Yoruba Culture Research Paper

SOCIO-POLITICAL AND CULTURAL EXPOSITION IN THE COGNOMEN OF ALAAFIN OF OYO

BY

OJEBODE, AYOKUNMI OLADELE AJAYI CROWTHER UNIVERSITY, OYO MATRIC NO: 07H01/011

A LONG ESSAY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH, SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF HUMANITIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT S FOR THE DEGREE OF B ACHELOR OF ART, AJAYI CROWTHER UNIVERSIT Y, OYO, NIGERIA. JUNE, 2011

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THE OYO PEOPLE AND COGNOM EN 1.0 Introduction One of the traditions that is gradually wearing off among the Yoruba today due to modernity is the knowledge of cognomen (Oriki). Different families and lineages in the Yorubaland have a cognomen that they are known for, most times the recitation of a cognomen is performed by an aged person in a household, either a
male or female, but very often aged women usually recite the cognomen of their children whenever they perform excellently or do something spectacular that is worthy of commendation or appraisal. This tradition is performed, as the mother draws the child to herself and appraises him or her by reciting the cognomen of their ancestry. She starts reciting the household cognomen of the mother to the father s. Sometimes, the mother roots up the cognomen of the boy or girl s ancestor. When this is done, it elates thrills and excites the person being praised and it prompts the person to do more better things. Apart from this, the Yoruba have cognomen for some particular lineages, households or some important people or group of people in the society. Most of these cognomens are coined from different timeworn, deep-rooted, long-forgotten and ancient stories of some families, individuals, ancestry or lineage which are all joined together to form a whole cognomen. Cognomen varies in length depending on whether it s the name given to a child to describe the future portents of the child s life or as a recital of the accomplishments of a clan. It is invoked when praising a child for bringing pride to the parents or clan or when attempting to evoke virtuous character traits of bravery, fortitude, perseverance believed to innate in a person due to his pedigree. It also comprises words of unveiling or revealing truths which are used among the Yoruba to praise, commend, applaud or use as an expression of admiration for a person. When someone is working or dancing and he hears his or her cognomen, he or she brightens up and does the job better. There are different forms and ways of praising someone with cognomen, as there are cognomens for important people in the society like, Kings, Queens and royal people, so also are cognomens for commoners. In Awon Oriki Borokinni (1975) by Adeboye Babalola; he highlights the cognomen of some individuals in the Yoruba land. For

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example, cognomen of Babalola Balogun Ibadan, cognomen of Baale Orowusi, cognomen of Okunola Abasi, cognomen of Olubadan e.t.c. Furthermore, Kola Owolabi and Sayo Alagbe, authors of The Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III, His life History and his philosophy (2008), comments
The drum wakes up the Alaafin very early in the morning Dide, dide Layiwola. Get up, get up Layiwola, Dide ki o bo sokoto, Get up and put your trousers on, Layiwola dide ki o bo sokoto. Layiwola, get up and put your trousers on, Atanda, dide ki o bo sokoto. Atanda, get up and put your trouser on, Enikan kii fi ise igbonse ran omo re, The duty assigned to you by tradition cannot be It says:

delegated; it does not matter if it is messy,
Dide ki o bo sokoto . Get up and put your trousers on.

This is to prove how effective the cognomen could be in the Yorubaland. Apart from this, the cognomen is used to revitalize a child when he greets his parent in the morning. Specific cognomens are used for people who hail from, the Alajagun or Olorisa s family. In addition, cognomen can be used to entertain during traditional marriage (Igbeyawo), Chieftaincy Conferment (Iwuye), naming ceremony (Ikomo) and other special ceremonies. Cognomen can be drawn from a person s name, especially name given to a child as a result of situations surrounding his or her birth. For example: Idowu, Ige, Ajayi, Dada, Ojo e.t.c. Idowu The child given birth to, after a set of twins, either male or female, Idowus are

always considered heady and stubborn, hence their appellation Esu lehin ibeji (the fiend after twins). There is a current superstition that the mother, who has had twins and fails to get an Idowu in due course, may likely go insane; hence all mothers of twins are never at ease until in due course the Idowu is born. Ige - is a child born with breech or footling presentation. Ajayi is a child born with face downwards it is styled Adojude, that is to say, when

rotation is absent during the exit of the shoulders.
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Ojo or Aina

is a child born with the cord twined round its neck. The choice of name is a

matter of preference partly clannish or by decision of the family Oracle. Ojo, however, is never given to females; Aina may be male or female. Dada is a curly-headed child styled Olowo Ori.

In conclusion, It has been ascertained by many scholars (Karin Barber; 1991), (Adépégba; 1995) (Akínyemí; 1991), (Olátúnjí; 1984), (Finnegan; 1970) and (Johnson; 2001), that cognomen is a potent and effective tool for communication and it also plays the role of historical record keeping among the Yoruba. Today, however, citation or singing of cognomen (Oriki) is only left to the aged and chanters (akéwìs) who use it as a means of livelihood in their musical production. Therefore, it is the intention of the researcher to show the socio-political and cultural importance attached to the cognomen of Alaafin of Oyo. 1.1.0 A history of the Oyo Empire The Oyo Empire was a West African empire of what is today a town in Nigeria. The Oyo Empire was established by the Yoruba in the 15th century and grew to become one of the largest empires in West Africa. It rose to preeminence through wealth gained from trade and its possession of a powerful cavalry. The Oyo Empire was the most politically vibrant from the mid17th to the late 18th century, holding sway not only over other Yoruba kingdoms in modern day Nigeria, but also over Benin, and Togo, and other African kingdoms, most notable being the Fon Dahomey (located in modern day Republic of Benin). It is also one of the most prominent examples of a West African people claiming an origin in the East comes from the Yoruba whose tradition has intrigued those who have seen influences from ancient Egypt in Yoruba art, customs, and religious practice. According to Yoruba myth, the national origin is traceable to Ife where Oduduwa, a prince of Mecca, came seeking refuge from his persecutors and remained to live among the local people. Oduduwa 's children became the progenitors of the several Yoruba nations, including the Oyo who later became the founders of a large and powerful empire. What can be inferred from this tradition is that there were invasions of the forest country from the north, one of these being associated with the name of Oduduwa and occurring about
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l000 A.D.
at a site called Ife. It is very probable that there were people already living in the forest and that the intruders came in a series of discrete waves, deferring to Ife as the spiritual source of the Yoruba people but granting it no political primacy. That Ife was an important center may be inferred from the splendid art she produced at this early period, but there could have been no genuine unity among the Yoruba who never even provided themselves with a national name--the term, Yoruba, originating during the nineteenth century, applied not by the Yoruba themselves but by outsiders to describe a series of city-states where variations of the same language were spoken. Tradition began to give way to historical fact with the formation and development of the state of Old Oyo. Founded according to tradition by Oranmiyan, a son or grandson of Oduduwa, it probably dates from the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century A.D., after which it quickly became politically predominant throughout Yorubaland, its authority extending at its height during the eighteenth century north to the Niger, south to the sea, east as far as Benin, and west to include the kingdom of Dahomey. The Oyo Empire was not a centralized monolith but consisted rather of layers of states with varying loyalties to the center. Most closely connected was metropolitan Oyo, which was directly administered. Next were provinces closely allied with Oyo, then provinces with considerable local independence
where Oyo exercised only suzerainty, and finally autonomous states, which had been conquered by Oyo and were forced to pay tribute. Clearly, this empire functioned as effectively as its system of communication, the vigor of its rulers, and the efficiency of its army. At the head of the state was the Alaafin of Oyo, a powerful monarch but by no means a thoroughgoing autocrat. Surrounded by a complex of palace and state officials, the Alaafin was considered sacred, but more importantly is that he respects the culture of the people, or would at any rate go against the officials who wielded political power. These were the king makers (Oyo Mesi), the aristocratic leaders of the seven wards of the capital city who formed a council of state and were responsible for selection of each new Alaafin. This enormous authority also worked in reverse for the Oyo Mesi could condemn a deficient king to death by suicide, thus placing a powerful check on any tendency toward royal tyranny. Furthermore there was the Ogboni, a secret society of religious and political leaders who had the power to review decisions of the Oyo Mesi, including the repudiation of the Alaafin.

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In the provinces were Obas, or princes, drawn from the local ruling lineages and exercising considerable autonomy provided it was accompanied by regular payment of tribute. That the Oyo Empire remained virile until late in the eighteenth century is tribute to the ability of numerous kings who, like the legendary Sango or Ojigi, the eighteenth century conquerer of Dahomey, were able to govern effectively despite the customary limitations placed upon their rule. There were other factors contributing to imperial strength, however; for example, the tradition that decreed death to defeated generals, a strong system of administration at least within metropolitan Oyo, a steady stream of revenue in tribute and taxes to feed the treasury, and a certain degree of cultural and linguistic cohesion among the people living near the capital. Despite their imperial status, the people of Oyo lived simply. Their mud houses were roofed with foliage and modestly furnished. Dress was rudimentary, although personal cleanliness was scrupulously observed, and whenever a dirty or unkempt person was encountered it was sure to be a sign of mourning. The people were of an unassuming and virtuous disposition; crime was consequently rare and submissiveness to one 's superiors was a standard rarely violated. Being compliant by nature, the Oyo people were more diplomatic than forceful, even appearing in extreme circumstances to lack straightforwardness. This characteristic was accompanied by an ambiguity in speech as well as shrewdness in commercial dealings for which they were widely renowned. It was during the seventeenth century that the Oyo Empire began to develop on a large scale, and under the warlike Alaafin, Ajagbo, reached out toward the coast. With the eighteenth century came the conquest of the kingdom of Dahomey when Dahomey attempted to dispute Oyo 's coastal outlets. Under Ojigi (1698-1732) and his successors, first the slaving center of Allada and then Dahomey proper were invaded and devastated, but Oyo was unable to occupy the enemy territory and had to be content with tribute which consisted of men and women as well as military supplies and cash payments in cowries. Apparently at the height of her powers, Oyo was in fact already overextended and began to lose strength when the royal line came under the domination of Gaha, the Bashorun, or head, of the Oyo Mesi, who seized power in 1754 and held it until he was overthrown about 1774. Although with Alaafin Abiodun (1754-1789), the royal line had managed to re-establish itself and to maintain domination over an increasingly
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restive Dahomey, the Egba subgroup of the Yoruba successfully asserted their independence toward the end of the eighteenth century as did others including the Bariba people of Borgu, and the Nupe. By the opening of the nineteenth century, Oyo was facing a protracted civil war which was to sap the energies of the Yoruba throughout the century, and which was brought to an end only with the British intervention in Yorubaland in 1893. Though there were complex factors at work, the decline of Old Oyo was the result of basic weaknesses within the Yoruba community. In the first place, the empire had become too unwieldy and its lines of communication and supply overextended, thus inviting revolt in the provinces. Such defections might have been offset by strong leadership within Oyo itself but in fact it was at this very time that internal dissension robbed the administration of its essential vigor. The rule of Gaha seriously weakened the web of authority around the Alaafin, and this in turn meant indecision within the government and a decline in the effectiveness of the army. Other pressures took their toll. For example, there was the rise of coastal trade, particularly in slaves, which swung the center of economic gravity southward away from Oyo; another factor was the growing influence of Islam in the north, but essentially the fault was internal. In the final analysis, as they were to demonstrate during their nineteenth-century civil wars, the Yoruba had little internal cohesion and were incapable of living and working together in peace. 1.1.1 Mythical Origins The mythical origins of the Oyo Empire lie with Oranyan (also known as Oranmiyan), the prince of the Yoruba Kingdom of Ile-Ife (Ife). Oranyan made an agreement with his brother to launch a punitive raid on their northern neighbors for insulting their father Oba Oduduwa, the first Ooni of Ife. On the way to the battle, the brothers quarreled and the army split up. Oranyan 's forces were too few to make a successful attack, so he wandered the southern shore until reaching Bussa. There the local chief entertained him and provided a large snake with a charm attached to its neck. The chief instructed Oranyan to follow the snake until it stopped somewhere for seven days and disappeared into the ground. Oranyan followed the advice and founded Oyo where the serpent stopped. The place is known as Ajaka. Oranyan made Oyo his new kingdom and became the first "Oba" (meaning 'king ' or 'ruler ' in the Yoruba language) with the title of "Alaafin of

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Oyo" (Alaafin means 'owner of the palace '), leaving all his treasures in Ife and allowing another king named Adimu to rule in Ile-Ife. 1.1.2 Early Period Oranyan, the first king (Oba) of Oyo, was succeeded by Oba Ajaka, Alaafin of Oyo. Ajaka was deposed, because he lacked Yoruba military virtue and allowed his sub-chiefs too much independence. Leadership was then conferred upon Ajaka 's brother, Sango, who was later deified as the deity of thunder and lightning. Ajaka was restored after Sango s death. Ajaka returned to the throne thoroughly more warlike and oppressive. His successor, Kori, managed to conquer the rest of what later historians would refer to as metropolitan Oyo. 1.1.3 Oyo-Ile The heart of metropolitan Oyo was its capital at Oyo-Ile, (also known as Katunga or Old Oyo or Oyo-oro). The two most important structures in Oyo-Ile was the 'afin ' or palace of the Oba and his market. The palace was at the center of the city close to the Oba 's market called 'Oja-oba '. Around the capital was a tall earthen wall for defense with 17 gates. The importance of the two large structures (the palace and the Oja Oba) signified the identity of the kings of Oyo. 1.1.4 Nupe Occupation Oyo had grown into a formidable inland power by the end of the 14th century. For over a century, the Yoruba state had expanded at the expense of its neighbors. Then, during the reign of Onigbogi, Oyo suffered military defeats at the hands of the Nupe led by Tsoede. Sometime around 1535, the Nupe occupied Oyo and forced its ruling dynasty to take refuge in the kingdom of Borgu. The Nupe went on to sack the capital, destroying Oyo as a regional power until the early 17th century. 1.1.5 Imperial Period Oyo went through an interregnum of 80 years as an exiled dynasty after its defeat by the Nupe. Oyo then reemerged, more centralized and expansive than ever. It would not be satisfied with simply retaking Oyo but with the establishment of its power over a vast empire. During the 17th

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century Oyo began a long stretch of growth, becoming a major empire.
Oyo never encompassed all Yoruba-speaking people but it was by far the most populous kingdom in Yoruba history. 1.1.6 Reconquest and Expansion The key to Yoruba reconquest of Oyo would be a stronger military and a more centralized government. Taking a cue from their Nupe enemies (whom they called "Tapa"), the Yoruba rearmed not only with armor but cavalry. Oba Ofinran, Alaafin of Oyo, succeeded in regaining Oyo 's original territory from the Nupe. A new capital, Oyo-Igboho, was constructed, and the original became known as Old Oyo. The next oba, Egunoju, conquered nearly all of Yorubaland. After this, Oba Orompoto led attacks to obliterate the Nupe to ensure Oyo was never threatened by them again. During the reign of Oba Ajiboyede was the first Bere festival, an event that would retain much significance among the Yoruba long after the fall of Oyo. And it was under his successor, Abipa, that the Yoruba were finally compelled to repopulate Oyo-Ile and rebuild the original capital. Despite a failed attempt to conquer the Benin Empire sometime between 1578 and 1608, Oyo continued to expand. The Yoruba allowed autonomy to the southeast of metropolitan Oyo where the non-Yoruba areas could act as a buffer between Oyo and Imperial Benin. By the end of the 16th century, the Ewe and Aja states of modern Benin were paying tribute to Oyo. 1.1.7 The Dahomey Wars The reinvigorated Oyo Empire began raiding southward at
least as early as 1682. By the end of its military expansion, Oyo 's borders would reach to the coast some 200 miles southwest of its capital. It met very little serious opposition after its failure against Benin until the early 18th century. In 1728, the Oyo Empire invaded the Kingdom of Dahomey in a major and bitter campaign. The force that invaded Dahomey was entirely composed of cavalry. Dahomey, on the other hand, possessed no cavalry but many firearms. These firearms proved effective in scaring the horses of Oyo 's cavalry and preventing them charging. Dahomey 's army also built fortifications such as trenches, which forced the Oyo army to fight as infantry. The battle lasted four days, but the Yoruba were eventually victorious after their reinforcements arrived. Dahomey was forced to pay tribute to Oyo after the latter 's hard-fought victory. This would not end the

