Madrasa Study

BANGLADESH EDUCATIONAL ASSESSMENT Pre-primary and Primary Madrasah Education in Bangladesh

Prepared by:

Amr Abdalla, Ph.D. A. N. M. Raisuddin, Ph.D. Suleiman Hussein, M.A.
With the assistance of Dhaka Ahsania Mission
Photo Credit: Seth Spaulding, Ph.D.

Prepared for: Basic Education and Policy Support (BEPS) Activity United States Agency for International Development Contract Number: HNE-I-00-00-0038-00 Creative Associates International, Inc. Prime Contractor

July 2004

The content and conclusions of this report are those of the authors and do not reflect the policies and opinions of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).

Pre-primary and Primary Madrasah Education in Bangladesh

TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables………………………………………………………………………………...…..iii Glossary of Terms……………………………………………………………………………….iv List of Acronyms ........................................................................................................................... v Executive Summary ..................................................................................................................... vi I. Background ........................................................................................................................... 1 A. Alia Madrasahs ................................................................................................................ 2 B. Qawmi Madrasahs............................................................................................................ 7 C. Pre-primary Madrasah Education: Maktab/Nourani and Furkania/Hafizia Madrasahs... 7

II. Methodology And Process.................................................................................................... 9 A. Targeted Research Groups............................................................................................... 9 B. Geographical Sample Design......................................................................................... 12 C. Student, School Staff, and Parent Sample Design ......................................................... 13 D. Factors that Facilitated the Research Process ................................................................ 14 III. Findings................................................................................................................................ 15 A. History ........................................................................................................................... 15 B. Types of Madrasahs ....................................................................................................... 18 C. Legal and Financial Status ............................................................................................. 20 D. Mandates and Purpose ................................................................................................... 22 E. Formal Education Linkages............................................................................................ 25 F. Public Perception ........................................................................................................... 31 IV. Summary And Conclusions................................................................................................ 40 V. Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………42

Annex I…………………………………………………………………………………………..43 Annex II………………………………………………… ………………………………………47 Annex III…………………………………………………………………………………….......55

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LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Table 2: Table 3: Table 4: Table 5: Table 6: Table 7: Table 8: Table 9: Alia Madrasah System Primary and Ebtidai Curriculum Subjects Ebtidai Student Enrollment Number of Parents Surveyed Number of Grade One to Five Madrasah and Primary School Students Surveyed Geographical Distribution of Madrasahs Included in Research Actual Cluster Sample Locations and Research Participants Distribution of Government Revenue Budget for Education, by Type of Education Number of non-government Madrasah and number of Madrasah Receiving MPOs, 1991-92 to 2000-2001 Table 10: Estimated Annual Income (In Taka and Dollars) for Alia Dakhil Madrasahs in 2003 Table 11: Growth of Madrasah (Dakhil to Kamil) by Management Table 12: Growth of Madrasah Students by Gender Table 13: List of Curriculum Subjects for Ebtidai Madrasahs Table 14: General Education and Madrasah Examination Passing Rates, 1997-2002 Table 15: What do you think of the quality of education that Ebtidai students receive? Gender Responses Table 16: What do you think of the quality of education that Ebtidai students receive? Division Responses Table 17: What do you think of the Quality of education that Ebtidai students receive? Urban/Rural Responses Table 18: Favorite Subject at Madrasah/School? Table 19: What You Like the Most at Madrasah/School? Table 20: What do You Dislike the Most at Madrasah/School? Table 21: Reasons Parents Send their Children to Madrasah Table 22: Concerns about Madrasah Education

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GLOSSARY OF TERMS Alia: Government-established or recognized Madrasah. Alim: Higher secondary level of Madrasah education; also an Islamic learned person. Aqaid: Code of Islamic religious beliefs. Dakhil: Secondary level of Madrasah education. Dawra Hadith: A Qawmi Madrasah higher degree equivalent to Kamil and M.A. degrees, but not recognized by the government. Ebtidai: Primary level of Madrasah education. Fazil: Graduate level of Madrasah education. Fiqh: Jurisprudence or law of Islamic conduct. Furqania: Pre-primary Quranic school (in the old system) of Madrasah education. Hadith: Collection of sayings of the Prophet Mohammad. Hafez: One who memorizes the whole Quran. Hafizia: Holy Quran memorizing school. Imam: One who leads the prayer in congregation; also religious leader. Jamaat: Congregational prayer; also gathering of people. Kamil: Masters level of Madrasah education. Madrasah: Islamic religious educational institution. Maktab: Preliminary level of Quranic school. Mawlana: Islamic religious expert or Madrasah teacher. Modarres: One who teaches religious subjects in the Madrasah. Moulovi: Islamic religious expert (Persian word). Mufassir: One who teaches Tafsir (the explanation of the Quran). Muhaddeth: One who teaches Hadith. Muazzin: An Islamic official in a mosque who calls Muslims to prayer, traditionally sung forth from atop a minaret. Nourani: A system of teaching the Quran and Arabic especially in Qawmi Madrasahs. Qari: Expert on Quranic recitation. Qawmi: Non government private Madrasah. Quran: The holy book of Islam. Sadaka: A form of religious monetary charity. Shariah: Islamic code of conduct based upon the Quran and Sunnah. Sunnah: The sayings and acts of the Prophet Mohammed which are often emulated by Muslims. Tafsir: Explanation of the Quran. Upazila: Particular part/division/area of a district in Bangladesh. Zakat: One of the five pillars of Islam. A form of mandatory religious income tax.

