El Barrio In El Barrio Summary

In the late 80's, an anthropologist by the name of Philippe Bourgois sought the answers to questions and theories that transpires in our minds and permeates through society. Subjects involving racial marginalization within inner city culture and the dynamics of the underground economy are examined through his participant-observation of El Barrio in East Harlem NYC. For several years, beginning in 1985 when he rented an apartment in Spanish Harlem, Philippe engaged in an ethnographic study of the street life in that haven. He befriended a Puerto Rican crack entrepreneur by the name of Ray and his subordinates Primo and Caesar. Learning street smarts was pivotal in gaining their trust. As a white man in El Barrio you were either an "undercover
cop or you were a crack addict". When the trust was gained, he infiltrated their everyday lives through their underground business of selling crack in various locations in the neighborhood. He would then tape record conversations and document it for the sole purpose of his study. Their uncensored stories was the medium used in accessing data. Although being represented as a small amount of East Harlem residents, Ray and his crew "set the tone for public life, through power and fear. Philippe's primary argument in his study of ethnic apartheid establishes that the crack economy lays the framework and supports cultural reproduction. Primo's and Caesar's experience with "the judicial system, corporate America, schools, and even Puerto Rico are determinative of their decision to embroil themselves in the underground economy and proudly embrace street culture". The book is well written and addressed in a strong rich format of using vast theoretical approaches.
Instead of relying on quantitative data and census statistics, using participant observation helped in documenting individual actions in greater detail. His research is both quantitative and qualitative because he included data from the Census and prior research which was presented systematically. Of most importance was Philippe's ability to in a senze normalize the issues he spoke about. He fully immersed himself within that culture, not strictly as an anthropologist, but as a regular member of society. Primo's first thought of him was that he was a drug addict or homosexual but later on became "just a cool
nigga". Some aspects of his work can be called into question as weaknesses. Although he used an emic style, he failed to clearly establish a strong voice. While reading, one can get confused because he journeys all over the place. He went back and forth and then back again. It wasn't diachronic or synchronic. Often times he would randomly include a short story about some violence that occured and not explain or analyze the significance of them. Nevertheless, Philippe properly connected social process theory as the link to the culture that exist in the poor laden context of the street life.
Many turned to crime in El Barrio as a result of peer pressure, family issues, and other situations that steered them to the underground economy of selling crack. Philippe showed this by examining the success of the Italian Americans and Mafia who ran the streets prior to the migration of the Puerto Ricans. that combined with the social restrictions put on those who live in the neighborhood gave way for youth to fall captive to this predictament. Cultural Reproduction is also a highly noted theory in which he uses. In regards to crack one boy said "everybody is doing it...it is impossible to keep away from it because it is practically thrown at you". The glorification of underground crime helps to "promote and encourage" the youth which is a recycling for future crime. Political economy comes the fore as well. Marx stated "the political economy regards the Proletarian...like a horse, he must receive enough to enable him to work. It does not consider him, during the time when he is not working, as a human being". This is exemplified in Philippe describing the background of the Puerto Rican Jibaros and how they along with other groups came to America (land of the free) to escape the poverty in their land only to land in even dire circumstances. The U.S. political agenda in Puerto Rico which causes the resistance of the
jibaros corelate to their and others within the street culture's "resistance to exploitation and marginalization by U.S. society:. As the economy shifted throughout the years, the less jobs that existed in which the Puerto Ricans were able to do. Out of a sense of pride and resistance, the underground economy served beneficiary to them. Political economy is the cause of the high rates of unemployment and drug abuse that was prevalent at the time. Where else to turn to? Yet, Philippe dabbles heavily on the issue of structure versus agency. Yes Primo, Ray, and Caesar are prey to the structure of their society but he establishes that they "are actual agents administering their own destruction:. All the dealers Philippe befriended "believed in individual responsibility and never blame society; individuals are accountable". Primo conveyed it best when he said "it's my problem...it's not only the white man that makes it harder for us. We're poor, that's true, but we're supposed to struggle and make something of ourselves. It's just a harder struggle 'cause we're poor." Holistically speaking, the structure is a major part in the blame but part nonetheless. In search of respect is an outstanding ethnographical study of social marginalization in the inner cities of America. There may be disputes amongst other anthropologist as to Philippe's gritty and gory approach in revealing the horros, pain and voilence of the experience. Also the fact that he is studying to close to home or his stance on the ever going structure and agency debate. Despite all of this, he effectively highlights the structural forces that eternalize the street and inner-city life.