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fighting, however, and the Yoruba would invade Dahomey a total of seven times before the little kingdom was fully subjugated in 1748. 1.1.8 Later conquest Oyo 's cavalry enabled them to launch campaigns of conquest and suppression over great distances. The Oyo army also proved capable of surmounting fortifications but had to withdraw when supplies ran out to feed the army. It is also notable that Oyo didn 't use guns in its major conquest. Furthermore, guns were little use against Oyo 's army, which is possibly why they waited until the 19th century to adopt them. In 1764, a joint Oyo-Dahomey force crushed an Asante army. The Oyo victory would define borders between the two states. Oyo led a successful campaign into Mahi territory north of Dahomey in the late 1700s. The Yoruba also used the forces of their tributaries. A striking example of this is the 1784 naval blockade by an OyoDahomey-Lagos force of Badagry. 1.1.9 Territory and Political Divisions The original organization of Oyo consisted of metropolitan Oyo and other smaller divisions. But with the advent of colonialism, Oyo was reorganized to make it manageable because of its vast expanse and territory. It was divided into four divisions defined in relation to the core of the empire. These layers were Metropolitan Oyo, southern Yorubaland, the Egbado Corridor and Ajaland. 1.1.10 Metropolitan Oyo Metropolitan Oyo corresponded, more or less, to Oyo state prior to the Nupe invasion. This was the hub of the empire where the Yoruba spoke the Oyo dialect. Metropolitan Oyo was divided into six provinces with three on the west side of the Ogun River and three to the river 's east. Each province was supervised by a governor appointed directly by the Alaafin of Oyo. 1.1.11 Yorubaland The second layer of the empire was composed of the towns closest to Oyo-Ile who were regarded as brothers. This area was south of metropolitan Oyo and its Yoruba inhabitants spoke different
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dialects from that of Oyo. These tributary states were led by their own rulers titled Obas. These vassal courts were headed by their native leaders (according to local custom) but had to be confirmed by the Alaafin of Oyo. 1.1.12 Egbado Corridor The empire 's third layer was the Egbado Corridor southwest of Yorubaland. This area was inhabited by the Egba and Egbado and was very valuable in respect to Oyo 's trade with the coast. The Egba and Egbado tributaries were allowed, like their Yoruba counterparts, to rule themselves. They were, however, supervised by Ajele. These were agents appointed by the Alaafin of Oyo to oversee his interest and monitor commerce. The lead representative of Oyo in the corridor was the Olu, ruler of the town of Ilaro. 1.1.13 Ajaland Ajaland was the last layer added to the empire and also the most restive since tribute could only be exacted by threat of far-flung expeditions. This territory extended from the non-Yoruba areas west of the Egbado Corridor far into Ewe controlled territory in modern Togo. This area, like all tributary states, was allowed a fair degree of autonomy as along as taxes were paid, the orders from Oyo were strictly followed and access to local markets was made available to Oyo merchants. Tribute was often taken in slaves, and if that meant the tributary had to make war on someone to get them (as with Dahomey), so be it. To disobey commands sent from Oyo meant wholesale slaughter of the community, as occurred in Allada in 1698. 1.1.14 Political structure The Oyo Empire developed a highly sophisticated political structure to govern its territorial domains. It is unknown precisely how much of this structure existed prior to the Nupe invasion. Some of Oyo 's institutions are clearly derivative of early accomplishments in Ife. After reemerging from exile in the early 17th century, Oyo took on a noticeably more militant character. The influence of an aggressive Yoruba culture was exemplified in the standards placed on the Oba (king) and the roles of his council.

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1.1.15 The Alaafin of Oyo The Oba of Oyo, who was referred to as the Alaafin of Oyo, was the head of the empire and supreme overlord of the people. He was responsible for keeping tributaries safe from attack, settling internal quarrels among chiefs, and mediating the relationship among people. The Alaafin of Oyo was also expected to lavish on this subordinates honors and gifts. In return, all chiefs had to pay homage to the Oba and renew their allegiance at annual ceremonies. The most important of these was the Bere festival marking the successful rule of the Alaafin. After the Bere festival there was supposed to be peace in Yorubaland for three years. 1.1.16 Selection of the Alaafin The Oyo Empire did not institute a hereditary monarchy, or an absolute one. The Alaafin of Oyo was carefully selected by the Oyo Mesi and was not always directly related to his predecessor, though he must be a descendant of Oranyan (also known as Oranmiyan), a son of Oduduwa (also known as Odudua, Odua ) and to hail from the Ona Isokun ward (which is one of the three royal lineages). At the beginning of the Oyo Empire it was usually the Alaafin 's oldest son that succeeded the father to the throne. However, this sometimes led to the oldest son i.e. the first born prince, the Aremo, hastening the death of his father. The Aremo was a powerful person who also exercises his authority to some extent like his father in the Yoruba community. For instance, by custom the Alaafin abstained from leaving the palace, except during the important festivals, which curtailed his power in practice. By contrast, the Aremo often left the palace. This led noted historian Johnson to observe:
"The father is the king of the palace, and the son the King for the general public".

The two councils which checked the Alaafin had a tendency to select a weak Alaafin after the reign of a strong one to keep the office from becoming too powerful. 1.1.17 The Ilari Certain religious and government officials, usually eunuchs, were appointed by the Alaafin of Oyo. These officials were known as the ilari or half-heads because of the custom of shaving half of their heads and applying what was believed to be a magical substance into it. There were
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hundreds of Ilari divided evenly among the sexes. Junior members of the Ilari did menial tasks while seniors acted as guards or sometimes messengers to the other world via sacrifice. They had titles referencing the king such as oba lolu ("the king is supreme") or madarikan ("do not oppose him"). They also carried fans of green or red as credentials. All sub-courts of Oyo had Ilari who acted as both spies and taxmen. Oyo appointed these people to visit and sometimes reside in Dahomey and the Egbado Corridor to collect taxes and spy on Dahomey 's military successes so that the Alaafin of Oyo could get his cut. In similitude, the terracotta art depicts that these officials had been existing since the onset in Ife, and probably this office was inaugurated during the reign of Oduduwa in Ife. 1.1.18 The Councils While the Alaafin of Oyo was supreme overlord of the people, he was not without checks on his power. The Oyo Mesi and the Yoruba Earth cult known as Ogboni kept the Oba 's power in check. The Oyo Mesi spoke for the politicians while the Ogboni spoke for the people backed by the power of religion. The power of the Alaafin of Oyo in relation to the Oyo Mesi and Ogboni depended on his personal character and political shrewdness. 1.1.19 The Oyo Mesi The Oyo Mesi were seven principal councilors of the state. They constitute the Electoral Council and possess legislative powers close to that of America 's Congress. The Bashorun, Agbaakin, Samu, Alapini, Laguna, Akiniku and Ashipa are the seven members of this council. They represent the voice of the nation and on them rest the chief responsibility of protecting the interest of the empire. The Alaafin must take counsel with them whenever any important matter affecting the state occurs, each of them has a state duty to perform at court every morning and afternoon and a special deputy, attached to them whom they send to the Alaafin at the other times when their absence is unavoidable. Their political power was tied to their control of the military. The head of the council, The Bashorun, consulted the Ifa oracle for approval from the gods. Thus, new Alaafins of Oyo were seen as appointed by the gods. They were regarded as "Ekeji Orisa" meaning "companion of the
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gods." The Bashorun was a sort of prime minister. He has the final say on the nomination of the new Alaafin. The Oyo Mesi was organized in order to have a check on the Alaafin 's power. Before making a political decision, the Alaafin was required to consult first with the Oyo Mesi. The control of the Oyo Mesi was so great that the Bashorun 's power rivaled that of the Alaafin himself. For example, the Bashorun served as the commander in chief of the army and orchestrated many religious festivals, positions which granted him both militaristic and religious authority above the king. The most important job of the Oyo Mesi was the selection of the Alaafin. 1.1.20 The Ogboni The Oyo Mesi does not enjoy an absolute power or influence, and while the Oyo Mesi may wield political influence, the Ogboni represented the popular opinion backed by the authority of religion, and therefore the view of the Oyo Mesi could be moderated by the Ogboni. And most interestingly, there are checks and balances on the power of the Alaafin and the Oyo Mesi and thus no one is arrogated absolute power. The Ogboni was a very powerful secret society composed of freemen noted for their age, wisdom and importance in religious and political affairs. Its members enjoyed immense power over the common people due to their religious station. A testament to how widespread the institution was is the fact that there were Ogboni councils at nearly all sub-courts within Yorubaland. Aside from their duties in respect to the worship of the earth, they were responsible for judging any case dealing with the spilling of blood. The leader of the Ogboni, the Olowu, had the unqualified right of direct access to the Alaafin of Oyo on any matter. 1.1.21 Deposing an Alaafin of Oyo Chief among the responsibilities of the Bashorun was the all important festival of Orun. This religious divination, held every year, was to determine if the members of the Mesi still held favor with the Alaafin. If the council decided on the disapproval of the Alaafin, the Bashorun presented the Alaafin with an empty calabash, or parrot 's egg as a sign that he must commit suicide. This was the only way to remove the Alaafin because he could not be legally deposed. Once given the parrot 's egg, the Bashorun would proclaim, "the gods reject you, the people reject
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you, the earth rejects you." The Alaafin, his eldest son, and the Samu, his personal counselor and a member of the Oyo Mesi all had to commit suicide in order to renew the government all together. The process and suicide ceremony took place during the Orun festival. 1.1.22 Military There was a high degree of professionalism in the army of the Oyo Empire. Its military success was due in large part to its cavalry as well as the leadership and courage of Oyo officers and warriors. Because its main geographic focus was north of the forest, Oyo enjoyed easier farming and thus a steady growth in population. This contributed to Oyo 's ability to consistently field a large force. There was also an entrenched military culture in Oyo where victory was obligatory and defeat carried the duty of committing suicide. This do-or-die policy no doubt contributed to the military aggressiveness of Oyo 's generals. 1.1.23 Cavalry The Oyo Empire was the only Yoruba state to adopt cavalry; it did so because most of its territory was in the northern savannah. The origin of the cavalry is disputed; however, the Nupe, Borgu and Hausa in neighboring territories also used cavalry and may have had the same historical source. Oyo was able to purchase horses from the north and maintain them in metropolitan Oyo because of partial freedom from the tsetse fly. Cavalry was the long arm of the Oyo Empire. Late 16th and 17th century expeditions were composed entirely of cavalry. There were drawbacks to this. Oyo could not maintain its cavalry army in the south but could raid at will. Cavalry in highly developed societies such as Oyo was divided into light and heavy. Heavy cavalry on larger imported horses was armed with heavy thrusting lances or spears and also with swords. Light cavalry on smaller indigenous ponies was armed with throwing spears or bows. Oyo 's cavalry forces included not only nobles, the norm in West African warfare, but foreign slaves from the Hausa, Nupe and Bornu states. 1.1.24 Infantry Infantry in the region around the Oyo Empire was uniform in both armor and armament. All infantry in the region carried shields, swords and lances of one type or another. Shields were four
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feet tall and two feet wide and made of elephant or ox hide. A three foot long heavy sword was the main armament for close combat. The Yoruba and their neighbors used triple barbed javelins which could be thrown accurately from about 30 paces. 1.1.25 Structure The Oyo Empire, like many empires before it, used both local and tributary forces to expand its domains. The structure of the Oyo military prior to its imperial period was simple and closer aligned to the central government in metropolitan Oyo. This may have been fine in the 15th century when Oyo controlled only its heartland. But to make and maintain farther conquest, the structure underwent several changes. 1.1.26 The Eso Oyo maintained a semi-standing army of specialist cavalry soldiers called the Eso or Esho. These were 70 junior war chiefs who were nominated by the Oyo Mesi and confirmed by the Alaafin of Oyo. The Eso were appointed for their military skill without regard to heritage and were led by the Are-Ona-Kakanfo. After Oyo 's return from exile, the post of Are-Ona-Kakanfo was established as the supreme military commander. He was required to live in a frontier province of great importance to keep an eye on the enemy and to keep him from usurping the government. During Oyo 's imperial period, the Are-Ona-Kakanfo personally commanded the army in the field on all campaigns. 1.1.27 The Metropolitan Army Since the Are-Ona-Kakanfo could not reside near the capital, arrangements had to be made for the latter 's protection in case of emergency. Forces inside metropolitan Oyo were commanded by the Bashorun, leading member of the Oyo Mesi. As stated earlier, Metropolitan Oyo was divided into six provinces divided evenly by a river. Provincial forces were thus grouped into two armies, under the Onikoyi and the Okere for the east and west side of the river respectively. Lesser war chiefs were known as Balogun, a title carried on by the soldiers of Oyo 's successor state, Ibadan.

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1.1.28 The Tributary Army Tributary leaders and provincial governors were responsible for collecting tribute and contributing troops under local generalship to the imperial army in times of emergency. Occasionally, tributary leaders would be ordered to attack neighbors even without the backing of the main imperial army. These forces were often utilized in Oyo 's more distant campaigns on the coast or against western states like Asanteman or the Mahi. 1.1.29 Commerce Oyo became the southern emporium of the Trans-Saharan trade. Exchanges were made in salt, leather, horses, kola nuts, ivory, cloth and slaves. The Yoruba of metropolitan Oyo were also highly skilled in craft making and iron work. Aside from taxes on trade products coming in and out of the empire, Oyo also became wealthy off the taxes imposed on its tributaries. Taxes on the kingdom of Dahomey alone brought in an amount estimated at 638 thousand dollars a year. 1.1.30 Slave trade Oyo 's imperial success made Yoruba a lingua franca almost to the shores of the Volta. Toward the end of the 18th century, the Oyo army was neglected as there was less need to conquer. Instead, Oyo directed more effort towards trading and acted as middlemen for both the TransSaharan and Trans-Atlantic slave trade. Europeans bringing salt arrived in Oyo during the reign of King Obalokun. Thanks to its domination of the coast, Oyo merchants were able to trade with Europeans at Porto Novo and Whydah. Here the Oyo Empire 's captives and criminals were sold to Dutch and Portuguese buyers. 1.1.31 The zenith of power in the Oyo Empire By 1680, the Oyo Empire spanned over 150,000 square kilometers. It reached the height of its power in the 18th century. And despite its violent creation, it was held together by mutual selfinterest. The government was able to provide unity for a vast area through a combination of local autonomy and imperial authority. Unlike the great savannah empires, of which Oyo may be called a successor, there was little if any Muslim influence in the empire. It is known that at least some Muslim officials were kept in
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Metropolitan Oyo, and men capable of writing and calculating in Arabic were reported by French traders in 1787. 1.1.32 The decline of power in the Oyo Empire The end of the 18th century marked the beginning of the Oyo Empire 's downfall. In around 1789, Oba Abiodun is believed to have been killed by his son and successor, Awole. A series of constitutional upheavals and dynastic intrigues weakened the empire. In 1796, Oba Awole was ousted by the government in an Ilorin-centered revolt initiated by Afonja, the Are Ona Kakanfo. The revolt led to the secession of Ilorin, a Yoruba state that would play a crucial role in the destruction of Oyo. At his rejection by the council, he is said to have cursed the empire as he prepared to commit suicide. After firing arrows in all directions he proclaimed: "My curse be on you and your disloyalty and your disobedience, so let your children disobey you. If you send them on an errand, let them never return to bring you word again. To all points I shot my arrows, you will be carried as slaves. My curse will carry to the sea and beyond the seas. Slaves will rule over you, and you their masters will become slaves. Broken calabash can be mended but not a broken dish; so let my words be irrevocable." 1.1.33 Loss of the Egbado Corridor As Oyo tore itself apart via political intrigue, its vassals began taking advantage of the situation to press for independence. The Egba, under the leadership of Lishabi, massacred the Ilari stationed in their area and drove off an Oyo punitive force. 1.1.34 The Dahomey Revolt When Dahomey 's King Gezo ascended the throne in 1818, he offered only a tiny piece of cloth and 2 bags of cowries to the Oyo tax collector saying that anything else would be disproportionate to Dahomey 's wealth. When four more envoys were sent from Oyo, Gezo had them beheaded. An Oyo army was deployed and decisively defeated, ending Oyo 's hegemony over Dahomey. After gaining its independence, Dahomey began raiding the corridor.