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LIST OF ACRONYMS AL: Awami League BANBEIS: Bangladesh Bureau for Educational Information and Statistics BNP: Bangladesh National Party CAII: Creative Associates International, Inc EFA: Education for All GOB: Government of Bangladesh MPO: Monthly Payment Order SMC: School Management Committee USAID: United States Agency for International Development

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Mission in Bangladesh contracted with Creative Associates International, Inc. (CAII) to conduct a research project on pre-primary and primary Madrasah education in Bangladesh. The research objectives were to strengthen overall USAID understanding of the Madrasah system of education, particularly at the pre-primary and primary levels, and to identify potential entry points for basic education assistance to children and teachers of Madrasahs. Within this context, the research team led by Dr. Amr Abdalla of George Mason University in the United States, Dr. A.N.M. Raisuddin of Dhaka University in Bangladesh, and Mr. Suleiman Hussein of the International Islamic University in Malaysia, undertook the Madrasah education study in April and May 2004. The researchers designed a research plan that allowed for receiving input from various groups whose work or living related to Madrasahs. The research included over 30 Madrasahs in four divisions in Bangladesh (Dhaka, Chittagong, Jessore, and Sylhet). The researchers interviewed and surveyed experts on Madrasahs, government officials, funders, local Madrasah principals, teachers, pre-primary Madrasah education staff, civil organizations and NGOs, religious leaders, parents, and students. The research provided information about the Madrasah system, especially the primary (called Ebtidai)1 and pre-primary levels, their curricula, their connection to the general educational system, and the perceptions of Madrasahs among various segments of the society. The Madrasah system, like any other institution in Bangladesh, is interactively influenced by its social, political, and cultural dynamics. The Madrasah system was influenced by the introduction of Islam on the Indian sub-continent and by British colonization. Those developments significantly shaped aspects of Bengali identity, with its Islamic, Hindu, Bengali, and Westernized elements. The Madrasah system continued to be attached to the Islamic aspects of the Bangladeshi identity; so much so that it became synonymous with anti-westernization, and later with pro-Pakistani tendencies. Further, the neglect of the Madrasah system during the time of colonization created an aura of backwardness about it compared to the modern educational system. This had a strong influence on the negative views of the educated middle class and elites of Bangladesh. They adopted the view, and for the most part continue to believe, that the Madrasah system is a backward one, and that it must be replaced by the modern educational system. However, the research clearly showed that the changes to the Madrasah system over the past few years have been tremendous. The number of Madrasahs has greatly increased, and the number of students, including girls, continues to grow2. More Madrasahs are becoming Alia Madrasahs,3 incorporating the general education curriculum along with a religious curriculum. The Madrasah system and the general education system are becoming more closely connected, allowing

1 2 3

There are about 16,000 Ebtidai Madrasahs in Bangladesh in 2004. Girls make up close to one-half of the two million students attending Ebtidai Madrasahs in Bangladesh. Madrasahs that offer both religious and general education curricula and are recognized by the government.

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students to transfer from Madrasah to general education schools and universities with fewer difficulties.4 The other type of Madrasah, the Qawmi Madrasah,5 is a non-governmental educational institution; it is a private system of Madrasah education. They offer religious education and the study of languages such as Arabic, Bengali, Urdu, and Farsi, in addition to some study of arithmetic and social science. These types of institutions continue to grow under community patronage (there are currently estimated to be about 8,000). They have little or no connection with the government and follow the guidelines of independent Islamic educational institutions in Bangladesh and in other Muslim countries. There are two types of pre-primary Madrasah education: the Furkania/Hafizia and the Nournai/Maktab. The Furkania/Hafizia Madrasah is an Islamic institution of pre-primary education where students memorize the Holy Quran, and learn the basic knowledge of Islam. Students start their studies, and usually reside, at these institutions. They tend to complete their studies within three to five years, after which they may proceed to Ebtidai or primary general education. Maktab/Nourani Madrasahs are also Islamic institutions of pre-primary to primary education where students learn the basic knowledge of Islam and the Holy Quran. This type of institution is usually attached to a mosque; it teaches the students basic knowledge of religion free of cost, for the most part. Usually this type of pre-primary institution is not residential; it is a before- and after-school program. Students come to the Maktab/Nourani two times every day; once from 6:00 a.m. to 8:00 a.m., and again for two more hours in the afternoon. Contrary to the negative views about the Madrasah system among the educated elites and middle class of Bangladesh, Madrasah students and staff have highly positive self-views. They all seem to appreciate Madrasah education, as it combines spiritual and religious knowledge with modern subjects and technology. Yet, everyone is aware that the system is far from perfect. Issues of teacher qualification and preparation, conditions of some Qawmi Madrasahs, and the lack of proper facilities are only few of the concerns that everyone shares. Almost all those who participated in this research—Madrasah staff, students, parents, and others—suggested that the following are the needs of Ebtidai and Qawmi Madrasahs: • • • • • Modernization of the curriculum Technology education Teacher training and preparation Educational and recreational facilities Vocational training

Alia Madrasah students may take examinations at the end of tenth grade (Dakhil Examination) and twelfth grades (Alim Examination) that are recognized by the government to be equivalent to Secondary School and Higher Secondary School Examinations. Upon passing the Alim Examination, they are eligible to study in universities. 5 Privately-run Madrasahs that focus almost entirely on religious education. Basic Education and Policy Support (BEPS) Activity Creative Associates International, Inc.

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The research also showed that views of Madrasahs varied based on factors such as region. Most notably, Madrasahs were more positively viewed in rural areas, although Jessore6 respondents indicated a lower appreciation of the quality of Madrasah education. These regional and urban/rural differences, in addition to a few gender-based differences, must be taken into consideration. Just like all other institutions, the Madrasah system has its share of radicals, extremists, and conservatives. It also has its growing share of creative educators and modernizers. On a hopeful note, this research exposed some positive pioneering examples of Madrasahs that are trying to forge a balance between their Islamic identity and modernization. These examples may be the guideposts for more Madrasahs and educators to follow, and lead to more creative ways to improve Madrasah education.

