optimistic cultural disposition, it also cultivated great fear. The Soviet display of technology reminded Americans of the military, violence tensions between the two nations. Additionally, Americans began to fear that their nation was falling behind in the ever growing “missile gap”. This fear, as a result of Sputnik and space age technology, would greatly influence the politics of the cold war era. The desire to surpass the Soviets in was fueled by an intense competition that spanned from children’s bedrooms to the white house. As a new decade dawned, America’s ambitions regarding space travel only grew; a key factor in this expansion was John F. Kennedy. In the 1960 presidential election, he employed ardent cold war rhetoric to assist him in his election, stressing an increase in military strength and spending, a more proactive stance against the expansion of communism, and concern over Soviet ballistic potential (John F. Kennedy Library). Kennedy’s ardent anti-communist sentiment manifested itself in a massive expansion of the United States’ space exploration. On May 25, 1961, he announced in his “Special Message to the Congress on Urgent National Need” that he believed “that this nation [America] should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the Earth (Jordan 209).” Kennedy’s proclamation started a grand materialization of idealistic, optimistic visions of space. To Kennedy, space represented a battlefield of the cold war that, above all else, could not be lost. For an American to walk on the moon and return to Earth would symbolize the power of democracy and freedom beyond Earth, and it would mark a major victory on the part of the United States. Not all shared Kennedy’s unfiltered ambition, however:
Some science advisors who felt that the focus on prestige was “overemphasized” and might jeopardize the overall integrity of the program also questioned the political motivation behind the lunar objective. Although Kennedy’s advisors would eventually come to support the program—thanks in part to NASA’s own need to justify its continued existence—Kennedy found himself in the position of chief salesperson for the program and had to accept the burden of rallying support among the American people. (Jordan 213)
Not all bought into Kennedy’s fierce rhetoric and pursuit of prestige through space exploration. The massive expansion of spending under the Kennedy administration shocked even past proponent of Space travel, Dwight Eisenhower. Recognizing Kennedy’s nationalistic undertones, remarked “Anyone who would spend $40 billion in a race to the moon for national prestige is nuts (Dwight D. Eisenhower quoted in Jordan 212).” Despite these reservations, the young president was able to rally massive public and legislative support for his dreams of space. The prospective space exploration never hid its value regarding national prestige over scientific advancement and used it to its advantage, allowing Americans to justify the massive spending. Kennedy’s staunch propulsion of space travel would greatly impact the course of the space race and culminate in the Apollo missions.
The National Aeronautics and Space Administration was founded on October 1, 1958 directly following the launch of Sputnik to advance satellite technology; however, it was following JFK’s May 25, 1961 announcement that they enjoyed their finest hour: the Apollo mission. NASA began to prioritize travel to the moon directly after Kennedy proclaimed the nation would make the journey before the 1960s were over. As a result of this newfound conviction, NASA’s funding dramatically increased from roughly 1% of the Federal Budget in 1962 to 4.5% by 1968 (Center for Lunar Science and Exploration). Despite a deadly fire in 1967 among multiple other failures, the project did not lose momentum. The development of the Saturn V rocket proved crucial to the Apollo project, as it proved powerful, accurate, and dependable in long-range space missions.
The scientists’ pursuits finally bore fruit in 1968 with Apollo 7. By 1968, NASA was able to send astronauts successfully around the moon and back (NASA History Office). It was clear that a moonwalk was within reach. At last, Kennedy’s vision was fulfilled. On July 16, 1969, the crew of Apollo 11 had made it to the moon, set foot on it, placed the American flag, and made it back home. The task, which previously could only exist in fiction, had been accomplished and, rather dramatically, in the last year of the 1960s, America had won the space race. Apollo 11’s success proved NASA and the United States’ worth in space exploration.
Not only was the mission a landmark in science and technology, but American pride. Neil Armstrong’s famous quote, “one small step for a man, one giant leap for mankind” has since been engraved into the American vernacular as a symbol of American ingenuity and achievement. The American flag placed on the moon was the nail in the coffin of the Soviet’s effort to make it there first. The moon had been claimed not only by the United States, but also by democracy itself. After Apollo 11, a new kind of superstar emerged: the astronaut. After emerging from their post-reentry quarantine, Collins, Armstrong, and Aldrin were welcomed back with open arms by the American people. President Nixon made use of the men’s status as symbols of national pride to help ease domestic tensions boiling over by sending the astronauts on a national and world tour. Just as the soviets had flaunted their accomplishment after Sputnik, the United States did not miss the opportunity to boast. The astronauts toured the world as symbols of American values: freedom and
democracy.
On November 5, 1969, President Nixon held a public welcoming ceremony at the white house. Just as Kennedy had hoped, the prestige gained by this successful mission was immense. The nation’s optimistic perception of American potential had been rewarded by an accomplishment thought to be impossible; furthermore, the Americans were able to claim an international “first” in space exploration, something the Soviets had done prior with Sputnik (Collins 416-418). The Apollo mission had millions of Americans glued to their televisions, and after the mission was over, the press did not lose interest. Countless interviews, parades, and articles wrote with utmost praise of the astronauts. The men had become national heroes. Millions of children looked up to Neil Armstrong as a role model, the “Astro Wives’ received endless amounts of fan mail, and millions of dollars were made as fans scrambled to buy anything related to space. On August 13, 1969, the New York Post’s headline read: “Hail the Heroes,” along with a picture of a massive ticker-tape parade. An article in the August 14, 1969 edition of the Daily News read “They [Apollo 11 crew] dropped in on us yesterday, and even though they stayed longer than when we saw them on that moon, it wasn’t half long enough.” The sense of pride enjoyed by the nation overshadowed the astounding scientific advances. It was America’s time to celebrate, and in this great moment of national victory over the Soviets, they did not hold back. With the immensely popularity enjoyed by Apollo 11, the future of space exploration looked bright; however, without the fuel of conflict, the last-frontier lost its appeal. Since 1969, the NASA budget has dropped immensely from 4.5% of the federal budget in 1968 to just 0.6% in 2014 (Center for Lunar Science and Exploration). Additionally, the last mission to the moon came only three years after the first. The nation had been able to overlook the few tangible rewards of space travel in the past, but since the end of the space race and the cold war, the cause grew harder to justify. Just as the space race reflected immense cold war tensions, the steady decline of interest in space reflects a lack of competition. With the official end of the NASA space shuttle program in 2011, space exploration was laid to rest for the time being. The private sector has since picked up where NASA left off, with SpaceX making immense advances in space technology. The country that had once been set afire by the prospect of space, motivated by fierce competition with Soviet Russia, seems to have abandoned the final-frontier it once sought out so ambitiously.