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1.1.35 The Fulani Jihad After Awole 's rejection, Afonja, now master of Ilorin, invited an itinerant Fulani scholar of Islam called Alim al-Salih into his ranks. By doing this, he hoped to secure the support of Yoruba Muslims (mainly slaves taking care of the Empire 's horses) and volunteers from the HausaFulani north in keeping Ilorin independent. Torn by internal struggle, Oyo could not defend itself against the Fulani. Oyo-Ile was razed by the Fulani Empire in 1835 and the Oyo Empire collapsed in 1836, once Afonja had been killed by the Fulani. Up to this day, the Ilorin traditional ruler is an emir, whereas in the rest of Yoruba towns the kings are called Oba or Baale (Baale or Baba Onile meaning "father of the land" or "lord of the land"). 1.1.36 Ago d 'Oyo After the destruction of Oyo-Ile, the capital was moved further south, to Ago d 'Oyo. Oba Atiba sought to preserve what remained of Oyo by placing on Ibadan the duty of protecting the capital from the Ilorin in the north and northeast. He also attempted to get the Ijaye to protect Oyo from the west against the Dahomeans. The center of Yoruba power moved further south to Ibadan, a Yoruba war camp settled by Oyo commanders in 1830. 1.1.37 Final demise Atiba 's gambit failed, and Oyo never regained its prominence in the region. It became a protectorate of Great Britain in 1888 before further fragmenting into warring factions. The Oyo state ceased to exist as any sort of power 1896. Oba Atiba died in 1905, ending the Oyo monarchy forever. An increasing number of Yoruba war captives were subsequently transported to the coast for export as slaves to the new world (Brazil, Cuba, and Puerto Rico). After fleeing the Fulani jihad, many concentrated around hills for military purposes. During the colonial period, the Yoruba 's were one of the most urbanized (living in city-like areas) group in Africa. About 22 % of the population lived in large areas with population exceeding 100,000 and over 50 % lived in cities of made up of 25,000 or more people. The index of urbanization in 1950 was close to that of the United States, excluding Ilorin. The Yoruba continue to be the most urbanised African ethnic group today. Old Oyo linked cities such as Ibadan, Osogbo, and Ogbomoso, which were some of the major cities that flourished after the

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1.1

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY The purpose of this study is to explore the socio-cultural and political components

embedded in the cognomen of the Alaafin of Oyo. Before dabbling into this, the research expounds on the Oyo Empire which started in the 15th century and gained political prominence during the 17th and 18th century. Apart from this, the research also examines the place of Oyo town among other Yoruba towns in relevance to the history of the Yoruba. The emergence of the Oyo Empire was traced for the purpose of ascertaining the Origin of the Yoruba through history, and the leadership structure on ground during this period, thereby showing the first Alaafin that ruled in Oyo and also delineate the political position held by the Alaafin, apart from him, other supportive bodies that assist the Alaafin in making decisions in regards to the leadership of the community were mentioned. Moreover, the roles performed by each of this political body is broken down, in which Alaafin the executive head and his subordinates who performs the checks and balances on the power exercised by the Alaafin. In conclusion, the research also undermines the meaning of cognomen, its importance among the Yoruba, uses and implications. Not only this, but the cognomen of the Alaafin is critically studied through the tool of transliteration, thereby bringing out the wealth, historical background, paraphernalia of power, linguistic features, forms, imageries and symbols embedded in the cognomen of the Alaafin of Oyo, thereby changing it from Yoruba into English Language. Also, to dig into the content and the basis of the cognomen of the Alaafin in order to show the values, ethos and the way of life of a Yoruba tribe in Oyo before and after colonization. 1.2 SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The time frame of the research is limited to 1680-1896. The year 1680 is chosen because it marks the rise of the Oyo Empire and the latter date opens us to the decline and fall of the Empire. This scope affords the readers the opportunity to know the type of political structure that was in existence during this pre-colonial era and the way of life of the Yoruba, especially the Oyo. The choice of Oyo has to do with the significant position of the ancient city to the Yoruba as a whole. For instance, Oyo town in the past had been a traditional administrative centre and it had grown to be one of the headquarters during the colonial period till today. The study is
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restricted to the position of the King of Oyo, Alaafin, because it has been an age long institution among the Yoruba, and since the Alaafin of Oyo was the first crowned King among the Yoruba, after the move of Oranmiyan from Ife to found his own kingdom. The study breaks down the political, social and cultural components of the Alaafin s cognomen, apart from this; also some elements that formed the cognomen of the Alaafin of Oyo are critically discussed. The research shall be limited only to Oyo town. 1.3 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY The study is significant for a number of reasons; first the available works on the post of the Alaafin of Oyo has been briefly discussed by few scholars. For example, Samuel Johnson (2001) gave a tip of the iceberg of this age-long political institution in his prominent book, The History of the Yorubas and few others. Most of the works that briefly discuss the role and position of the Alaafin are either works written on the history of Oyo town or the Yoruba. This is the major reason while the researcher has taken it as a responsibility to expose the subject on the historical background of Oyo, the place of Oyo in regards to the history of Yoruba, the study on the Oyo Empire, which brings us to the understanding of the post of the political leader of the Empire, which is the Alaafin. Since this is the major focus of the research, this study has exhaustively reviewed most of the available works relevant to this study by prominent scholars, and the discussion on the post of the Alaafin ushers us into the world of cognomen of the Alaafin, the Oba of Oyo. Apart from this, this disjointed discussion on various issues has been merged together to show the socio-cultural and political exposition of the cognomen of the Alaafin. The research which centers on a deep study on the cognomen of the Alaafin, affords us the opportunity to translate the cognomen of the Alaafin from Yoruba to English, this is the major significance, contribution and achievement of the research. It is believed to be a new impetus in the area of cognomen of the Alaafin, since there are few serious exposition on the Alaafin, and no tangible attempt has been made by any scholar to translate and explain the cognomen of the Alaafin as it has been done in this research, this is a major prominence for this research. In conclusion, apart from the above listed reasons, the exposition centers on what cognomen is, it also paves way to re-awake some of the lost knowledge of the culture and the
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historical events attached to Oyo town and the cognomen of the Alaafin of Oyo, which has been lost and wrongly misinterpreted due to modernity. 1.4 METHODOLOGY Several methods were adopted to gather the needed information for this research work for the purpose of documenting comprehensive information on the subject matter. The methods include oral interview, bibliographic search as well as an intensive search via the internet to sort for these rare materials. The information gathered through the interviews and internet forms the bulk of the primary sources while those from the bibliographic search such as books, journals, Newspapers, pamphlets, diagrams, photographs, Audio-visual, Audios and meeting professionals in the field of Yoruba language serves as the secondary source. Oral interviews were conducted with two individuals, namely: Adesina Adejare, a prominent TV Presenter at NTA Oyo, who is skilled at reciting the cognomen of the Alaafin during the broadcast of his programme, and also Mayowa Ayolo, a praise singer for the present Alaafin of Oyo, who hailed from the ancestry or lineage of Royal Chanters, that chants the praises of the Alaafin from the onset according to history. The prominence of this research was the setting for the latter interview which held at the renowned and historic palace of the Alaafin of Oyo, at Akeesan in Oyo town. Furthermore, included in this methodology are the research questions asked during this interview, which shed more light to the place of cognomen among the Yoruba, its uses and importance, the importance of the cognomen of Alaafin, which has in it a trace of the history of kings who has ruled in Oyo, this is the core or nucleus of this research. In conclusion, the translation of the oral interview into a written form, also contributes to the methodology of this research, including both the audio and visual media i.e. Compact disks, Audio disks, photographs taken from the palace of the Alaafin, which includes notable and historical objects found in the palace e.g. the over two hundred years living tortoise in the palace of the Alaafin and the pictures of the researcher in the palace, scanned maps of the Old Oyo Empire found in books and diagrams.

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1.5

ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY

This work is a four chapter frame research. Chapter one is a general introduction to the study which focuses on background to study, statement of the problem, purpose, scope, significance, research methodology and organization of study. Chapter two is the review of relevant literature to the study. Chapter three deals with the transliteration of the cognomen of the Alaafin, while Chapter four centers on the evaluation, summary and conclusion on every subject discussed in the course of the research.

THE PRINCE OF ATIBA (OJO PA SEKERE MODE OMO ATIBA) 2.0 Introduction

In this chapter, works of scholars whose views are relevant to the study are reviewed. Among them are: Karin Barber, (1991), Olátúnjí, (1984), Finnegan, (1970), Johnson, (2001) and Wande Abimbola (1975) have written about Oyo and the oral tradition of the Yoruba people. A decisive review of these materials reveals that all these authors have made diverse contributions to the general history and exposition on the cultural lifestyle of the Yoruba, but none of them have accurately made a profound study on the socio-cultural and political exposition on the cognomen of Alaafin of Oyo. This is the relevance and significance of this research work. Firstly, it is important to proof by facts of history the position, importance and role that Oyo town plays among other towns in the Yoruba land. This will usher the readers into the political position held by the Alaafin of Oyo and the cultural implication of his cognomen in the course of the study. It is important to note the contribution of Aliru Saka (2004; 1), who exposes the place of Oyo in the history of the Yoruba says, AJISE BI OYO LAARI which becomes a popular saying among the Oyo and also throughout the Yorubaland. The eulogy aptly means OYO LEADS, OTHERS FOLLOW . Then, the Oyo preen themselves as pace-setters in culture, creativity, politics and leadership. Oyo Kingdom was of such political pre-eminence among the Yorubas that, at some point in time, the history of Oyo Kingdom encapsulated that of the entire Yoruba race. That the Alaafin, the imperial power of Oyo Kingdom was Primus inter Pares (of primary importance) was not in doubt. Then, the power, the dignity and the pre-eminence of the Alaafin as a reflection of the leadership status of the Oyo was not a concession from other Yoruba, ethnic groups nor was it just a heritage from Oranyan their historical forebear, which must be unquestionably granted as a right. It was a status duly 23

earned through hard-work, bravery, political sagacity and diplomatese nurtured by vision, unity and solidarity among the Oyo

This shows that Oyo cannot be left behind when notable towns connected to the history of Yoruba are mentioned, but thus, it is the citadel of Yoruba culture as argued by Niyi Adesokan (2004; 7) who briefly examined the history of Oyo. He states;

Oyo Kingdom was founded by Oranyan, the youngest and the bravest son of Oduduwa. other Kingdoms like Egba Kingdom, Ijebu Kingdom, Ife Kingdom, Ondo kingdom, Ijesha kingdom, Ekiti Kingdom, Owo Kingdom, Benin Kingdom, Ila Kingdom and Egbado kingdom to mention a few also existed as founded by the sons of Oduduwa. Of all these kingdoms, Oyo Kingdom was not only the largest but also the most powerful Kingdom that was ever established in Yorubaland. Little wonder the Kingdom was generally referred to as Oyo Empire. The Old Oyo Empire extended beyond the Nigerian border into another country known as Dahomey. Oyo le was the capital of the then Oyo Empire. In the early 16th century, the capital was moved to Oyo Igboho as a result of inter-tribal wars. Later, the capital was moved to Oyo Ajaka and finally to the present site known as Oyo Oro by Alaafin Abiodun Atiba .

The above quotation is corroborated to by B.A. Agiri (1975; 1), who opines; The Old Oyo empire was the largest and best-known of the Yoruba kingdoms. Located in the Savannah below the bend of the river Niger in the Bussa-Jebba region of the southwest Nigeria, it achieved prominence during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries

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Beyond no doubt, history has attested to the fact that Oyo Empire then, was an authority among other towns in the Yorubaland. Samuel Johnson (2001; 40) attests; Yoruba Proper, however, was completely organized, and the descriptions here given refer chiefly to it. With some variations most of the smaller governments were generally modelled after it, but in a much simpler form, and solely in their domestic affairs; foreign relations so far as then obtained, before the period of the revolution were entirely in the hands of the central government at Oyo (Eyeo or Katunga) .

To conclude on the impact and importance of Oyo among other towns in the Yoruba community, Niyi Adesokan s essay in the book, Oyo in the 21st Century, can t be overlooked, as he brought into limelight the notable contribution of the Alaafin in the crowning of some Obas as beaded crowned kings, September 1976, it was Alaafin who advised the government through the State Council of Obas to elevate Olubadan and Soun to the status of beaded crown Obas. Alaafin did a similar thing during the coronation of Onjo of Okeho in 1979 and on March 21, 1984, Okere of Saki was rightly crowned after his obeisance to the supremacy of Alaafin. Thus, with the revered institution of Alaafin, Oyo will ever remain the citadel of culture in Yorubaland (2004; 9).

He adds that, Inspite of their different dialects, the fact that Ijeshas, Ijebus, Egbas, Ekitis, Ifes and Ondos to mention a few all subscribed to Yoruba language as spoken by Oyos, then Oyo cannot but remain as the citadel of Yoruba culture. This is because any spoken language is not only a means of communication but also a vehicle of culture. Yoruba language is our window to reality. It confers on all of us the ability to think differently. Most importantly, it is the written form of Yoruba language that provides continuity with past. Therefore Oyo will ever remain the citadel of Yoruba culture. Neither Ekiti nor Ijebu will write Yoruba in their dialect, No, never. They will write the way Oyos speak the language . (2004; 9)

The political structure of this organized town, as attested to by Samuel Johnson (2001; 41), was headed by someone not less than the Alaafin of Oyo. He comments that

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The Alaafin is the supreme head of all kings and princes of the Yoruba nation, as he is the direct lineal descendant and successor of the reputed founder of the nation .

This declaration proves the Alaafin as not just a leader, but a political leader whose tentacle of power was widely outspread during the early days when Oyo was still an empire. Apart from the above exposition about the diplomacy of the Alaafin, Samuel Johnson (2001; 40), expatiated on the influence of the monarch to show the extent of his power, when he says, The government of Yoruba Proper is an absolute monarch; the King is more dreaded than even the gods .

But this claim is opposed by Richard Olaniyan (1975; 302) who showed the boundary and limitations to the Alaafin s political wielded power when he says, In Oyo, like in all Yoruba states and towns, the Alaafin or the Oba (king) was the head of the government. He occupied a position of dual authority; he was the political head as well as the Chief Priest. Hence the Oba s attribute, alase ekeji Orisa, (the ruler and companion of the gods) and usually addressed, Kabiyesi a contraction of a sentence meaning, no one dare question your authority . This gives the impression that the Alaafin (or the Oba) had absolute power and that his word was law. In theory, this may be so; but in practice this is far from the truth. The fact is that although the Alaafin, possessed considerable authority over his people, he did not exercise his vast powers without some checks .

The council of states known in the Old Oyo as Oyo Mesi provided the checks. Every Yoruba state had a state council and they all shared similarities in functions and procedures though their composition might be different in matters or details. The Oyo Mesi, made up of the seven most senior chiefs, and the Alaafin, formed the council of states. The constant and approval of this way was necessary before the King could embark upon any policy affecting the State. Matters of peace and war had to be approved before they could be implemented. This same body possessed executive, legislative and the judicial powers and performed other functions of State. It is therefore more appropriate to call the Alaafin or any Oba the executive summit of a legislative pyramid . That pyramid, that is the Alaafin and the council of State, could in fact be called the government of the Oyo Empire. It was this neat arrangement of State machinery to check autocracy and despotism that impressed Rev. T.J. Bowen when he wrote: 26

The highest excellence of the best government among white people consists in constitutional checks or limits to prevent abuses of power. Strange as it may seem, the central Africans (Yoruba people) had studied out this balance or power and reduced it to practice, long before the barons of England had extorted the great charter from King John.

Though the constitution remained unwritten, the Alaafin had to adhere to it; any attempt to act contrary to their age-old tradition would land him in grave difficulties. He might be rejected by the Oyo Mesi, in which case he had to go to sleep , a euphemism for suicide. His chiefs and even the people might rise against him. The Alaafin was in reality a constitutional monarch as well as an autocrat. The function of the Alaafin, as the executive acting with the consent of the council of state, included the formulation and implementation of foreign policy. The Alaafin was the chief administrator of the empire but the administrator of the kingdom proper was left in the hands of the chiefs in the capital.

Adebayo Ayelaagbe(2004; 42) explains, Alaafin remains the paramount ruler of Oyo town, his recognition as a ruler is being acclaimed throughout the Yoruba land; indeed, the world at large. Any Alaafin is nominated to occupy the seat of his fore-fathers by the seven king-makers known as Oyo-Mesi. He, the Alaafin, remains on the throne as far as he allows peace to reign supreme in his domain. The Alaafin himself has the power to install Baales in villages who should subject themselves to the control of Alaafin as long as they occupy their seats. Any disobedient Baale can be removed from office and dismissed with ignominy. The Alaafin is never recognized by other chiefs as first among equals because they give total submission to his post and position. In all respects he towers above all others .

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In buttressing the point on the sovereignty of the Alaafin, it is important to note the explication of Moses Ogunmola(2004;51) on the position of the Alaafin; he explicates; The shakers and movers of the Oyo institutions are the Alaafins. From records and comparable institutions, Alaafin Oranyan, the first incumbent on the throne would be a contemporary of King Alfred, the Great of English, C848-900 A.D. Oranyan who founded Old Oyo was a fighter and he spread his tentacles to Benin Kingdom see Itan Anfani, Itan Oyo, Iwe Keta, pages 14-17 by Oloye Issac Delando, London Evans Brother Ltd. What most historians say about the Alaafin is tantamount to giving him a unique position that bestows on him and the institution of his Obaship a unique authority quite untraceable to his other brother Oba outside their domains .