A relatively under-developed division in Bangladesh compared to the other divisions that were included in the research. Basic Education and Policy Support (BEPS) Activity Creative Associates International, Inc.

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I.

BACKGROUND

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Mission in Bangladesh contracted with Creative Associates International (CAII) to conduct a research project on preprimary and primary Madrasah education in Bangladesh. The stated research objectives were: • To strengthen overall USAID understanding of the Madrasah system of education, particularly at the pre-primary and primary levels; • To identify the areas of convergence and divergence of the Madrasah education system with the mainstream education system; • To provide analysis of incentives and resources needed to make Madrasah education more relevant to Bangladesh’s economic and social development priorities; and • To identify potential entry points for basic education assistance to children and teachers of Madrasahs, given USAID’s expected resources, comparative advantages, and legal restrictions relative to work with faith-based organizations. The USAID Mission has specified the following research categories and questions, as identified in the Scope of Work: • History: Over time, how has the Madrasah system in Bangladesh developed into what it is today? What is the future direction? • Types: How many and what types of Madrasahs exist? Why are some Madrasahs heavily supported by the Government of Bangladesh, while others are not? How is each type managed? Do School Management Committees (SMC), similar to those in secular schools, play a role in management? • Legal and Financial Status: How do Madrasahs compare with secular schools regarding finance, income, and expenditures? Are Madrasah students eligible for food-for-education, textbook, and scholarship stipend programs? What are the sources of revenues? • Mandates and Purpose: What are the secular and religious regulations that guide the various types of Madrasahs? What is their purpose, by type? What are the philosophies that guide instruction and how are the philosophies reflected in the curriculum and in public discourse? What efforts have been made to modernize the curriculum? • Formal Education Linkages: How are Madrasahs contributing within the general education system? What kind and level of education are students receiving? What are the comparative levels of achievement? Does the system allow students to move easily from Madrasah to formal education programs? How are Madrasahs supporting the Bangladesh EFA commitments? How do Madrasahs influence parent and preschool education? What is the Madrasah perception of public education and interest in linkages?

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• Public Perception: How do various sectors of society—including the government, NGOs, civil society, religious leaders, parents, and students—view the Madrasah system, its role, and its usefulness to Bangladeshi society and development? Accordingly, CAII, in coordination with USAID, identified and hired three researchers to conduct the study: Dr. Amr Abdalla of George Mason University and the Graduate School of Islamic and Social Sciences in Northern Virginia, USA; Dr. A.N.M. Raisuddin of Dhaka University’s Department of Islamic Studies; and Mr. Suleiman Hussein of Malaysia’s International Islamic University. The three researchers started their work in Dhaka on April 21, 2004 and concluded on May 18, 2004. This report includes the methodology, processes, and findings of the research team. In response to the fourth research objective stated above, the researchers have provided, in a separate document, recommendations to USAID on potential entry points for basic education assistance to children and teachers of Madrasahs. The report will start with a section on Methodology and Process, describing the research design, how it is related to the study’s objectives and research questions, and the factors that contributed to the success of the study’s operations. Following the Methodology and Process section, the report will include a Findings section. As noted, the Findings section will follow the USAID research categories and questions above as a research framework. Each sub-section under Findings will include the results gathered through various research instruments. Finally, the report’s Summary and Conclusions will focus on the highlights of the research findings. Attached to the report are appendices that include information on Madrasah research activities and reviews of six Madrasah publications. Several documents gathered by the research team, including Madrasah curricula and some textbooks, will be provided to the Mission in the single original copies. But prior to responding to the research questions, it is necessary to include a description of Madrasah types and prevalence. Providing this information in the beginning of the report will make it easier for a reader to follow the discussions of research questions. There are two types of Madrasahs for primary education: Alia Madrasahs and Qawmi Madrasahs. In addition, there are two types of pre-primary education institutions: Maktab/Nourani Madrasahs and Furkania/Hafizia Madrasahs. The following discussion will include descriptions of these four types of educational institutions. A. Alia Madrasahs Similar to trends among Islamic educational institutions in other Muslim countries, Alia Madrasahs offer both religious education and modern general education. The establishment of these Madrasahs, the appointment of teachers, and the curriculum all follow government regulations as mandated by the Madrasah Education Board. The board approves curriculum for all Madrasah levels from Ebtidai to Kamil (A description of these types of Madrasah education appears below). According to the most recent estimates (2004) there are 25,201 Alia Madrasahs in Bangladesh.

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Similar to the trend among Islamic education institutions in other Muslim countries,7 Alia Madrasahs offer both religious education and standard modern education similar to that in general education. The Madrasah Education Board approves curricula for all Madrasah levels from Ebtidai to Kamil (a description of the types of Alia Madrasah education follows below). The present system of Alia Madrasah education parallels the general education system. The stages of the system, with equivalent general education stages, appear in Table 1. Table 1: Alia Madrasah System8
Madrasah Stages Ebtidai Dakhil Alim Fazil Kamil Total Equivalent General Education Stages Primary Secondary Higher secondary Graduate Post-graduate Duration 5 years 5 years 2 years 2 years 2 years Number of Madrasahs in 2004 15,995 6,574 1,392 1,061 180 25,201

1. Ebtidai Ebtidai is a five-year primary-level education in the Madrasah system that parallels primary general education. The government recognizes Alia Madrasahs if they meet specific conditions. For Ebtidai Madrasahs, the requirements for recognition and support are: • • • • • • • • The Madrasah must be located on a lot no smaller than one acre. A building with at least five rooms. A management committee. At least 250 students. Sufficient school furniture. 1,000 books related to Ebtidai education. Fifth grade students must appear at the in-school 5th grade examination. The Madrasah must have at least four staff members: o One teacher with at least an Alim degree. o One teacher with at least a Higher Secondary School Certificate (H.S.C.). o One teacher who is a Qari’ (Quran reciter). o One headmaster with at least a Fazil degree.