It is of no importance to further stress the sovereignty of the Alaafin, but with the above writings of different prominent scholars who have acutely answered the question to the political configuration of the monarchical and democratic king, it can be concluded that the leadership of the Alaafin of Oyo is administrative, monarchical and democratic in nature. Hence, as an administrative goverment, the Alaafin is not a sole proprietor of the business of leadership in Oyo, he is assisted by other bodies, i.e. the Oyo Mesi, Ogboni and the Councils, who holds not lesser power than the Alaafin, but are the pillars that keeps the government of the Alaafin together. Monarchical in the sense that, with the approval of the above bodies, the Alaafin can wield the scepter of his power, as he likes, as far as is not for personal aggrandizement, but to better the welfare of the community he leads. There is a share of power in the cabinet of the Alaafin; he cannot make decisions without seeking his legislatives , like a circle, power is broken and distributed round, but since the Alaafin is the executive head of the cabinet, he is mostly times seen from the outside of the government circle , by his people as the only player directing the affairs of the state, therefore it is easy to conclude most times that he is monarchical and autocratic, without knowing that his power is curiously checked by the legislative body of his government. Therefore for conclusion, the Alaafin is extremely powerful, but his power is curtailed by his legislative body through checks and balances, as they themselves are active participator to the government of Oyo, they have their own political power checked too. In the next topic, the place of the Alaafin as the executive head of the government of Oyo would be shown and how power is shared and checked in the political structure of the Old Oyo Empire.

2.1

THE POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF THE OLD OYO EMPIRE 28

The topic above can be segmented into two divisions, Political and Structure . The term political is taken from the word polity or rather politics , mostly times used in conjunction with anything governmental or decision making. It is commonly believed that any governmental setting or set-up is political. It can rather be simplified by saying that politics is any entity that is governmentallike, involving a leader and a follower and which is ordered by the process of decision making. For example, a classroom setting can be said to be political when it involves choosing a leader to be in charge and to guide fellow classmates. While structure refers to a strategized arrangement of things, an organized setting or plan, a skeletal configuration or division of something. Combining the knowledge of these two concepts together, the political structure of the Old Oyo Empire can be said to be the skeletal arrangement or division of the government of the Old Oyo Empire, which inevitably is charged with the responsibility of decision making in order to better the life of the citizens. In order to gain a deeper knowledge about these concepts, it is advisable to look at the scholarly quote of Anthony Okion Ojigbo(1973;275), which says, The initial usage of the term political system was in reference to the type of governments. However, its meaning later took a different dimension depending, of course, in which context an author used it. Thus, for example, its application to African traditional societies (Fortes and Evans-Pritchard 1940) connoted the whole governmental, political, religious and judicial processes inherent in the case studies discussed in that book. Ever since then the concept of political system has taken different turns and twists, but with one common characteristic and, that is, the use of legitimate physical coercion in societies (Almond and Powell 1966:17). David Easton (1953: 130), for example, writes about the allocation of interests and values because of the power of the allocating organ or agency; Max Weber (Gerth and Mills 1946: 77-78) maintains that the application of legitimate force by the authority is very central to the concept of political system so as to conform to a designed goal, is therefore of extreme importance .

With the above exposition, it can be concluded that the African society is a highly organized political environment and it consists of different organs and agencies that enforce and uphold the law. In traditional Yoruba society, the leader of an Ilu (town or society) is the Oba, the leaders of smaller villages are Baale, while the leader of compounds are called Olori Ile (Household head), and the political and administrative organization of the society was headed by a King and divided into towns and regions with each major town and settlement headed by a King in council with other administrators. 29

Anthropologically, traditional Yoruba society could be said to be monarchical, yet the monarch does not enjoy a sole authority of the society, and while the King occupied the highest seat of the society, there existed an elaborate organization of palace officials and or chiefs. Hence the affairs of society were transacted by the King in full consultation with the chiefs and other palace officials which can conveniently be classified as the council of society. This, in most cases included civil chiefs, the military chiefs, the ward chiefs and heads of compounds and extended families. And for administrative ease, a town, apart from the central society power, can be divided into wards, which comprise several households and extended families. The head of traditional Yoruba monarchy was the King who wielded the executive power which no doubt varied one set-up to the other, yet his power was not without in-built checks, as he in most cases, enjoyed a respect and veneration from the citizenry (in most cases, the King presided directly over the council of society). And in some of the small Ijebu Kingdoms and the sectional Egba Kingdoms with strong Ogboni societies, the executive transacted all the businesses while the King merely submits business to be transacted. Nevertheless, the functions of the King as the head of the council of society include the protection of the general interest of members of the society which calls for overseeing the general health of the society and her citizens, including the internal security of members, issues of peace and war, and the administration of justice, with the King as the last court of appeal for the whole Kingdom, and also concerned with the conduct of the relationship with other regional Kingdoms and societies. Apart from the central administration of traditional Yoruba society by the Oba-in council, there is the local governance by the ward chiefs, with head of compounds as well as the military chiefs, and family heads responsible for the administration of parts of the society and within the territories of the society who performed juridical or executive functions within their territories echoing traditional Yoruba social organization as it replicated at the ward and compound levels with activities of the Oba-incouncil.

Furthermore, Anthony Okion Ojigbo(1973;275) concluded the former quotation by expounding the concept of politics by quoting the authorities of Parsons and Smelser (1957: 227) which says,

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before a society is spoken of as politically oriented if and insofar as its aims at exerting influence on the directing authorities of a corporate political group, especially at their appropriation, expropriation, redistribution or allocation of power of government .

After, viewing the quotations from the above intellectuals, it is of extreme importance to describe the structural pattern of the government of the Alaafin when the Old Oyo Empire was still in existence. Therefore, before highlighting the important personnel that consist the government of the Alaafin, it is essential to note Chief M.O. Ogunmola s submission, which says, customs and all traditional practices of today in government, religion and economic life have had distant, and possibly, age-long origins which were based on valid and accepted tenets that emerged from the synthesis and aggregated experience of the particular society. In these modern times, the Americans opt for republicanism and Presidentialism; the French, the social contract and separation of powers; the Russians, communism; and the Zambian s socialism under the banner of Humanism. In the same way the government of the Alaafin and so that of Old Oyo Empire was based on precepts and concepts that had supported and nurtured their ancient culture and sophisticated civilization from time immemorial .(2010;65) He adds further, the basic concept of government was monarchy with a rigid adherence to monotholic Oduduwa dynasty and of the paternal line except in one abnormal occasion of Oba Abiodun, which course of action has never come up for a revival again .(2010;65)

In the consequent sub-chapters, the political structure of Alaafin s government would be highlighted starting from the Alaafin himself, who is the sovereign head in the Yoruba community.

2.2

ALAAFIN Before describing the political position that the Alaafin holds, it would be more sequential to

start with the description of how an Alaafin is appointed. The Alaafin, the title of the monarch, is the representative of the gods; and he rules by divine rights. Conspicuously depicted is this attribute in his title. Death, the Almighty, Ruler and the companion of the gods . 31

When an Alaafin is to be appointed, Ifa deity, the oracle of divination of the race, must be contacted and its concurrence obtained. The Oba s body is sacred and should not be violated; he could only die by his own hand so that culprits might not face eternal damnation. He came out only thrice a year for official functions; and if there were other occasions, he should wear a veil. From the cradle of Yoruba race, Ile-Ife, he secures the two calabashes (covered bowls) of divination and the sword of justice. These are legitimacy as well as ensuring that the dynasty suffers no severance from its root. An Alaafin could not abdicate, since, once appointed, he assumes the status of gods and these celestial beings never change to become humans. So, he could only commit suicide to relieve himself to the office. When an Alaafin dies, he is said to have entered the ceiling . Oba waja; when he is eating, Oba n ko-se he is performing an art ; and when he sleeps, Oba wala i.e. he dreams. These usages are a confirmation of the divine existence and authority of the Oba. Like the gods, the installation of an Alaafin has cryptic rites. At death, the Ogboni and Ona OnseAwo perform the duties of modern funeral homes on the corpse, of which the heart and the head are removed. The Otun-Efa keeps the former while the Ogboni Ona Onse-Awo retains the latter. At the assumption of office by the new Alaafin the supernatural link is established by the incumbent eating of the heart of his predecessor in a ceremony of Otun-Efa; and at Ogboni conclave, where he drinks with the earlier preserved skull as well. This is the origin of the usage: O je Oba i.e. He eats the king . (He becomes the king). The links with Ile-Ife and the dead are parameters which could stifle the legitimacy of an Oba if not well established. Even with the divine attributes, the Alaafin operate a government that is judged by its result. The prosperity, security and the well-being of the people dictate his popularity both at the palace and in the Empire at large. For full description of the Alaafin s coronation, see Samuel Johnson s pg 43 of The History of the Yorubas. According to Niyi Adesokan(2004;8-9), he says, but more important than the town itself is its Oba- the Alaafin. The Alaafin is to Yoruba land what Hogmanay is to the Scots. Before the fall of Oyo le there was a time when the authority of the Alaafin extended beyond the Dahomey to as far as Accra on the West and the Banks of Niger on the East. The fact of history is that no politician imposed the Alaafin on any town but each chieftaincy in each town recognised the Alaafin s suzerainty over its domain. Apart from 32

Alaafin s historical supremacy, his advice is always required to guide the government against delving into illegality on instances where there is confusion on who is to rule who. The traditional rulership is not a modern bestowal. It has been so from time immemorial .

Apart from the above mentioned description of the position of the Alaafin, J.P. Ogunsanya(2004; 29) has this to add, The government of Old Oyo Empire was a complex one based on the delicate principle of check and balance . It revolved round four main figures, each acting as check and balance to others. First among them was the Alaafin who was in theory, the supreme head of the empire, as well as the supreme commander of the empire s armed forces. In practice, he was nothing more than a wild tiger in a beautifully decorated cage. Although the constitution of the land gave him the power to carry out certain responsibilities, he was the same times thrown under the wish and caprices of other figures. According to the constitution, he was the sole authority in charge of the appointment of the Aare Onakanfo, but at the same time, this appointment was subjected to the approval of the empire s highest council the Oyomesi .

In addition, going back to the introductory page in this review, it would be relevant to note again what Richard Olaniyan(1975; 302) says about the diplomacy of the Alaafin. He explains; the Alaafin or the Oba (king) was the head of the government. He occupied a position of dual authority; he was the political head as well as the Chief Priest. Hence the Oba s attribute, alase ekeji Orisa, (the ruler and companion of the gods) and usually addressed, Kabiyesi a contraction of a sentence meaning, no one dare question your authority .

In summary, the voice of the Alaafin is regarded as the voice of God , in the traditional Yoruba community, his decrees cannot be questioned, but his power checked. The Alaafin s position is so sacred and much respected by the Yoruba, that it does not matter how young the Alaafin is, he cannot be treated with contempt. Then, during the Old Oyo empire, the Alaafin could pick any lady to become his wife (Ayaba), it is then said that, Oba gbe ese le Obinrin , (the King exert his authority in securing a lady).

2.2

THE OYO MESI

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Here is Samuel Johnson (2001; 70-73) submission concerning this topic, he says, The first class noblemen consists of the most noble and most honourable councilors of state, termed the Oyo Mesi. They are also the king-makers. They are seven in number and they are as follows: 1) The Basorun 2) Agbakin 3) Samu 4) Alapini 5) Laguna 6) Akiniku 7) Asipa The title of each is hereditary in the same family but not necessarily from father to son; it is within the King s prerogative to select which member of the family is to succeed to the title or he may alter the succession altogether. They represent the voice of the people and on them rest the duty of protecting the interests of the Kingdom. The King must take counsel with them whenever any important matter affecting the state occurs. Each of them has his state duty to perform, and a special deputy at court every morning and afternoon and whom they send to the Alaafin at other times when their absence is unavoidable; they are, however, required to attend court in person the first day of the week, for the Jakuta (Sango) worship and to partake of the sacrificial feast. 1) The Osorun or Iba Osorun (contr. to Balogun i.e., the lord that performs the Oran ) may be regarded as the Prime Minister and Chancellor of the Kingdom and something more. He is not only the president of the council but his power and influence are immeasurably greater than those of the others put together. His is the chief voice in the election of a King, and although the King as supreme is vested with absolute power, yet the power must be exercised within the limit of the unwritten constitution, but if he is ultra-tyrannical and withal unconstitutional and unacceptable to the nation it is the Basorun s prerogative as the mouth-piece of the people to move his rejection as a King in which case His majesty has no alternative but to take position and die. His Highness being a prince is practically as absolute as a King in his own quarter of the town. Next to the Alaafin in authority and power, he often performs the duties of a King. He takes precedence of all provincial kings and princes. There were times in the history of the nation when the Basoruns were more powerful than the Alaafin himself. During the long course of history there have several alliances between the two families so that, in the older line of Basoruns at any rate, the blood of the royal family runs also in their veins. 2) Agbakin The duties of this official are not so well defined, but the present Agbakin has the charge of the worship of Oranyan. 34

3) Samu The duties of the Samu are not clearly known 4) Alapini He is the head of the Egungun mysteries, and as such he is at the head of religious affairs in general. He has the charge of the famous JENJU, who is the head Egungun of the country, and who executes witches. He is at once a religious and a secular personage; he shares with the priests all religious offerings, and in secular matters with the noblemen of his class. By virtue of his peculiar office he must be a monorchis. 5) The Laguna is the state ambassador in critical times. 6) The Akiniku The real duties of this officer are not known 7) The Asipa as the last of them performs the duties of the junior. He is called the Ojuwa, i.e. the one who distributes whatever presents are given to the OYO MESI. The Basorun in these cases has always the lion s share viz., one half of the whole, the other half being equally divided between the rest of them. Ogumola scholarly disagreed the number count of the chiefs that consist the Oyomesi, he opines that there were eight officers, which he listed: I) The Basorun is the president and the head of the Council. He was like the Prime Minister in modern times. He commanded the army of the Capital. He seeks the will of the gods for the monarch every year. Constitutionally, he settles disputes between the Aare Ona- Kakanfo and the Oba. He is the regent when an Alaafin dies. The Council of State met on every Jakuta day, a day hallowed Sango. Today, they pay homage to the Alaafin every Friday. II) III) IV) The Agbakin propitiates Oran-an-yan on behalf of the Oba The Samu has responsibility for counseling and guidance on serious issues. The Alapinni heads the masquerades mystical institution and in the olden his office eliminated witches by execution V) VI) VII) The Laguna performs ambassadorial duties. The Akinniku was for gathering of military intelligence in times of war. The Asipa is responsible for the distribution of common spoils of office that need sharing among his colleagues. VIII) The Ona-Modeke i.e Ona-Omode-Kekeke was responsible for training in sports and other spheres. In addition, Okunlola(2004;30) has this to say concerning the institution of the Oyo Mesi, he expantiates,

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the Oyo mesi the highest ruling council in the empire, consisting of the most prominent chiefs in the territory. It was headed by the Bashorun and acted in all respects as a check and balance to the Alaafin. Its first duty was in the realm of selecting a new king to succeed a dying one. In exercising its power, the council would normally make sure that the person selected was one who would not be a recalcitrant one but one that would always dance to the tune. Even if the council made the mistake of selecting a king who was not prepared to toe its line, the council had power to reject such a king. In exercising this excessive power sometimes, the council would merely summon the unfortunate king before itself where he would be asked to open an empty calabash which was an indication of total rejection. This opening of the calabash was normally followed by a proclamation by the Bashorun indicating the rejection of the king by both the people and gods of the land .

Furthemore, Richard Olaniyan(1975;302-303) buttresses the point of the former, when he says, the Oyo Mesi, made up of the seven most senior chiefs, and the Alaafin, formed the council of state. The consent and approval of this body was necessary before the king could embark upon any policy affecting the state. Matters of peace and war had to be approved before they could be implemented. This same body possessed executive, legislative and judicial powers and performed other functions of state .