Students at this stage study according to a curriculum developed by the Madrasah Education Board, which includes subjects similar to those taught in general education primary schools, in
7

Bureau for Policy and Program Coordination, Strengthening Education in the Muslim World: Summary of Desk Study (Washington, D.C.: USAID, 2003), 10. 8 Chart provided by Dr. Abdus Sattar, Assistant Inspector of the Madrasah Education Board. Basic Education and Policy Support (BEPS) Activity Creative Associates International, Inc.

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addition to a curriculum of religious and Arabic studies. The following are lists of the curriculum subjects for general education primary schools and Ebtidai Madrasahs: Table 2: Primary and Ebtidai Curriculum Subjects9
General Education Primary School Subjects 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) Bengali Math Social Science General Science English Fine Art Religion 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) Ebtidai Madrasah Subjects Bengali General Math Social Science General Science English Arabic Quran Hadith10 Aqaid and Fiqh11

According to 2003 official estimates, there are almost two million students enrolled in Ebtidai education in Bangladesh. Girls make up forty-five percent of the total Ebtidai student enrollment. Table 3 includes the total number of Ebtidai students and the number of girls for each Ebtidai grade in each of the six divisions (similar to provinces) of the country.

9

The chart was provided by the Dr. Abdus Sattar, the Assistant Inspector of the Madrasah Education Board. A religious subject related to the study of the life of the Prophet Mohammed, his sayings, and his example. 11 Religious subjects related to Islamic foundational beliefs (Aqaid) and legal interpretations (Fiqh).
10

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Table 3: Number of Ebtidai Students in Bangladesh Divisions (as of 11/12/2003)12
Division Barisal Chittagong Dhaka Khulna Rajshahi Sylhet Total Class 1 83,233 65,016 134,947 58,629 186,603 13,956 542,384 Girls 38,531 27,687 63,110 27,874 88,716 6,103 252,021 Class 2 66,715 54,823 95,530 40,018 137,205 9,980 404,271 Girls 28,616 22,150 44,454 18,272 65,120 4,005 182,617 Class 3 56,477 54,889 83,518 37,107 119,244 9,359 360,594 Girls 25,414 21,487 38,267 17,209 58,040 3,598 164,015 Class 4 51,473 54,955 74,756 35,736 108,824 9,048 334,792 Girls 22,608 21,378 33,291 15,942 50,969 3,286 147,474 Class 5 45,812 54,392 73,272 36,990 103,304 9,612 323,382 Girls 20,088 22,073 33,710 16,218 45,515 3,672 141,276 Total 303,710 284,075 462,023 208,480 655,180 51,955 1,965,423 Total Girls 135,257 114,775 212,832 95,515 308,360 20,664 887,403

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The chart was provided by officials of BANBEIS upon the request of the researchers in May 2004.

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2. Dakhil This stage of Alia Madrasah education is divided into two parts: Dakhil classes six to eight, and then Dakhils classes nine and ten. At the end of this stage, a public examination is held under the auspices of the Bangladesh Madrasah Education Board. The Board awards certificates to the successful candidates. The government recognizes the Dakhil certificate as equivalent to the general education Secondary School Certificate (S.S.C.). At present 6,574 Madrasahs are offering this level of education.13 There are four Dakhil Madrasah curriculum groupings: • General Group: The focus is on subjects such as languages (Bengali, English, Arabic), mathematics, religious studies and social studies. • Science Group: The focus is also on languages, mathematics, and religious studies, with the addition of computer science, physics, chemistry and biology. • Muzabbid Group: The focus is principally on religious studies such as Quran, Hadith and Fiqh. • Hifzul Quran Group: The focus is on Quran memorization and Quranic sciences, in addition to other religious studies and Arabic. 3. Alim (Equivalent to Higher Secondary School) The course duration at this stage of Alia Madrasah schooling is two years. At the end of this level of study, a public examination (Alim Examination) is held under the auspices of the Bangladesh Madrasah Education Board. The Alim certificate is equivalent to the Higher Secondary School Certificate (H.S.C.). Those with an Alim certificate may apply to any university within two years of obtaining the certificate. Similar to the Dakhil system, the Alim system has three groups: General Group, Science group, and Muzabbid–e-Mahir Group. 4. Fazil This is a two-year post-secondary level or stage of Alia Madrasah education. Students at this level study languages, religion, logic, history, and philosophy. Religious studies, languages, and a few related social sciences are the principle emphases at the Fazil level. Graduates of this level must attend a national Fazil examination, supervised by the Madrasah Education Board. The government has yet to recognize the Fazil degree as equivalent to a university’s Bachelor of Arts degree (B.A.). 5. Kamil This is the highest level or stage of Madrasah education. It consists of two years of religious and language study in four groups: Hadith, Tafsir, Arabic, and Fiqh. Graduates with a Kamil degree must pass the national Kamil examination, supervised by the Madrasah Education Board. Like the Fazil degree, the government has yet to recognize it as equivalent to a university’s Masters of Arts degree (M.A.).

13

Figures provided by Dr. Abdus Sattar, Assistant Inspector of the Madrasah Education Board.

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B.

Qawmi Madrasahs

Qawmi Madrasahs are non-governmental educational institutions. They represent a private system of Madrasah education. The equivalent of primary education in Qawmi Madrasahs has a duration of six years. It is important to note here that it was rather difficult to understand from Qawmi Madrasah officials the sequence of their primary educational system. This was due to the fact that they mainly use a subject-based system rather than a grade-based system. That is, students are taught subjects without a clear class-graduated system. It is not feasible to try to “impose” class-graduated terminology on their primary educational system. For example, a Nourani model of education (explained in further detail below) used in Qawmi Madrasahs entails teaching students about a variety of religious and linguistic subjects. The focus of Qawmi Madrasah officials is on delivering all the subjects included in the Nourani curriculum, but without a clear time-sequence that follows what is expected in a grade-based system. The final stage of the Qawmi Madrasah education is called Daurah Hadith, in which Hadith certificates are awarded to the students after successful completion of the “Daurah” class. The Hadith certificate is somewhat equivalent to a Kamil degree in Alia Madrasahs. More specialized higher courses of a two- to three-year duration are also conducted in some of the Qawmi Madrasahs. These types of institutions continue to grow under community patronage. They have little or no connection with the government, as was the case during the British period, when they were called “Khariji,” or outside the purview of the government. The government of Bangladesh is now considering recognition of this system in terms of its contribution towards producing Islamic scholars, community religious leaders, Hafezes, and Qaris. There are about 4,000 Madrasahs of this type in Bangladesh. Some of them are functioning as the highest seats of Islamic learning, attracting foreign students to pursue Islamic studies and research. Recently these Madrasahs have been organized under the umbrella of a private body known as the Befaqul Mudarressin of Bangladesh Qawmi Madrasah Education Board, situated in Dhaka. The umbrella includes seven private Madrasah education boards. C. Pre-primary Madrasah Education: Maktab/Nourani and Furkania/Hafizia Madrasahs Furkania/Hafizia Madrasahs are Islamic institutions of pre-primary education where students memorize the Holy Quran and learn the basic knowledge of Islam. Furqania Madrasahs offer basic education (maximum four years) on Islam including Arabic language, Quran recitation, elementary Bengali language, and simple arithmetic. Hafizia Madrasahs are exclusively meant for Hifz, or memorizing the entire Quran. Children of the earliest possible age groups (usually three- to five-years-old) join these institutions. Most of these institutions, especially Hafizia Madrasahs, are residential and attached to mosques. Students may begin their studies at Furkania/Hafizia Madrasahs between the ages of four- and twelve-years-old, and usually complete them within three to five years. After completing their study in these institutions, some of them go to Alia Madrasah or Qawmi Madrasah for further study. Furkania/Hafizia Madrasahs usually require students to stay year-round, and pupils are
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expected to follow a tight schedule. They start reading the Quran everyday at 4:00 a.m. and continue until 9:00 a.m. After that they bathe, eat lunch, and rest until 12:00 p.m. They resume at 12:00 p.m. with more reading and memorization of the Quran until 4:00 p.m. There is then an interval until 7:00 p.m. for prayer and leisure. They begin again at 7:00 p.m. with more reading and memorization and stop at 9:00 p.m. They then take dinner at 9:00 p.m. and go to bed at 10:00 p.m. Maktab/Nourani Madrasahs are also Islamic institutions of pre-primary to primary education where students obtain a basic knowledge of Islam and the Holy Quran. Simple Bengali and arithmetic are taught as well. There are about 58,124 institutions of this type in the country.14 This type of institution is usually attached to mosques, and for the most part, is free of charge. Usually these pre-primary institutions are not residential. Students come to the Maktab/Nourani twice every day: from 6:00 a.m. to 8:00 a.m., and again for two more hours in the afternoon. Local people, mosques, and Madrasah committees most often fund the two types of pre-primary Madrasahs, and the committees usually supervise the institutions. A few of these Madrasahs have their own shopping complexes to generate funding. A few Madrasahs also raise their funds by collecting Islamic donations known as Zakat and Sadaka. Occasionally, the Madrasahs receive small amounts of money from the government. Some students in the residential Furkania/Hafizia Madrasahs pay 500-600 Taka per month. Few of these institutions follow the Qawmi Madrasah rules and regulations, as their education is regarded as part of the ongoing education in the Qawmi Madrasah.15 Most of the teachers in these Madrasahs are themselves Hafezes and hold Daurah Hadith degrees from Qawmi Madrasahs or Kamil degrees from Alia Madrasahs. Major subjects taught in the Maktab/Nourani Madrasah are Holy Quran recitation, Tafsir, Hifz, Hadith, and Islamic Aqaid. They also teach basic introductions to Bengali, English, Arithmetic and Social Science. Most of the books they use are Befaqul Muddarressin and Nourani publications.

14 15

Figures provided by Dr. Abdus Sattar, Assistant Inspector of the Madrasah Education Board. See the discussion above about subject-based education in Qawmi Madrasahs versus grade-based education.

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II.