2.4

OGBONI

Essentially, the Ogboni institution is a secret group. No one, except members can really know the depth of its practices. But then, its influence in Yoruba societal life is not a secret. In fact, the Ogboni s are, more or less, the lawmakers in the respective Yoruba enclave they have found themselves. This is because, in traditional Yoruba society, the Ogboni is the body of all the elders in the community. In the traditional community, there is no observed difference between the members of Ogboni and the council of elders. In the more factually relevant sense, it is the members of Ogboni that become members of the council of chiefs or elders in the land. From this it is decipherable that they wield utmost constitutional powers both in the religious sense and then in the judicial/political senses. To this end, they can be described as a group with integrated social, political and legal influence. The dominance and prominence of the Ogboni institution seem to have been derived from two closely interconnected sources. In the first instance, they control the political life of their community and secondly, they possess the power of the sanctions of the gods. The mystical
36

fusion of both sources of power has elevated them to the status of the most dreaded institution in Yoruba land. This group is devoted to the worship of the earth, which wielded both religious and political sanctions. They alone control the Byzantine Quality characteristic of traditional Yoruba system of government, which effectively means the fusion of political, judicial, and religious concepts and the division of responsibilities . Their privileged and controlled access to the gods, i.e. orisa and their presumed privileged role as the custodian of the voices and the sanctions of the gods in traditional Yoruba land in relation to the idea and ideal of law are prime factors in the suggestive heading traditional jurisprudence and the Orisa-Ogboni phenomenon. In proper political parlance, they are referred to as the Oyomesi the Oba s council of senior hereditary chiefs. The Ogboni or Oyomesi was charged or had the responsibility of the final voice in the selection of the Alafin, advising the Oba and could engineer his removal if his actions were detrimental to the heritage of the land or unsatisfactory. In modern parlance, the Oyomesi was regarded as the legislative body of the land. In conjunction with the king, rules are made for the general guidance of the people. The institution of the Oba represented the judicial body in the land. Being the highest judicial voice in the land, the Oba was assisted by the cult of Sango, the chief religious cult. In this kind of monarchical structure based on hereditary, the Yoruba jurisprudence and system of laws reflected or manifested a fluid and creamy display of positivism and naturalism, although with a tilt towards naturalism in its final composition. This assertion is to be held with a bit of caution though. The Oba, often referred among the Yoruba people as Alase, igba keji Orisa, i.e. the sovereign and the companion of gods, issues the law for the regulation of the lives of the people. These laws, though made in conjunction with his council of elders comprising the members of the Ogboni were believed to be the promulgation of the gods. To this end, these laws were held in high esteem. The council of chiefs was believed to serve the varying interests in the community even though their position was hereditary. They all ensure that the promulgation of the Oba turns out in favour of the different communities they represented. Again, the Sango cult was also represented in the decision-making council of the land. He advises the Oba on religious and spiritual matters. He makes the interests and the claims of the gods known to the Oba. It is in this sense that it is claimed that Yoruba jurisprudence manifests a theistic metaphysics in which the legal or the moral are by-products or epiphenomenon of the relative interference or actions of the gods. The positivist aspect of Yoruba jurisprudence consists in the
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assertion that the sovereign in the land makes and issues the law. In this sense the will of the sovereign is accepted as the law for the regulation of lives. But the Oba is not alone in this matter. He has around him council of chiefs and religious priests who ensure that his laws are in conformity with the requirements and dictates of the gods of the land. These dictates and requirements are rooted in the covenant between the original settlers and the gods. In most cases, these covenants contain dos and don ts for the land. In the process rules, laws and moral regulations were invented for the guidance of the society.

Furthermore, without mixing words, it is important to add Okunlola s contribution to the discussion on the office of the Ogboni. He confirms;
Ogboni which was a religious cult headed by the Oluwo. It comprised the representatives of the various lineages in the empire. Its chief function as stated at the beginning was to curtail the excessive power of the Oyomesi. In other words, it was expected to prevent any misuse of power by the Oyomesi. In that case, any action of the Oyomesi particularly concerning the rejection of a king was still liable to its approval. It was this position of check and balance that effectively controlled an ambitious Bashorun if and when an Alaafin refused to act as a stooge . (2004; 30)

2.5

ILARI The claim of Richard Olaniyan(1975; 305-306) concerning this office is this, another class of

officials involved in the daily transaction of imperial affairs was the Ilari, a group made up of slaves or descendants of slaves and distinguished and trusted war captives. These were the personal servants of the Alaafin who by virtue of their closeness to his person came to assume important state functions. They acted as envoys and intelligent agents. This way, the Alaafin controlled the imperial administrative system without any immediate threat to his sovereignty in this regard from the Oyo Mesi. This particular group of messengers is very important in this study because the important ones among the Ilari served as imperial ambassadors. Their appointments were confirmed only after favourable consultations with the Ifa oracle, followed by the necessary rituals to install in them the courage and loyalty expected of those in the service of the Alaafin. Thus confirmed they were then given Ilari names- names suggestive or initiative of the Alaafin s intentions on any given issue. A few examples from Johnson will illustrate the point: 1. Oba-ko-se-tan the king is not ready 2. Oba bori the king triumphs 38

3. Madaarikan do not oppose him 4. Kosija - there is no quarrel 5. Kafilegboin let s maintain the indifference 6. Ma-ni-Oba-lara do not make the Oba uncomfortable These names are very significant since in themselves they carry messages. The selection of a particular Ilari for a special mission as an envoy or messenger of the Alaafin therefore was of crucial importance since his name would automatically indicate the disposition, intention or wishes of the Alaafin on the matter being considered. In addition, he added this to complement the description of the messengers, for Ilari to be taken as the genuine messenger from the Oyo palace, he had to carry a staff; this was his credential. This could be a fan specially embroided with red and green . (1975; 310)

Okunlola(2004; 10) has this to add concerning the Ilari, there was an Ilari in each of the conquered villages or towns. He was the king s representative in this village or town, each Ilari was assisted by a local Sango priest who was accountable to the Otun Efa the chief priest of the gods in the empire .

In conclusion, Samuel Johnson s full description of the Ilaris cannot be overlooked; here is his own contribution, The term Ilari denotes parting the head, from the peculiar way the hair of the head is done. They are both sexes, they number some hundreds, even as many as the king desire to create. The individual to be created an Ilari is first shaved completely, then small incisions, are made on the occiput (if a male) and on the left arm, into both of which a specially prepared ingredient is rubbed, supposed to be a charm capable of giving effect to whatever the name given the individual at the same time signifies. Their names generally signify some attributes of the king, or are significant of his purpose, intention or will, or else the preservation of his life, e.g. Oba l olu, the king is supreme; Oba-ko-se-tan, the king is not ready; S aiye ro, the upholder of the world (i.e. the kingdom); Oba gb ori, the King the overcomer; Madarikan, do not oppose him e.t.c. Every male Ilari has a female counterpart, they were not permitted to have any intimacy with the female Ilaris, but can only share presents with them at yearly festivals. Each Ilari has a representative image made of clay called Sugudu , having incisions on its head and arm similar to his own, with the same ingredient rubbed into them. The Ilaris are to keep their head shaved, 39

one half being done from the middle line downwards alternatively every fifth day except the circular patch on the occiput where the incisions were made; there the hair is left to grow as long as possible being always plaited and sometimes dyed in indigo. The males Ilaris are used as the King s bodyguard, those favourable among them are assigned over large compounds, gates e.t.c. the favored ones ride on horses with the king when he is in public and usually sit with him during festive periods.(2001; 60-62)

2.6

THE COGNOMEN OR PET NAMES According to Samuel Johnson (2001; 85), here is his own definition, this is an attributive name,

expressing what the child is, or what he or she hoped to become. If a male, it is always something heroic, brave, or strong; if a female, it is a term of endearment or of praise. In either case it is intended to have a stimulating effect on the individual. Yorubas are always particular to distinguish between the names (Oruko) and the cognomen (cognomen or attributive). Male attributive names: Ajamu Ajagbe Akunyun Ajani Alawo One who seizes after a fight One who carries off after a contest One who buzzes to and fro One who possesses after a struggle One who divivdes and smashes up One conceived after a single touch Is a male that comes after several female births

Akanbi or Akanbi Alabi or Alade

Female attributive names: Amoke Ayoka Whom to know is to pet One who causes joy all around 40

Abebi Apinke Akanke Asabi Awero Alake

One born after a supplication To be petted from hand to hand To meet whom is to pet One of select birth One to be washed and dressed up One to be petted if she survives The use of attributive name is so common that many children are better known by it than by

real names. Some do not even know their real names when the attributive is popular. But there is a method in the use of it; as a rule, only children are addressed by their cognomen by their elders, especially when they wish to express a feeling of endearment for the child. It is considered impertinent for a younger person to call an elder by his cognomen or pet name. In addition, Bolanle Awe (1975; 268-269) is of the opinion that, cognomen, praise poem or citation on an object. For the cognomen constitutes an oral source whose significance within the context of Yoruba culture extends even to Yoruba warfare. According to the traditional bards, the purpose of the cognomen is to preserve a record of the past and to spur listeners by such recital to greater achievements in emulation of their ancestors. In this record, it therefore has a practical functional role in warfare; for the cognomen is often said on important occasions in the life of the Yoruba. Apart from important milestones in the human life cycle- birth, marriage, death other occasions such as taking of a new chieftancy title or the assembly warriors preparatory to marching out on an expedition were also significant events which evoked the recital of the cognomen. Indeed, for warriors, the cognomen on such an occasion acted as a spur to valour on the battle field

Furthermore, Tunji Vidal (1969; 56) opines that, it is a special praise song, principally for a deity (Yorubas have a large number of deities), a king or aristocrat, members of a royal family, descendants of a lineage, or members of a clan. Since every Yoruba belongs to one royal family, lineage, or clan, all Yorubas have cognomen. Those without them are either slave, commoners, or foreigners. However, cognomen is not restricted to men and deities. Yorubas have cognomen for almost everything. There are cognomen for cities, animals, birds and even food. Cognomen is a descriptive song. It describes the ancestors of a person, their virtues, qualities, and special attributes, as well as their strengths 41

and weaknesses. It also describes the town from which the individual comes, making reference to the scenery and the characteristics of the inhabitants .

Kwame Ture (2003; 97) adds, Among many of the West African peoples from among whom our ancestors were seized, whenever a child is born, a birth poem or praise song is composed in their honor. Among the Yoruba this poem is called cognomen. Some days later at the naming ceremony by which the infant is ushered formally into its place in human society, the child s oríkì is recited publicly, first into the ear of the child and to the assembled community of family and neigbours. The first language a child is required to commit to memory; the oríkì imprints the child with its complex historical, spiritual and social identities. I have called the oríkì a praise song and birth poem, and so it is, but its functions are many more than those terms might imply. It is at once prayer, thanksgiving, celebration and prophecy. It is a meditation on the meaning and significance of the new human s name. it is an evocation of the strong deeds, character and praise names of the infant s ancestors, and, perhaps most important, it is an optimistic attempt to project (and define) in desirable ways the child s future personality and life prospects. By evoking lineage, the oríkì is ultimately about spiritual inheritance: that eternal life force which has many names (Ase among Yoruba, Magara among the Dogon, Ike among the Igbo) which we receive from our ancestors. A vital force of which we, in each generation, are only the contemporary incarnations. And which in turn we pass on to our children and they to theirs, so that the lineage never dies

From the above exposition, different purposes of cognomen can be drawn, Maria Adugbe, sums up the description of cognomen, when she says,
Cognomen is a kind of Yoruba literary genre used to inspire people. It is usually in the form of poetry, consisting of songs of praise. Cognomen can also take the name form as well .

Cognomen in the Yoruba Culture serves the following purposes: 1. Poetry and Entertainment, most times the cognomen comes in a poetical form, therefore it is either recited or chanted like the cognomen of the Alaafin. Moreover, it can be used to extol or elate an individual and also could be performed by chanters before a seated audience; this is the amusing aspect of cognomen. 2. Means of Identity, one s origin can be determined as a result of the cognomen one bears. For example, it can be used to prove what part of the Yorubaland right to the household one hails

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from. Tribal marks also in conjunction serve the same purpose of identification. From a mere look at a person s tribal mark his or her town and household could be predicted in a moment. 3. Historical purpose and means of establishing and understanding one s ancestry. It tells the weakness and the strengths of one s ancestors and forebears and could give an insight to a) Family traits and behaviours b) past achievements c) health issues d) Antecedents, family migration patterns and family ties to other towns and villages in Yoruba land. 4. Spirituality: The Yorubas believe that the cognomen and knowledge of it has a spiritual essence. It is believed that a person who does not know his cognomen loses his spiritual kernel. There was a story of a young man who would always fight and create all kinds of problems. Investigation was conducted into his cognomen and it was discovered that his forebears were warriors and it was their nature and destiny to fight wars. Unfortunately he lived in a generation where there were no wars. His problem was solved by involving him in combat sports. In another case a young man who was unusually troublesome with a terrible and fierce temper that could not be easily subside was made to listen to his cognomen chanted by a specialist before he calms down. As soon as the woman appears from the distance chanting his cognomen and some other words his temper would immediately begin to subside. This is the main reason why cognomen is viewed as a spiritual channel of transmitting the collective consciousness of ancestors to the unborn generation.

Olatunji(1984; 67-87) has this to say on this subject matter,
Cognomen is the most popular of Yoruba oral poetic genres, a fact which is attested to by the several collections of the genre; it features in the performance of all Yoruba chanters as they address members of their audience. And all the oral poets interviewed assert that cognomen, especially lineage cognomen (cognomen Orile), is the most deciding factor in assessing the competence of an artist. Every Yoruba oral poet therefore strives to know the cognomen of important people in his locality as well as the lineage cognomen because every person, common or noble, has his own body of utterances by which he can be addressed .

Furthermore, Olatunji(1984; 68) and Kwame Ture(2003; 97) both emphasized on the metaphysical connotation of cognomen, thereby revealing that this oral poetry is more than few sentences weaved together poetically, but there is a spiritual implication of any cognomen either
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one syllabic cognomen or the lineage cognomen, it has the tendency of influencing the destiny of the bearer, therefore this is why more caution is placed on the cognomen of a child during naming. This is the cultural implication of cognomen. Olatunji(1984; 68) sheds more light to this; A child s name thus affects him for the Yoruba say oruko omo ni ro omo (A child s name affects him). This is why great care is taken before a child is named because the name is meant to reflect not only the circumstances of conception and birth of a child, but also its family history, fortunes and misfortunes, its family s hopes and fears. Therefore, when a child is being expected, the circumstances of its conception and the expectant mother s experience during pregnancy and at delivery, and the circumstances of the child s birth are closely observed... In summary to all the above listed quotes, it is obvious that cognomen is more than few irrelevant sentences woven together by a group of people and chanted, it can be derived from the above exposition that every human has a cognomen, and when chanted it goes far more than the physical effect it has on hearers, but rather it is a seal to one s destiny and a predominant factor of what the future holds for an individual. The next chapter will show the delineation of the Alaafin s cognomen, its relevance, its importance in revealing some qualities and personalities of the Alaafin and lastly a transliteration of his cognomen. THE COMPANION OF gods (ALAAFIN, IKEJI OOSA) 3.0 INTRODUC TION

After exploring the wealth of knowledge of several distinguished scholars in the previous chapters, and where a review of their works had served as a foundation and basis to build the socio-cultural and political exposition of the Alaafin of Oyo and what cognomen is. It is therefore obligatory to capitalize on this prior knowledge of what cognomen is, as the mirror is shifted nearer to discover the personality and identity of the Alaafin as not just a political leader, as noted in the previous chapters, but to prove him as the arbiter, promoter and preserver of the culture and traditions of the Yoruba. This fact is asserted to by Ruth Finnegan (1970; 111) that this class of poetry seems to go with a stress on royal or aristocratic power . This is the importance of this chapter, which paves way for the analysis and translation of the cognomen of the Alaafin of Oyo. Apart from this, it is also aimed at enlightening and elucidating on the sociocultural and political importance of Alaafin s cognomen to the Yoruba community and to
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expatiate on the wealth, linguistic features, motifs, symbols, imageries embedded in the cognomen of the Alaafin of Oyo and their meanings. This section will involve the transliteration of these cognomens from Yoruba to English. 3.1 COGNOM EN Cognomen forms the basis of formal praise poetry. These are most often given to people, but may also describe class, animals or inanimate objects, and they are usually laudatory. Although not very common today among the educated Yorùbá elite, it used to be a day-to-day form of showering praises on children by their parents when they greet them in the morning. Cognomens are permanent titles held by individuals, some of whom have several of these names so that a collection of them recited together resemble loosely constructed poem about the person praised. Various scholars (Johnson, S., 2001, Olatunji, O., 1984) have identified several forms of cognomen. There is one syllabic cognomen, as in Àkàní, Àbèní, Àjàó, Àrèmú, and so on. There are also cognomen of lineages, towns and places, chiefs and kings, divinities, plants and animals. The discipline and characteristic role of cognomen evokes the feeling of well-being in the subject as he or she has a comprehensive citation being presented about him or her. This you experience when you visit most, if not all Yorùbá palaces. It is the duty of the court drummers and akéwì at the òyó palace to wake the Aláàfin with such praises every day. The same applies to chiefs and notable personalities whenever they visit the palace. Cognomen is spoken, chanted, or sung. They contain expression, which praise and characterize its subjects. Such expressions and characteristics of the subject being praise are fully expressed in the imageries and forms realistically depicted in the cognomen. The cognomen of a person cannot be seen or described physically; it is abstract and can only be recited and responded to by the hearer. But, in the course of recitations, there are imageries that form in the heart of the hearer which inspires him and propels him to do better. i.e. cognomen consist of metaphors and similes which are used to describe and ascribe importance to the person being praised, for example Lion, the king of the forest, Elephant, Deer e.t.c all these are symbols pointing to some peculiar characteristics of the subject involved. Therefore, for a clearer and insightful description of the cognomen of the Alaafin of Oyo, motifs, symbols,