METHODOLOGY AND PROCESS

The three researchers carefully reviewed the research objectives and categories of questions in order to design and tailor the most effective research plan to be executed within four weeks. The researchers took several factors into consideration: • the sensitivity of conducting research on the subject of Madrasah education given the current political and international circumstances; • the need to keep the research focused on pre-primary and primary Madrasah education, without losing sight of the overall systemic issues that may affect those earlier levels of education; • the need to engage local expertise in the research design process, preferably from those who have taken part in the Madrasah system as educators and/or students; • the need to gather information about Madrasah education in Bangladesh in a representative manner; • the need to involve various segments of society that may influence or be influenced by Madrasah education; and • the need to triangulate research approaches in order to ensure reliability and validity of information. Consequently, the researchers prepared a research plan that allowed for receiving input from various groups whose work or living related to Madrasahs. Further, the researchers determined that a representative sample of Bangladesh’s Madrasah education system must include distinct samples of urban and rural areas in various parts of Bangladesh. The following is a description of the groups that were included in the research, the geographical sample design, the student and parent sample design, and factors that facilitated the process used to conduct the research. A. Targeted Research Groups In order to gather a comprehensive picture of pre-primary and primary Madrasah education, it was necessary to seek information from various sources. The researchers were interested in gathering various types of information official data and statistics, expert views, and views stemming from professional and personal experiences. Therefore, the targeted research groups included the following: • Experts on Madrasah: Specifically, the researchers identified Dr. Md. Abdus Sattar, a Ph.D. graduate of Dhaka University’s Department of Islamic Studies. Dr. Sattar completed his dissertation in 2002 on Madrasah education in Bangladesh. He provided invaluable information on the history of Madrasahs and their contemporary educational system. In addition, as the Assistant Inspector of the Madrasah Education Board of the Ministry of Education, he arranged contacts for the researchers in various Madrasahs across the country. • Government Officials: As the research unfolded, the researchers were able to better identify officials in various ministries and government agencies whose work related directly to the Madrasah education system. These included officials in the Ministry of Education, Bangladesh Bureau for Educational Information and Statistics (BANBEIS), Ministry of
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Religious Affairs, and the Islamic Foundation. Formal semi-structured interviews were conducted with five government officials, and informal ones were conducted with approximately 10 officials. The focus of the interviews was on the regulations and rules governing Madrasah education, the differences between general education and Madrasah education, and their views on the needs of pre-primary and primary education. • Funders of Madrasah Education: The Madrasah educational system depends to a great extent on donations from various organizations and individuals. During the field research, the researchers interviewed various representatives of organizations and individuals who have been contributing financially to Madrasah education. Six funders participated in interviews or focus groups that examined sources of funding, views of how Madrasahs contribute to the educational, social, and economic development of the country, and suggestions for how Madrasahs might be improved. • Local Madrasah Principals and Teachers: Throughout the field research, the three researchers met with principals and teachers both in Madrasahs and in primary schools. The researchers conducted interviews and focus groups with 110 Madrasah and school principals and teachers (32 principals and 78 teachers). The focus of the interviews was on Madrasahs’ educational operations, curricula, and linkages to general education, and on concerns and suggestions. • Pre-primary Madrasah Education Staff: Madrasahs have two types of pre-primary education: one focusing on Quran memorization and the other focusing on preparing students for primary education. The research team interviewed 23 pre-primary Madrasah education staff from the two types of institutions. The interviews focused on gathering information about their services, students, sources of funding, curriculum, issues, and needs. • Civil Organizations and NGOs: Several civil organizations, businesses, and NGOs are in direct or indirect contact with the Madrasah educational system. The researchers interviewed and included in focus groups approximately 30 representatives of such organizations. The researchers also ensured that interviews and focus groups were conducted with individuals representing various other religious groups in Bangladesh, and with politicians representing various political parties, especially the Bangladesh National Party (BNP) and Awami League (AL). The interviews and focus groups emphasized Madrasahs’ contributions to the educational, social, and economic development of Bangladesh. • Religious Leaders: Madrasahs are naturally related to the religious institutions of Bangladesh. Often the Imams in towns and villages are themselves the Madrasah teachers and administrators. In addition, several religious leaders were the founders of Madrasahs, or currently act as their trustees or financial contributors. It is difficult to accurately state the number of religious leaders interviewed, as several of them were interviewed as Madrasah officials or participated in focus groups as funders. • Parents: The research design stipulated that upon visiting any Madrasah or primary school, the research assistants would conduct semi-structured interviews/surveys with parents who resided in the neighborhood. The interviews/surveys focused on parents’ perceptions about
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Madrasah education and how it contributed to their children’s development. The table below summarizes the number of parents interviewed/surveyed. The table’s information, based on actual data gathered from interviewees, shows that most parents were interviewed in Dhaka. It also shows that women accounted for about one-third of all parent interviewees. Table 4: Number of Parents Surveyed
District Dhaka Chittagong Jessore Sylhet Total Male 44 41.9% 13 12.4% 14 13.3% 34 32.4% 105 100.0% Female 17 48.6% 7 20.0% 8 22.9% 3 8.6% 35 100.0%

• Students: As it was obvious to the researchers that gathering information from first to fifth grade students had its own limitations in terms of the students’ ability to articulate issues and thoughts related to their education experiences, two types of research tools were developed: the first was a researcher-assisted interview/survey of students in grades one to five, and the second was a self-administered survey for students in grades eleven (Alim) and above. The latter survey focused on the older students’ experiences when they were in pre-primary or primary Madrasahs, and was usually followed by a focus group to solicit qualitative data. The surveys and focus groups concentrated on students’ educational, developmental, and social experiences while in Madrasahs, and their concerns and suggestions. The table below (Table 5) summarizes the number of students who participated in the interviews and surveys. The table shows that close to 400 Ebtidai and primary students were interviewed, with relatively equal numbers in Dhaka, Chittagong and Sylhet. The numbers dropped in Jessore because there appeared to be reluctance among students and staff in two Qawmi Madrasahs to participate in the research. Female students accounted for about one-third of respondents. The chart includes the number and percentage of students from the “Alim” level and above who participated in the survey and focus groups. The number of female respondents was much lower among this group due to the fact that a smaller number of female students continue their education beyond the “Dakhil” level, which is equal to the tenth grade.

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Table 5: Number of Grade One to Five Madrasah and Primary School Students Surveyed
Grade One to Five Male Dhaka Chittagong Jessore Sylhet Total 85 30.5% 66 23.7% 53 19.0% 75 26.9% 279 100.0% Female 32 28.3% 30 26.5% 19 16.8% 32 28.3% 113 100.0% Male 69 31.2% 41 18.6% 26 11.8% 85 38.5% 221 100.0% Alim Level Female 15 35.7% 11 26.2% 11 26.2% 5 11.9% 42 100.0%

B.

Geographical Sample Design

The geographical sample design was intended to be as representative as possible of Bangladeshi society. Specifically, the researchers targeted both rural and urban areas in four locations around the country: Dhaka (central), Chittagong (southeast), Jessore (southwest) and Sylhet (northeast). The selection of the four locations covered a wide geographical area, with diversity in terms of the economy (for example, Chittagong is the main port area), political and population density (Dhaka), and socio-economic diversity (with Sylhet being relatively more developed compared to Jessore). The research team established a targeted minimum cluster sample of 30 schools to be included in the research, as the number 30 has usually been used statistically to indicate sufficient representation of large populations. Within this targeted school sample, the researchers conducted their initial pilot research in three urban Madrasahs in Dhaka. With minimal changes to research instruments as a result of the pilot research feedback, the team then targeted six more Madrasahs in semi-urban and rural areas of Dhaka. Once this was accomplished, the researchers determined that conducting the research in three other areas—Chittagong, Jessore, and Sylhet— would satisfy the need to diversify the sample and make it as representative as possible. Within each division, the researchers targeted seven to nine Madrasahs, for a total of 34 Madrasahs (including the Dhaka Madrasahs). At least one Madrasah in each division was an exclusively female Madrasah. Most selected Madrasahs included both boys and girls, especially at the elementary level. At least two of the Madrasahs visited were Qawmi Madrasahs.16 Table 6 below shows that both rural and urban Madrasahs from the National Divisions were included in the research. There was a balance of 17 urban and 17 rural Madrasahs included in the research. The Appendix includes the details about those Madrasahs within the four locations.

As explained earlier, Qawmi Madrasahs are distinct from what are known as Alia Madrasahs. The former is a type of independent religious institution, while the latter follows the government guidelines on curriculum and other policies. Basic Education and Policy Support (BEPS) Activity Creative Associates International, Inc.

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Table 6: Geographical Distribution of Madrasahs Included in Research
Dhaka Chittagong Jessore Sylhet Total Urban 4 5 4 4 17 Rural 7 2 5 3 17

C. Student, School Staff and Parent Sample Design The selection of Madrasahs for this research followed a cluster sample design, as explained above. Within each Madrasah, the researchers followed a structured research model where they conducted surveys, interviews, and focus groups with four types of populations: Ebtidai students, Alim level students, school staff, and parents. A team of one researcher and two research assistants/translators visited each Madrasah. Given time constraints, as the research was conducted during class time, the researchers decided to limit their sampling of students to 10 Ebtidai students, 10 Alim level students, three to four school staff and five parents. Table 7 below includes the actual numbers of Madrasahs, students, parents, and school staff who took part in this research. The numbers in the table show some variations in terms of the number of students interviewed in each Madrasah. Although the goal of each research team was to adhere to the sample design of 10 students from Ebtidai and 10 students from Alim levels, the realities in each Madrasah sometimes dictated different sample sizes. In some Madrasahs (as in Sylhet), the administrators offered more students to participate in surveys, interviews and focus groups. In these cases, the researchers welcomed the larger numbers for two reasons: first, to increase the sample size, thereby enhancing the statistical comparisons among groups; and secondly, to be sensitive to the school staffs’ “generosity” as they offered more students. But in other cases, it was not possible to conduct the research with the minimum number of students according to the sample design. This was usually either due to students’ engagement in examinations or their reluctance to take part in the research (which only happened in two Qawmi Madrasahs in Jessore). Table 7: Actual Cluster Sample Locations and Research Participants
Madrasahs Ebtidai and Primary Students Alim+ Students Parents School Staff Dhaka Urban Rural 4 7 43 74 39 32 12 45 29 25 Chittagong Urban Rural 5 2 65 31 20 14 15 32 6 7 Jessore Urban Rural 4 5 33 39 17 14 9 20 8 15 Sylhet Urban Rural 4 3 61 46 31 13 12 59 24 9

Researchers made diligent efforts to ensure female participation in the study. However, the number of female students, teachers, and parents was lower than what the researchers had anticipated (see Tables 4 and 5 above). This was due to several reasons. Most of the Alim students were males, as female students tend to drop out of Madrasahs in large numbers after completing the Dakhil level of education. For example, in 2001, the number of female students in the Dakhil level was 579,246 out of a total of 1,055,791 students (54.9%). In the same year, the number of female students in the Alim level was 130,057 out of a total of 302,882 students
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(42.9%).17 For school staff, the number of female teachers was minimal (3.5 percent of the entire school teacher population).18 Finally, mothers were more reluctant to be interviewed. D. Factors that Facilitated the Research Process

Despite several hartals (politically motivated strikes), the researchers managed to conduct field research during the no-hartal days and to conduct data coding and analysis during hartal days. The implementation of this research benefited greatly from several factors: • The USAID research mandate’s focus on educational development: The USAID Scope of Work emphasized the educational nature of the project. That is, it was intended to assess the relationship of Madrasah education to the national educational system in order to allow USAID to use its resources to contribute to the effectiveness of that sector in the social and economic development of Bangladesh. Accordingly, all research instruments and designs reflected this objective, which was well received by research participants. • Research staff’s contacts: One of the lead researchers, Dr. Raisuddin, a career professor at Dhaka University’s Islamic Studies Department, had strong contacts at all levels of the educational system, including with Madrasah staff. This facilitated, to a great extent, entry into Madrasahs and establishing contacts with several officials. In addition, three of the research assistants that he identified for the project were themselves graduates of the Madrasah system, and also from Dhaka University. They too contributed significantly to the development of all aspects of this research, and via their contacts, they facilitated further contacts and access to Madrasahs. • The ability of the two international consultants to fluently speak Arabic, and their Islamic education credentials: Speaking Arabic (the language of the Holy Quran) in Madrasah circles, combined with an Islamic education background, provided for much credibility. School staff often requested that the international consultants give motivational speeches to students in Arabic.