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imageries, metaphors and linguistic features that add to the taste of the praise of Alaafin would be critically examined. Furthermore, Ruth Finnegan was right when she wrote that the most frequent subjects for panegyrics are human, especially kings and chiefs, and that praises of kings are most formal and public of all. In addition Bólánlé Awé mentioned the focus of cognomen on deified heroes and kings, ògún, Òrànmíyàn, Obòkun and others were not only commended and praised for their valour and bravery but also for their protection. In summary, their cognomens describe their hierarchy and function in warfare. cognomen also play a very important role in self aggrandisement and glorification in the society, they were the main instruments through which reputation was publicly acknowledged and enhanced, here, Karin Barber says the big man is on display. In a public gathering, cognomen singers would address those they perceive as the most important; the most successful individuals would have the largest corpus of cognomen. Both the mystical and material attribute with which the Oba is endowed sets him apart from the rest of the population. In conclusion, the cognomen chronicles the attribute of the Aláàfin. Most of the animals depicted were actually kept in the palace by the Oba. (Elephant, leopard, horse, tortoise, chameleon, ostrich, egret, hare and others). All these imageries depicted show clarity of form and are realistically rendered, while other imageries were chosen to enhance and promote the position of the Oba. In these various praise songs, the Oba is sometimes compared with very strong animals, which are associated with leadership, authority and power. Some of these animals have cognomen attributed to them. It has been affirmed that cognomen can be concerned with almost anything i.e. animals, birds e.t.c. which are apostrophized in high-sounding terms. 3.2 COGNOM EN OF ALAAFIN

An interview with Adejare Adesina on 15th of March, 2011 at 6:40pm assert this: Olayiwola Atanda, Omo Adeyemi Alowolodu bi iyere, Ode igongo ti n rin tomi tomi, Olayiwola Atanda, the heir of Adeyemi the rich like Crescendo, the ostrich hunter that walks without fear,

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Oba to gbele be ikan nise, o gbele be oogun lowe, Yi gbii gbii yi gbii gbii, Apa ekute ile o kawusa, Enu yiyi kiri lo mo, O gbagba o gbaa tomi tope, O gba oke owinni todo todo, Eeyan, ti o gbagba owinni, Owinni Ni yoo bi ija wa, igi jegede omo Lawoyin, Lawoyin Eeyan taa ni ko ma soogun ika mo, but Adeyemi o tun se bi odo bi odo, invincible, O tun se bi olo bi odo, O se kan rigidi, destroy, Ti n ji ko bi akuko idaji, morning,

The great king that has magical power that no power can combat, The power of rat cannot crack walnut, it can only roll it, He claims the entirety of a place, He claims Owinni in totality as his own, anyone who refuses his sovereignty over

would initiate a war, great warrior, the son of

The person we warn not to seek others fall,

Adeyemi turns defiant and becomes more weird and

Adeyemi behaves like storm that disturbs, He is an immortal that no one can

his power is so famous like a Cock that crows in the wee

O ni e rora koba, ke ma baa boba, that warns all to pay homage to the king in order not to stir his anger Oba aborí esin bààbà lonà kòso, bìrìn esin tìkò tìkò lona bàrà, Atanda lomo adeniran sabi, Gbere lekun oge, Koro lobinrin ti n sunkun ale, secret, He rides horse honourably to Koso and rides his horse prestigiously to Bara Atanda, the son of Adeniran Sabi a newly wedded bride weeps joyfully, while a housewife weeps for her concubine in

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Bobinrin ba sunkun ale nita gbangba, Nisoju oko re abuku ni o kan, trouble, Bi o wodo ariwo esin, Aarin odo ariwo esin, known, Oke odo ariwo esin, him, O tese esin somi ruku ruku ruku, Olowo ori oko ogunbunmi, Layiwola, lati kekere lo ti finu, Sogbon omo Ibironke, Esin gbodo dara, perfectly, Eeyan o gbodo ba ja, Eko gbibona, o gbodo jo oko ayaba lowo, Ekute ile o mo iwon ara re, worth, O ni lati ojo ti ologinni ti bimo, Ohun o tii lo ki, kittens, Oworuwo sebe ni layiwola, Ti gbale lowo ako bugan, Ako eemo ti boloko paala, farmers, Kinihun oju abata, irunmole ti n gbenu aafin, O sun sinu ile ba ara re leru, himself,

if she does it outside in the presence of her husband, she would run into

if he enters the stream with a horse, and at the middle of the stream he is

even at the river bank, everybody recognizes

He rides his horse admirably, the husband of Ogunbunmi Layiwola, from the cradle you were wise the child of Ibironke, when you set things in order wisely and

you are rarely queried, Hot pap does not affect elders, The homestead rat does not know it s

he said since the time the cat gave birth, he has not gone to pay homage to her

Layiwola fears no one, A great one, A ferocious rat that shares boundaries with

the gnome that lives in the palace, the one who sleeps in the house to terrify

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Alegilegi abaja arodo rodo akeyinsi, mark,

the man with the neatly cut abaja tribal

Abinu fufu latanda, ti binu loran egberindin logun, the wise one that seeks peace with a malice keeper, Layiwola omo Popoola, Poopola omo mohuru, Ojo pa sekere mode omo Atiba, Omo titiiri meje la a ki omo Olukuewu, ways, Ila tiiri ila ko, wastage Ikan tiiri wewu eje, yellowish, Ikonkoso tiiri peku, escape, Iwo tiiri peja, escape, Oka-baba tiiri soloko, farmers, Omo eji-oboro Oyo, Won ni bomode o bagba jeun, elders, Titiiri ni tiiri, Omo oke tiiri ma woo, fall, To somo re ni kudeefu, Layiwola the son of Popoola, Popoola the son of Mohuru, the great grandchild of Atiba, we acknowledge you, the child of Olukuewu in diverse

when an okro plant refuses to germinate in time, it becomes a

a garden egg takes time before it turns

when a trap is lately set, it paves way for a rat s

when a hook is lately let down, fishes

Guinea corns are patiently waited for to germinate by

the child of Ejiboro, an adage says before a child could feed with the

he has to excercise patience, the time-worn and standing hill that cannot

who gave the name kudeefu after his child

A second interview with Mayowa Ayolo on the 18th of March, 2011 at 10:24 a.m. in the Alaafin s Palace, Oba Adeyemi III.
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Owoyemi, omo ayan oke, Asabi olaleye igbari oogun, Omo iku pupa tere, oko sobadiwin, Sobadiwin, Atiba sunwon sohun, oba nile ipo kangun boli, Ikare, Omo oba adewale to gudu ni ikare, Ikare, Ikare omo egun oju, Omo ogbagba wole,

Owoyemi, the child of Ayanoke, Asabi a determined person, the child of fair sleek, husband of

Atiba the fearless king famous in all the land of

The prince of king adewale widely renowned in

Ikare the child of Egun Oju, the fearless child who remains unmoved nothing, Alaafin, the dreaded being, was given Kaduya s

Fomo kaduya fun Alaafin omo akalamogbo, daughter

to marry, Bale o wa foro itan bale, present, Lodo ge nigun wi, Lodo lakalabo, one who recounts events from the beginning of his generation to the

he recounts history from the very beginning to the last end of such stories,

Oni gbogbo wa loro atiba o do ge lojo olu, he said all of us still retained Atiba s story in memory, Olatunbosun omo abiodun nigba to sun, Ni orun to kan ayaba, queen, Atiba roorun joojo, Elo la gbo loba taba roorun, this earth, Olatunbosun omo abiodun, the night you died, was also the night the sleeping routine shift reached the

Atiba has gone to the world beyond, there is no more ruling as a king when one departs from

Ewon o de mo, atinu oba wa joba laye, reign,

no more barrier, the son of the king has finally come to

Omo oluaso, ti fi oko orun mo gege omo atiba, the son of Oluaso has turned the heavens into his
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domain, the son of Atiba, Gege, gege n ke ikeji oosa, gods, Elo la n gbe gbo lowo mumo, hail, as he is proclaimed the companion of the

the one that cannot be questioned for any wrongs,

Enu omeru, olukuewu to gbona, in his presence you cannot ask for his wrongs, Olukuewu the splendid, Ni opera fi sopona ogbona josi elegore, Logbona atinu oba, Sopona was appealed to turn his wrath on him, the splendid one, who hail from the king,

O joba laye, omu oluaso ti fi di orun mo gege omo atiba, he reigned one earth, and also took Oluaso to be enthroned in heaven, the son of Atiba, Gege, gege ke ikeji oosa, gods, Bo du o leepo o du o leepo, Be lo gbeepo Kankan, o ma n pe epo, to be, Bi omo abile ebe abile idile lagbosa je, in birth, Omo kekee won dasa kolo, Kolo bi igun lo bale, down, Ewo apowe, Atiba leri te e po ma gboosa jo, against him, Teri te kofa lofa, Won ko ibon lu ibon, against him, hail, as he is proclaimed the companion of the

when he is adamant, no one tries to move him, whatever you call him, is what you will find him

ask and implore the child who followed Lagbosa

infants among them invents new habits, it was asked whether it was the vulture that stooped

behold the wise instructor, at the appearance of Atiba, his enemies prepared war

on sighting him, bows and arrows were gathered, arms and ammunitions were brought to wage war

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Won ko apata leri apata, bemebe lo gudu, hide in

they brought out war drums, and even moved to

the rocky parts, Lona agbaara, ojo akanlu to dele, started, Baba o ti won loju, them, Oja won lapo, Oja won lorun, o de gere wodo gere ajege, the river, Gere pa ilu meje po baja, Oni ara agodongbo pe won o le lo oko ajegese, not to go along the path that leads to agbaara, the day the war

Baba confounded their plans and made a show of

mere seeing him disarmed their powers, his appearance drives them to the quarry of

he combined seven towns to fight with, He restricted the inhabitants of agodongbo

down to ajegese s farm, Won o gbodo lodo, to fetch, Odofin ija o ni duro nile laganlu, and also commands them not go down to the river

the determing fight would not be restricted only to the household of Laganlu,

Ki iran laganlu, omo akewu ija won leerin, the race of Laganlu are renowned for fighting in wars, Jo won ba duro won regbe dagba dagba, Won a soke leru kale, weight, their preparation amounted to nothing,

soon, the hills and mountains would be lightened of their

Kafata afodun foya ti fo tele dundun jo, out, Atoni suru e lo ferin tifi gbogbo aye ba te koto fi e, expected

there is no remedy to the war that broke

and moreover, the meek ones were less

to bring peace to the war, Ori polo polo, anarchy upon anarchy,
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Igbati o si mo, aye Alaafin o parun, stood, O wa dori olujide Adekote ta ni, Omo sumbo, Ajagun ma gbeerin, Seki kunrin, Edofin okunrin, Bolaji gbe won lopo, Oko ayaba ijesha, Ewo alarinjo, omo lawani osun gbede ki gbede, the

when you were no more, Alaafin s dynasty still

It gradually came to the turn of Olujide Adekote, who is the child of Sumbo, the great warrior who fears no one, the courageous man, the lion- hearted man, Bolaji you prevailed, the husband of Ijesha princess look at the skillful player, the son of Lawani,

fearsome one, Oyo lalarinjo, Alao, Adeolu, Alao lomo elekun ede owo lori oro, Alao, omo sango olekan, Oyo is your abode, Alao Adeolu, the great one, Alao the grandchild of Sango,

Oju won lo olujide, omo oyin tani jo raniran, whose appearance cannot be sighted anytime he is angry, Janle o danwo omo atiba, Adekode to ba subu loja, markets, Ewon afeerin si, olujide, To ba so omo olowo lo ba subu, Ariwo aso, o subu ofe rosin ala, O gbena kale ni seke omo isin, Omo ira, oju le kan soso iseke, Won ti bi iku ola, iya Alao, mother, as instant as in the trait of the son of Atiba, Adekode, is not preferable to declare war on the

repercussions will follow, Olujide, if terrible befalls the son of a rich man, there would be uproar, he brought diverse calamities upon Seke, the one that is fearful at Iseke, the end of wealth (iku ola) has been born by Alao s

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Teri ni ijo na elepo, eyiti ode olujide, Olujide, To ni o ma gbe nu oko , Omo elegbe o je ekulu, Alao, bab lekun ode owo lori oro,

the one seen that memorable day, of the hunter,

the one you deprived from staying in the farm, the lineage of elegbe don t feed on ekulu, Alao, the wealthy and prosperous man,

Alao, omo sango ole kan, oju won lo, Alao, the son of Sango with difference, you are more than them, Olujide, O si lomo, totun joba, Igba to o simo, sebi Alaafin o parun, continued, Atun wa loba, o dori tani, who? Adeyemi gonbo bi olu, wealth Aloko lawani, boku lopo ode ogongo, Egbo adiyadi tomi tomi, Olujide, you had a son, who also became a king when you were no more, alas, Alaafin s dynasty still

we also had another king, this time, it came to the turn of

Adeyemi, blessed with riches, prosperity and

he owns all the land, a great hunter, he walks majestically,

Egun gberi asaa, ode baba lawoyin, the fearsome one, an hunter and also the father of Lawoyin, Yiki yabo oogun, O yi gbiiri gbiiri, Apa ekute ile o kawusa, Oko mobolaku, won ni enu yiyi kiri lomo, incantations Agbin gbado oran, so yo leyin kule, the great king blessed with magical powers, that no power can combat, the power of a rat cannot crack the walnut, the husband of Mobolaku, known for making

a trouble maker and a mischievous man, who sows the seed of violence which yields frightening consequences,

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Agbado gbo, alagbala o gbodo yaje, terrifying, Omo adeyemi, omo mohuru, Kakan ota, kakan etu, kakan akadesi, Adeyemi abile popo, ni jije ni mumo,

these consequences yielded are unsolvable and

the son of Adeyemi, son of Mohuru, Adeyemi, whose enemies cannot overpower, Adeyemi, whose house is full of food, whoever touches his sacrifice will soon be

Ta lo le de ibi ebo irunmole, eyi ti gbe inu apo, eating

with the dead, Soro Adeyemi, Omo mohuru, won dori, Kapa apa o kapa, won dori kan kanga, power, Kanga o se kosi, won dori k adio, apa o k adio, Won wa lo be sango lowe si, Sango o ni somo re ni Kankan, Re eni baba omo, ni bomo rese, Eni sango ba gba ile e, O ti gba le lawole, sango fi yen le, Adeyemi, lo fi ile lawole, Lawole, won ni o maa soogun ika mo, destructive speak Adeyemi, the son of Mohuru, is the head, they made trials to overcome his invincible

but they all failed, they then contacted Sango, Sango will not harm his child, no father would dare hurt his son, anyone Sango takes his house, has no place for refuge, Adeyemi claims Lawole s house, Lawole, you have been asked not to make

charms again, Ohun naa lo je ko dile oke loke agungun epo, warlord, Adeyemi, omo mohuru, this made you to be rated as a top fighting

Adeyemi, the son of Mohuru,

Igbati o si mo, sebi Alaafin o parun, when you were no more, the dynasty of Alaafin was still standing

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3.3

FEATURES OF COGNOM EN (ORIKI)

Before bringing out the social, political and cultural importance of the Alaafin s cognomen, it is essential to follow the Features of cognomen to break the above written cognomen into pieces and to show its features. The main features of cognomen are high incidence of nominalizations, prepondence of kingship terms, multiple reference to the subject, multiplicity of oblique references to historical and/ or mythological events and fluidity of structure and content. There is nothing magical about the ordering of these features here because they usually co-occur. The order adopted in this list is dictated by considerations of neatness, economy and ease of treatment. § High Incidence of Nominalizations and Nominal Phrases
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Nominalisations occur in great number in cognomen. For example, in the cognomen of Alaafin got through the interview with Adejare Adesina, we have a portrait of the Alaafin sketched out through this device: Olayiwola Atanda, Omo Adeyemi Alowolodu bi iyere, Ode igongo ti n rin tomi tomi, Oba to gbele be ikan nise, o gbele be oogun lowe, Yi gbii gbii yi gbii gbii, Olayiwola Atanda, the heir of Adeyemi the rich like Crescendo, the ostrich hunter that walks without fear, The great king that has magical power that no power can combat,

To illustrate this high incidence further, the first ten lines in Adejare Adesina (2011) are examined to show the number of nominalizations in them. Below is a table showing the result of examination: Cognomen cognomen of Alaafin No of lines 5 Cases of Nominalisation 11

Below are some of the nominals found in the above extracted poetry: Olayiwola, Atanda, omo, Adeyemi, Alowolodu, iyere, ode, ogongo, oba, ikan, oogun, The nominalization has contributed to bringing out the heroic objective of the Alaafin and the characterizing praise function of the cognomen because they are used in describing and defining the subject. § Prepondence of Kinship terminologies

Another feature of cognomen is the preponderant use of kinship terminologies that link the subject to his relations and forbears. These terms are mostly omo (offspring), baba (father) and oko (husband). The most frequent is omo as in: Atanda lomo adeniran sabi, Atanda is the son of Adeniran Sabi, Oko ogunbunmi, Husband of Ogunbunmi,
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Omo Ibironke, Oko ayaba,

Son of Ibironke, Husband to queens

All the kingship terminologies are used to link the subject to his forbears and to those that in Yoruba society are considered to be marks of his greatness, that is, his children and wives. § Multiple References to the Subject of the cognomen

This is the device whereby a person is referred to by several different kinds of names, and it is a very significant feature of Yoruba cognomen. This is exemplified below: Owoyemi, omo ayan oke, Oko sobadiwin, Omo oba adewale, omo egun oju, Omo iku, Owoyemi (wealth suits me), Offspring of Ayan Oke, Husband of Sobadinwin, Prince of Adewale (The Crown has returned) The son to Egun Oju ( the thorn in the eyes ) Son to death,

The device of multiple references to the subject saves Yoruba cognomen form monotony. It helps to explore all the names, the connections and the achievements or attributes of the subject in the over-riding desire to characterize him. § Multiplicity of Oblique References

In cognomen, allusions or oblique references are made to historical and mythological events. The military expeditions of Alaafin of Oyo against some towns are alluded in: Atiba leri te e po ma gboosa jo, against him, Teri te kofa lofa, Won ko ibon lu ibon, against him, at the appearance of Atiba, his enemies prepared war

on sighting him, bows and arrows were gathered, arms and ammunitions were brought to wage war
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Won ko apata leri apata, bemebe lo gudu, hide in

they brought out war drums, and even moved to

the rocky parts, Lona agbaara, ojo akanlu to dele, started, Baba o ti won loju, them, Oja won lapo, Oja won lorun, o de gere wodo gere ajege, the river, Gere pa ilu meje po baja, Oni ara agodongbo pe won o le lo oko ajegese, not to go along the path that leads to agbaara, the day the war

Baba confounded their plans and made a show of

mere seeing him disarmed their powers, his appearance drives them to the quarry of

he combined seven towns to fight with, He restricted the inhabitants of agodongbo

down to ajegese s farm, § Fluidity of Structure and Content

Cognomen is not performed in a uniformed order, and different versions of an cognomen may be differently worded. Each cognomen is a string of minimum themes of praise, hereafter called praise units, which treat various aspects of the subject and each reciter of poet gives what he can remember of the praise units which make up the cognomen. To illustrate this point, the structural arrangement of some lines in the documented cognomen of the Alaafin from the interview conducted with Adesina Adejare and Mayowa Ayolo is thus compared. Thus, they would be named TEXT A and TEXT B

TEXT A O yi gbiiri gbiiri, Apa ekute ile o kawusa, Oko mobolaku, won ni enu yiyi kiri lomo, making that no power can combat, the power of a rat cannot crack the walnut, the husband of Mobolaku, known for

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incantations TEXT B Yi gbii gbii yi gbii gbii, Apa ekute ile o kawusa, Enu yiyi kiri lo mo, that no power can combat, The power of rat cannot crack walnut, it can only roll it,

The first and the second lines in the two occurrences are the same, but the third lines in the two instances are different, this shows that there is no constituency in the structure and content of the oral poetry when recited. 3.4 SYMBOLS, IMAGERIES AND EXTRA-LINGUISTIC FEATURES IN THE COGNOM EN OF THE ALAAFIN Some of the cognomens of the Alaafin assert: Àjànàkú kò ni èèkàn, Oba tí yóò mú erin so kò tíì je The elephant has no post to which it is tethered; the king that will tether the elephant has not been crowned.

This thus shows the great power of the Aláàfin over other Obas, more so when he is described as: Aláse igbá kejì òrìsà One with authority next only to the gods The elephant is often praised in some praise names as: Erin oníbú owó Alágbàlá òkun Elephant owner of abundant wealth and a courtyard of sea.

These praises summarily symbolize the wealth of the Aláàfin. In another cognomen the elephant is described in relation to the Oba, Erin á gbé nú igbó yan bíi ba king.
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Elephant the jungle dweller who walks majestically like a

Other cognomen describe, erin as:Àjànàkú, òkan soso àràbà tíí mi igbó kìjikìji Elephant, the only gigantic one like àràbà tree who shakes the forest violently. This reference to the Aláàfin shows him as the all powerful amongst the other Obas. The antelope (egbin) is also depicted tethered like the elephant. The antelope is known for its long horns which symbolises àse, (life force) because it is the traditional container for àse a kind of medicine which make wishes and utterances to materialize. Àse as a word, means authority . The antelope can also be said to be a symbol of beauty as it is evident in its cognomen. The cognomen reveals the descriptive beauty of the antelope as an animal that: Fàwo àrán se aso àtésùn, dára níjú, ranko abara yòòyò, Uses velvet leather as bed sheet, beauty of the forest, animal with shining fur

It is also described in another cognomen as:Egbin dára títi, elegàn egbin kò sí nígbó forest In relation to the Aláàfin Siyanbólá Ládigbòlù at whose instance a palace mural art was executed, and with no such beautiful palace, mural or even king as the Aláàfin found anywhere else. He is the embodiment of beauty. For this reason, the ostrich (ògòngò) icon is the most prominent symbol in the cognomen of the Alaafin. Ògòngò is associated with leadership, the following cognomen describes: Ògòngò baba eye Ògòngò, king of birds. Very beautiful antelope, its rival does not exist in the

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When chanting songs or praise names of the Aláàfin, his wives always refer to him as Ògòngò baba eye meaning he, the Aláàfin, is the king of kings in Yorubaland. This is a direct comparison to the bird called Ogongo Ostrich. It is believed that this bird is the king of the forest, because of its natural endowment i.e. its height which towers over other birds of the forest, her speed, elongated neck to pick fruits from a considerable height, the manner of hatching, its long legs e.t.c all qualifies the Ostrich to be rated above other birds, so likewise the Alaafin, who is believed to be an authority among the Yoruba, similarly by status is a top rated king in Yoruba land. Alaafin like the Ostrich, is an epitome of leadership, authority, pride and power. Some other significant symbols in the cognomen are warrior, bow and arrow. This could be identified to either be a warrior or hunter. Both professions are very relevant to Aláàfin Ládigbòlù and all other Aláàfins before him. Hunters and warriors were very useful to the kings in carrying out their numerous Calvary and assaults in their bid to gain supremacy over other territories. This is no longer so in modern times where such exalted positions have been taken over by state military personnel. The hunter could probably represent those who killed wild animals for the Oba, or his warriors. In Awon Oríkì Oríle by Adébóyè Babalolá, he mentioned, the progenitors of Olú-Òjé who were brave elephant hunters using spears, bows and arrows. They killed elephants for the queen in Òyó Ilé. He also goes on to mention the relationship between hunting and warfare. The Oníikòyí s weapons were said to include bows and arrows and so Oníkòyís are praised in an oriki as:Àwon omo oníle olófà ta fà má tàsé olófà mímú, olófà oró tíí pa egèbrin ènìyàn Owner of the land of arrows sharp shooters, shooter of sharp arrows, poisoned arrows with which he killed 800 people .

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In addition, Alaafin himself is referred to as the an ostrich hunter in his cognomen . It is thus reflected like this: Ode igongo ti n rin tomi tomi, the ostrich hunter that walks without fear,

Apart from this type of Metaphorical cognomen, distinct from the cognomen of the animals are the direct cognomen of the Aláàfin. These are known as Totem which denotes the cognomen of his foundation or origin. It is however not a name in that it represent every conceivable object such as, erin, (elephant) ògún (the god of iron and war) òpó (pillar) àgbò (a ram), òkín (peacock) and many others. In orílè, the lineage of the Aláàfin is revealed, making the representation of the images attached to his cognomen much more meaningful. For example, erin (elephant) is the totem of the original line of kings. Because orílè, (totem) is never used by itself, as it would be meaningless, it is always expressed along with cognomen when endearment or admiration is intended. Aláàfin Siyanbólá Ládigbòlù Àkànbí Erin and Aláàfin Oláyíwolá Adéyemí III. Àtàndá Erin both share the same totem of the original line of the Òyó kings. Erin, the elephant being mentioned here again as it has been interpreted on the mural. In some lines of the cognomen chanted by Mr. Adejare Adesina during an interview with the researcher, a man well versed in the cognomen of the Aláàfin of Òyó, some of the aforementioned imageries were mentioned. A testimony of this is narrated in lines such as: Bí ó wo dò, ariwo esin esin Bí ó gòkè odò, eruku esin ó fesè esin somi rùkú rùkú rùkú Oba aborí esin bààbà lonà kòso bìrìn esin tìkò tìkò lona bàrà When he enters the river, it s the noise of horses When he comes out, the horse raises dust He stirs up the river with the horses hoofs He, strides majestically towards kòso He, strides reluctantly like a horse towards bàrà

In the above lines of cognomen, horse (esin) seems to be the point of reference and in another line, the ostrich was mentioned,
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Ode Ògòngò tíí rìn tomi tomi .

the ostrich hunter, who walks with water

In another line, the Aláàfin is praised poetically in which the sword is mentioned as: èyin lomo ò sòrò gbooro You are of the descendants of those

gbédà gbooro kó, òrò gbooro ò tán who speak words of volume, idà gbooro ò wàkò 3.5 who hang the long sword, too long for the sheath.

AN EXPOSITION ON THE ALAAFIN S COGNOM EN It is obvious that the cognomen of the Alaafin is a practical realization of the sayings of

Kwame Ture, the cognomen imprints the child with its complex historical, spiritual and social identities. I have called the cognomen a praise song and birth poem, and so it is, but its functions are many more than those terms might imply. It is at once prayer, thanksgiving, celebration and prophecy. It is a meditation on the meaning and significance of the new human s name. it is an evocation of the strong deeds, character and praise names of the infant s ancestors

In respect to the above quotation which defines the metaphysical importance of cognomen, therefore the cognomen of the Alaafin will be broken down into three units, i.e. Political, Social and Cultural. Before the analysis, it is worthy to note that the cognomen of Alaafin is an extraction and compilation of different genres of literature, ranging from the original poetry, to prose and drama. The cognomen itself in its original form is structured and patterned with lines as in a poetical form. Below lines reflects the rhythmic flow of the poem and pun in action, i.e. a play on words Esin gbodo dara, perfectly, Eeyan o gbodo ba ja, when you set things in order wisely and

you are rarely queried,

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Kapa apa o kapa, won dori kan kanga, power, Kanga o se kosi, won dori k adio, apa o k adio,

they made trials to overcome his invincible

but they all failed

But along the line, it is obvious to notice that the prosaic genre of literature comes into existence, this is as a result of the recounted past and events of the military and personal escapades of the Alaafins, i.e. Orompoto, Egun Oju, Gbadegesin, Lawola, Adeyemi, Sango, Siyanbola etc. for example,

Bale o wa foro itan bale, present, Lodo ge nigun wi, Lodo lakalabo,

one who recounts events from the beginning of his generation to the

he recounts history from the very beginning to the last end of such stories,

While the dramatic, is as a result of the call and response like lines, which made it look as if the poem is being addressed to a seated audience. For example, Ewo apowe, behold the wise instructor,

Atiba leri te e po ma gboosa jo, at the appearance of Atiba, his enemies prepared war against him, Teri te kofa lofa, on sighting him, bows and arrows were gathered,

These and many other features would be highlighted in the course of bringing out the socio-cultural and political exposition on Alaafin s cognomen. § POLITICAL IMPORTANCE OF THE COGNOMEN

Bolanle Awe examines cognomen, as

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An important and to some extent, all-embracing genre of Yoruba Oral Literature, in relation to the art of warfare as practised among the Yoruba. Cognomen is the Yoruba traditional praise poetry which is used as a salute to lineage, individuals, animals and objects among the Yoruba. Every individual is emotionally trained when his personal cognomen and that of his lineage are being chanted; cognomen therefore helps to spur warriors to deeds of valour on the battlefield. This is why renowned Yoruba war leaders of the last century usually took their own praise singers to the battlefield. Cognomen also features prominently in Yoruba war strategy and communication. When certain well-known cognomen of war leaders are beaten on the war drums, they have the effect of rallying the loyal troops together against the enemy .

The above quote complements the military expeditions of the Alaafin during the Oyo Empire, this is a major function of the cognomen of the Alaafin, it does not only contain the recount of the private lives, traits, achievements and failures of the past Alaafins, but it also records their heroic deeds and valour on the battlefront. What characterizes all the Alaafins that has ruled before, is the ability to make war against towns that serve as threat to the empire, thus paving way for the enlargement of the empire and this prompted the widely spread tentacle of power of the Alaafin which has become a legend that is still regarded till date. Gere pa ilu meje po baja, Oni ara agodongbo pe won o le lo oko ajegese, from he combined seven towns to fight with, he opposed the inhabitants of agodongbo

down to ajegese s farm, Won o gbodo lodo, to fetch, and also commands them not go down to the river

The above lines recount one of the successful military escapades of a past Alaafin, who brought seven towns together to fight with, to these towns, chiefs are appointed to be an eye for the Alaafin in seeing to the welfare and leadership of such communities, this was the strategy used by the Alaafin in subduing many towns to his control and the beginning of the Old Oyo Empire. This is attested to, in the lines below, where the sovereignty of the Alaafin is exaggerated over his conquered kingdoms, O gbagba o gbaa tomi tope, He claims the entirety of a place,
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O gba oke owinni todo todo, Eeyan, ti o gbagba owinni, Owinni Ni yoo bi ija wa, igi jegede omo Lawoyin, Lawoyin

He claims Owinni in totality as his own, anyone who refuses his sovereignty over

would initiate a war, great warrior, the son of

The Oyo people evolved a military system that allows them to develop weaponry and to enlarge the empire, while for the leadership of the community ran a democratic government, therefore it can be concluded that both democratic and military system of government were in place during the empire. Moreover, some of the attributes looked for, before an Alaafin is selected are: bravery, courage and fearlessness. The military command structure of Oyo is so unique that the Aare Ona Kankanfo as the generalissimo of the military led the Oyo warlords successfully to many battles between the 13th and 16th century that preserved the territorial integrity of the Yoruba race, and during this time, Oyo extended its territorial limits to Nupe, Dahomey, Abome, Weme, and other parts of Togo land, and today, these people are off-shots of the great Yoruba kingdom. It is in one of those conquests that the Alaafin conquered agodongbo , apart from this town, we also have other conquered towns mentioned in the course of the cognomen i.e. Iseke, Owinni, Akeesan e.t.c were also part of his conquest. The above lines show that the Alaafin has a firm grip on the conquered towns and his dictate taken as law. The Alaafin combining seven towns together to fight is not an exaggeration, but a proof that the tentacle of power of the Alaafin was widely spread during this period. Lona agbaara, ojo akanlu to dele, started, Baba o ti won loju, them, Oja won lapo, Oja won lorun, o de gere wodo gere ajege, the river, along the path that leads to agbaara, the day the war

Baba confounded their plans and made a show of

mere seeing him disarmed their powers, his appearance drives them to the quarry of

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Gere pa ilu meje po baja, Oni ara agodongbo pe won o le lo oko ajegese, not to go

he combined seven towns to fight with, He restricted the inhabitants of agodongbo

down to ajegese s farm, Won o gbodo lodo, to fetch, and also commands them not go down to the river

Note that some names of some past alaafins in Oyo were mentioned in the cognomen i.e. Atiba, Abiodun, Adewale, Egun oju, Olatunbosun, Oluaso, Olujide Adekote, Adeolu, Alao, Sango, Farayola etc. have all contributed tremendously to the rise of the Oyo empire, but the pronounced of them is Atiba which appears recurrently in the cognomen. Oba Atiba, the son of Abiodun was the greatest human and political factor in the period referred to above. His sons, Adelu and Adeyemi reigned after him. He expanded and enlarged the Oyo Empire and also reinforced his military by creating an ally with Ibadan and Ijaiye, thus bracing up bravely the Oyo monarchy. The Oyo Alaafin is an integral portion of the Yoruba nation that descended from the historical figure, Oduduwa or Olofin. According to historians, the Yoruba arrived in their present homes in waves from the ancient Meroe of the east of Sudan. Ile-Ife was their first principal centre of civilization. Oranyan (the first Alaafin) was either the son or the grandson of Oduduwa: all of them met indigenous population that they conquered and assimilated. In different monarchial tradition as they arrived in waves from their original homes in the Sudan, they instituted various kingdoms: Oyo, Ife, Ijesa, Ijebu, Owu, Owo, Ekiti, Ondo, Ketu etc. As the arrow head of Oyo people, the Alaafin s exercised power made him (Oranyan) to gain landmarks in Ife, Edo Kingdom and eventually Oyo. A fighter and a warrior, the administration of his kingdom came to a bloom under his sons: Dada Ajuwon, Ajaka, Sango, Afonja, Aganju (with regent Iyayun, a female, when the monarch died and before Kori came of age to rule) and then Oluaso. Sango is the only Alaafin of Oyo that is deified; this is obvious with reference made to koso and bara in the cognomen of Alaafin. Koso means unsuicidal ; this is in respect of the myth that king Sango angrily hung himself after he was rejected by the people of Oyo; after
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being deified, his followers were compel to use thunder to scare people in order to nullify the notion that their master did not commit suicide, which is translated in Yoruba Oba koso . Since Sango himself is renowned for his thunderous voice , hence he is called the god of thunder and where he was buried became a monument as a result of the incidence, Koso . There has never been an end to the dynasty of Alaafin s kingdom in Oyo, but is selectively rotated among the royal houses of the kings mentioned above, this was attested to in the cognomen which says, Igba to si mo, sebi Alaafin o parun § When you were no more, Alaafin s dynasty still remained

THE SOCIAL AND CULTURA L IMPORTANCE OF THE COGNOM EN the child of fair sleek, husband of

Omo iku pupa tere, oko sobadiwin, Sobadiwin, Gege, gege ke ikeji oosa, gods,

hail, as he is proclaimed the companion of the

When an Alaafin is to be crowned, he is made to go through rituals, cleansing and sacrifice. He is inducted to the Sango mystery, the Ifa corpus and other mysteries of the gods. The Oba becomes a beneficiary of death, sorrow, predicaments at home and outside. They term him Iku meaning death personified . Omo Iku, Omo arun, Omo Ofo, Omo adaba Ile, Omo adaba ita, outside, Omo ti iku n pa tii gbe ru baba re, load to his father s head Omo ti iku n pa tii gbe ru iya re, load to his mother s head
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the child of death;, the child of diseases, the child of loss and waste from the inside and

the child who while dying gradually helps to lift a

the child who, while dying gradually, helps to lift a

This implies that the Alaafin is the carrier and burden bearer to all the problems, obstacles, curses, pains and predicaments from within and outside the home. As the Alaafin, it is believed after going through the terrifying rituals of becoming a king, and yet survived it, that there was no death, pain, sorrow, problem and curse that could affect him again. He is no longer human, but have thus been initiated into being a companion to gods, this is the reason why the Alaafin is called, ikeji oosa , he has turned into a god-like being, hence no sorrow, death, pain and misfortune could harm him, this is the reason behind Alaafin s description as death personified. Ojo pa sekere mode omo Atiba The sekere , a beaded gourd is one of the symbols of the Alaafin; it reflects the cultural wealth embedded in the cognomen. In the palace today, before entering into the palace, one will be greeted by royal chanters with the sekere Oba and drummers while one s cognomen is musically recited. A monument for this cultural imagery is still located outside the present Alaafin s palace. Attached are pictures to support this claim and other aforementioned issues. The Òyó palace mural reveals a vivid example of the influence and significance of cognomen in Yorùbá mural decoration. This painting, commissioned in 1933 by late Aláàfin Siyanbólá Ládigbòlù, known for his love of creativity and flamboyant nature is richly decorated with numerous human, aforementioned animals in the Alaafin s cognomen above and inanimate royal objects. When Aláàfin Siyanbólá Ládigbòlù wanted to be sure that the painting being commissioned had not been done anywhere else in the whole Yorùbá country, he was only living true to one of the common cognomen of the Òyó people. The cognomen that bears this out is: Ají se bí Òyó làárí, Òyó kìí se bíi enì kokan People wake to comport themselves like the Òyó, but the Òyó never behave like anybody else.

This is the reason why the Oyo people pride themselves as a special tribe above other Yoruba speaking communities, as a diversion, to complement this feature; the Oyo Yoruba is the standard Yoruba language for other Yoruba communities. Their culture and traditions is never

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taken for granted, and this is similarly reflected in the cognomen of the Alaafin, which contains wise sayings and proverbial words. The following lines attest to this fact: Ila tiiri ila ko, wastage Ikan tiiri wewu eje, yellowish, Ikonkoso tiiri peku, escape, Iwo tiiri peja, escape, Oka-baba tiiri soloko, farmers, Won ni bomode o bagba jeun, elders, when an okro plant refuses to germinate in time, it becomes a

a garden egg takes time before it turns

when a trap is lately set, it paves way for a rat s

when a hook is lately let down, fishes

Guinea corns are patiently waited for to germinate by

an adage says before a child could feed with the

The last line of the poem above implies that the Oyo people truly regards the act of respect to elders in their culture, or rather put that Yoruba people esteem respect so much in their culture. This is attested to in the saying, Respect is reciprocal , this is obvious in the way greetings are made in the Yoruba land, when a child wakes up, he prostates or kneel to greet his father, mother or any elderly person in the house early in the morning, and they in return recites his or her cognomen to revitalize him or her, and moreover, the Yoruba people believes that any elderly person, either a man or woman is worthy to be called one s father or mother. This is a proof to the inter-community and mutual relationship among this tribe, thus important individuals in a defined Yoruba community are called, Omo adugbo or Omo ebi . This implies that in the Yoruba community, one is responsible to everybody and could be called to serve anybody. In addition, the Alaafin is more dreaded by his subjects and other kings because he is prominent for the use of metaphysical powers, this brings into mind the supreme, untouchable, terrifying and unassailable nature of the Alaafin. There is a boast about him in the following lines of his cognomen:

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Oba to gbele be ikan nise, o gbele be oogun lowe, Eeyan taa ni ko ma soogun ika mo, but Adeyemi o tun se bi odo bi odo, invincible,

The great king that has magical power The person we warn not to seek others fall,

Adeyemi turns defiant and becomes more weird and

Hence, this buttresses his pronounced cognomen as the Alase ikeji Oosa , meaning the companion of gods .

In conclusion, it is worthy to note that the Alaafin does not only have the political and magical powers as discussed earlier, but also possess the social and cultural power too, he is not only reckoned with in the political environment, but more renowned when he steps off from his exalted seat as the king in the political circle. This is the reason why he is more praised, compared to the cognomen on deified heroes and kings, ògún, Òrànmíyàn, Obòkun and others who were more commended and praised for their valour and bravery, but not as a human who had relationships. Note, that the Alaafin is more praised in his cognomen as a human being who attends, enjoys and finds time for recreation and pleasure than his other attributes as a warrior, god-like human, terrifying and a monarchical leader. This is the main reason why the Alaafin is a household name among the Yoruba; he is more honoured because he shares in the social and cultural heritage of his fathers, thereby leaving behind the all powerful and dreaded throne as a political leader of the Yoruba people, and sometimes praised as an husband, a son, a grandchild and a man of many attributes. This submission can be proved in the following lines: Olatunbosun omo abiodun nigba to sun, Ni orun to kan ayaba, queen, Oko ayaba ijesha, Oko mobolaku, won ni enu yiyi kiri lomo, incantations, Olatunbosun omo abiodun, the night you died, was also the night the sleeping routine shift reached the

the husband of Ijesha princess, the husband of Mobolaku, known for making

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Olowo ori oko ogunbunmi, Layiwola, lati kekere lo ti finu, Sogbon omo Ibironke, Alegilegi abaja arodo rodo akeyinsi, mark, Ojo pa sekere mode omo Atiba, Omo eji-oboro Oyo, To somo re ni kudeefu, child.

the husband of Ogunbunmi Layiwola, from the cradle you were wise the child of Ibironke, the man with the neatly cut abaja tribal

the great grandchild of Atiba, the child of Ejiboro, who gave the name kudeefu after his

CHAPTER FOUR SUMMARY, EVALUATION, RECOMM ENDATION AND GENERAL CONCLUSION 4.0 Introduction This chapter concludes this work. A summary of the whole work is undertaken and the evaluation of salient issues in the work is examined while the necessary recommendations are made. Finally, a general conclusion is reached on the cognomen of the Alaafin of Oyo. 4.1 Summary of Study The researcher has afforded to divide the cognomen of the Alaafin into three areas: political, social and cultural. The first chapter deals with the general introduction to the study, focusing on the history of Oyo empire, mythical origins, organization, metropolitan Oyo, Political structure, the Alaafin of Oyo, the selection of the Alaafin, the Ilari, the Councils, the Oyo Mesi, the Ogboni, purpose, scope, and significance of study. The methodology adopted for the collection and analysis of data for this research have proved very useful and relevant. The organization of the study is also made mention of in Chapter one.

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Chapter two deals with the review of scholarly works on Oyo town, the political structure of the empire and the cognomen of the Alaafin, the reviewed works include the writings of Samuel Johnson, Wande Ambimbola, Okion Ojigbo, Kwame Ture, Tunji Vidal, Olatunji, Karin Barber, Ruth Finnegan, Moses Ogunmola, Richard Olaniyan, Bolanle Awe e.t.c. A critical review of these works revealed that while the authors have made significant and diverse contributions to the expatiation on Oyo town, there is no documentation on the cognomen of the Alaafin. The study from the second chapter has revealed the title and position of the Alaafin, it has brought to limelight the history of Oyo, the place of the town among other towns attached to the history of Yoruba, it has created the avenue to know what the political system of the Alaafin was like during the Old Oyo Empire and simultaneously showing the legislative bodies aiding the Alaafin in making decision, even down to the check and balances performed on each post, and lastly the transliteration and exposition on the cognomen of the Alaafin of Oyo which is the basic of the research work. In summary, it is worthy to note that the exposition on either the Alaafin himself or his cognomen is so deep and extensive and cannot be broken down for analysis at once, but the researcher has strived to touch key areas relevant to the research and being limited to the scope of the study. The Chapter three focuses on the transliteration of the recorded interview with Adesina Adejare, a prominent TV Presenter at NTA Oyo, who is skilled at reciting the cognomen of the Alaafin during the broadcast of his programme, and also Mayowa Ayolo, a praise singer for the present Alaafin of Oyo, who hailed from the ancestry of Royal Chanters who has been singing the praises of the Alaafin from the onset according to history. With a copy of the cognomen of the Alaafin obtained from the interview, it was then broken down to reflect the socio-political and cultural aspect of the cognomen. The research also undermines the meaning of cognomen, its importance among the Yoruba, uses and implications. Not only this, the wealth, linguistic features, forms, imageries and symbols embedded in the cognomen of the Alaafin of Oyo was simultaneously shown and it also digged into the content of the cognomen of the Alaafin in order to show the values, ethos and the way of life of a Yoruba tribe in Oyo before and after colonization.

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Chapter four is the concluding chapter which considered the summary, evaluation and recommendations. While the general conclusion finally rounded off the study. 4.2 Discussion, Evaluation and Recommendat ions The implications of the Research Work on English Studies The implication of this research work on English studies is based on the significant transliteration of the cognomen of the Alaafin from the recorded original Yoruba recitation form to the English language. The main effect of this research work on English studies is that it has closed up the wide gap between the first language and the second language. This is obvious with the use of code-mixing in the transliteration of the cognomen of the Alaafin to English. Furthermore, a great deal of challenge in this research is that many items from the cognomen in the Yoruba language form has no copious or equated meaning in English, this is why the researcher has engaged the tool of transliteration to lift most of the lines in the cognomen using their literal meanings in English. In addition, another implication of this research work is that with the transliteration made, this work could be given recognition as not just a traditional or local work made to satisfy the speakers of the language only, but as also a work that could be understood by generality with the use of English language. This research has joined the few works of scholars who has attempted to discuss critically intensively and extensively on the cognomen of the Alaafin of Oyo. In conclusion, the research has proved the effectiveness of the English language in preserving our culture and traditions; this is a breach to some of the lost values and ethos of African people that has been forgotten or slowly getting into extinction. 4.3 Evaluation After the exposition on the socio-political and cultural view of the Alaafin s cognomen, it is interesting to know that there are different cognomens for different situations in the Alaafin s life. There is the type that is used to wake the Alaafin early in the morning when he rises, when he want to eat, when he is angry; there are certain cognomens that are used to calm him down, in which references are made to his predecessors on how they were able to handle similar cases.
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Cognomen is a powerful tool in the Alaafin s palace in touching his personality, almost every activity that the Alaafin engages himself in, is accompanied with one cognomen or the other. The type recited by the Alaafin s wife is called Yùngbà , a special Chant that is especially set to record the events of an individual s life in most favorable and glorious light and to exalt and glorify him or her. Yùngbà chant is one of the important varieties of cognomen that is reserved only for the noble people of Òyó in person of the king (Aláàfin), his prince (Àrèmo) and the senior brother of the king (Baba Ìyaji). Although mention can be made of other individuals in the course of their citations, The Yùngbà chant by the Akinyùngbàs is particularly meant to document all the major activities that happened during the reign of each of the Aláàfin. The eventual result was the gradual erosion and usurping of the Oba s powers. It will be true to assert that cognomen is so significant to the Alaafin; the reason for this may not be far-fetched. The Aláàfin being human lived and dined with the people unlike most of the deities who are mythically known. It was therefore easy to ascribe or attribute so much praise to him. 4.4 General Conclusion It is essential to conclude on this note that the study on cognomen of the Alaafin would continue to be a valid area to be research as long as there are few works and critical researches done by seasoned scholars on the subject. It is believed that this research would be an awakening for lovers of history to dig more into the study on Oyo in general, or rather specific subjects like this study. It is rather a thing of pride to note that there a few records of the alaafin s cognomen on the internet, except personal efforts like the one made by the researcher, therefore this research is so significant because it is an additional to the few works on the Alaafin of Oyo and his cognomen. Moreover, it is a documentation on the historical Oyo town which is the heart of theYoruba culture. 4.5 Recommendations I strongly recommend that scholars should be encouraged to research into the sociolinguistic importance of the cognomen of some of our traditional rulers. Also with the knowledge of the fact that our literature in Africa holds its background against Oral literature, I also recommend that a pedagogical study of the cognomen of historical traditional rulers should be taken into consideration as it can help to trace some of the historical leanings of our literature.
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Furthermore, cognomen have imbued in them great historical facts and legends, hence when transliterated, it can be used as a tool for the demystification of the popular belief that Africans evolved from apes. Therefore researchers in the field of socio-linguistics, oral literature and literary history are encouraged to make further researches into this interesting field. In conclusion, it is advised that people should go back to some of our values, traditions and ethos as Yoruba that are gradually wearing away due to modernity, science and technology. The use of cognomen in naming and our morally-dense culture should be again revived, so that our culture will not turn extinct, while the white man s tradition thrives. Long live Oyo People, Long live Oyo City!!!

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Ayelaagbe, A. (2004). Changes in the Cultural Heritage of Oyo: An Observatory Note. In Onike,

R. and Afolabi, A. (eds). Oyo in the 21st Century. Oyo; Odumatt Press & Publishers.42.

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Finnegan, R. (1970). Oral Literature in Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Finnegan, R. (1977). Oral Poetry: its nature, significance and social context. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Folárànmí, S. A. (2000). Òyó Palace Mural (Unpublished MFA Thesis), Ife: Obafemi Awolowo University Press. Johnson, S. (2001). The history of the Yorubas. Lagos: CSS Limited Press. Karin Barber. (1991): I could speak till tomorrow: Oriki, Women and the past in a Yoruba Town. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Mayowa Ayolo: Oriki Chants of Alaafin of Òyó. (recorded audio CD by Ojebode Ayokunmi, Òyó town, March 2011). Ogunmola, M. (2010). A New Perspective to Oyo Empire History, 1530-1944. Alagbon: Samuel Ayoade Reformed Press.
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Owolabi K. & Alagbe S. (2008). The Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III, his Life History and his Philosophy. Nigeria: Universal Akada Books. Oyo Empire. (2010, December 7). In Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Retrieved 15:31, December 22, 2010, from http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Oyo_Empire&oldid=401044952
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APPENDIX

The over two hundred years living historical tortoise in the Palace of the Alaafin of Oyo

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The researcher and Mayowa Ayolo, the royal chanter of the present Alaafin of Oyo

Mayowa Ayolo, being interviewed by the researcher on the cognomen of the Alaafin of Oyo
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The historical palace of the Alaafin of Oyo located at the center of the Akeesan Market, Oyo town is beautified with drawn images of different animals i.e. Ostrich, antelope, birds, hunters etc. which all reflect in the cognomen of the Alaafin, as he is attributed some of the imageries found on the wall.

The old picture of the king hall in the palace

The picture of the Alaafin Adeyemi III

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The picture of the present Alaafin Adeyemi III at a younger age dressed in the full regalia of Oba

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The map reflecting the extent of the Oyo Empire

The West Africa map showing Oyo

The layout of the Aafin of Oyo in 1937

The town plan of Oyo-Ile

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Ojo Pa Sekere Mode Omo Atiba , Here is a monument raised in honour of the Alaafin of Oyo, in celebration of his cultural heritage. It is located at the roundabout road at the center of the Akeesan Market, opposite the Alaafin s Palace in Oyo town.

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