17

Bangladesh Bureau of Educational Information and Statistics (BANBEIS), “Statistical Profile on Education in Bangladesh,” BANBEIS Publications 11 (2002): 42. 18 BANBEIS, 42. Basic Education and Policy Support (BEPS) Activity Creative Associates International, Inc.

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III.

FINDINGS

As explained earlier, this section will follow the structure of the research categories and questions included in USAID’s Scope of Work. Each sub-section will include information gathered through various research methods. At times, the report will refer to the Appendix and attachments for detailed information. A. History

This subsection will include information on three topics: 1) how the Madrasah system in Bangladesh has developed over time into what it is today; 2) the social, cultural and political influences on Madrasahs; and, 3) the future direction of Madrasahs. 1. Madrasah System Development in Bangladesh19 Madrasahs first started in Bangladesh with the arrival of Muslim Sufis and Saints who came to preach Islam.20 At first, Madrasah originated in the shape of Khanqa (a place for spiritual worship) and then Maktab (a place for teaching basic Quran recitation and Islamic rituals). It then took the shape of Madrasah (a place for Islamic theological education), where complete Islamic subjects were taught. Consequently, Ikhtiaruddin Mohammad Bin Bakhatiar Khilji, the first Muslim ruler in Bengal, arrived in 1206, and during his rule established large numbers of Maktabs and renovated a good number of already-built Maktabs. Around the middle of the 13th century, a saint and great scholar, Sheikh Sharf Uddin Abu Tawama, came to preach Islam and establish the first traditional Madrasah in Bengal, which later took the shape of a university in an area known as Mograpara, in Sonargaon near Dhaka. The students of this institute scattered all around the sub-continent and established many Madrasahs. On the Indian sub-continent, the Muslim rulers of the 13th to 19th centuries were also interested in Madrasahs in order to prepare efficient manpower, with good knowledge of Arabic and Persian, to run the official work of the state. In those days, the Muslim rulers usually built Mosques for performing prayer, and adjacent to them, Maktabs or Madrasahs for teaching religion and science. They believed that it was a religious duty as well as a social and charitable service for the community to do so. Among those Muslim rulers who were patrons of the Madrasahs were Shamsuddin Firoz Shah (1301-1322), Jalaluddin Shah (1418-33), Shamsuddin Usuf Shah (1474-81) and a most popular ruler of Bengal, Alauddin Hossain Shah (1493-1519).21 Madrasah education was the only institutional education system during the reign of the Muslims (1201-1857) in Bangladesh. At that time, educational institutions were dependent upon taxes collected from the land. The British rulers eliminated the system after they occupied the Indian sub-continent in 1793. They established a large number of modern schools, in which English
19

Please note that most information used in this sub-section was obtained from: A.F. Salahuddin Ahmad and Bazlu Mubin Choudhury, Bangladesh National Cultural Heritage: An Introductory Reader (Dhaka: Independent University, 2003) and Mohammed Abdus Sattar, Madrasah Education in Bangladesh and its Influence in the Social Life (Dhaka: Dhaka University Ph.D. Dissertation, 2002). 20 This historical overview refers mainly to the Bengal area of the Indian subcontinent, without specific distinction between what is now Bangladesh and what is the West Bengal area of India. 21 A.N.M. Raisuddin, “Advent of Islam in Bangladesh,” Islamic Foundation Journal (1987): 167. Basic Education and Policy Support (BEPS) Activity Creative Associates International, Inc.

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was often the medium of instruction for teaching such subjects as science and mathematics. As a result, the number of Madrasahs was gradually reduced. Some private and some mosque-based Madrasahs survived. After the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, there were approximately 1,351 Madrasahs in the country.22 When President Ziaur Rahman gave the Bangladesh Madrasah Education Board autonomous status on July 4th, 1979, Madrasahs were restored to their past glory. After the government approved the Madrasah Education Board, Ebtidai Madrasahs started separately in 1984. From 1984-1989, 14,414 Madrasahs were recognized by the Madrasah Education Board. The lack of sufficient government funds, however, hindered the efforts to establish more Ebtidai Madrasahs. By 2004, the Madrasah Education Board has given recognition to 19,000 Madrasahs, although several of them are not operational.23 2. The Social, Cultural, and Political Influences on Madrasahs

The Madrasah system, like any other institution in Bangladesh, is interactively influenced by its social, political, and cultural dynamics. The historical overview above shows how the Madrasah system was influenced by the advent of Islam on the Indian sub-continent and by the British colonization. Those developments shaped many aspects of the Bengali identity, with its Islamic, Hindu, Bengali and Westernized elements. To a great extent, the Madrasah system continued to be attached to the Islamic aspects of the Bangladeshi identity, so much so that it became synonymous with anti-westernization, and later with pro-Pakistani tendencies. Further, the neglect of the Madrasah system during the time of colonization created an aura of backwardness when it was compared to modern educational systems. This had a strong influence on the negative views of the educated middle class and elites of Bangladesh. They adopted the view, and continue to a great extent to believe, that the Madrasah system is a backward one, and that it must be replaced by modern general education.24 During the independence movement in the late 1960s and early 1970s, several of the leaders of the Madrasah system, and Muslim orthodoxy, seemed to embrace the concept of the unity of AllPakistan against the independence movement.25 Separation from Pakistan was viewed in such circles as a blow to Islam, to the benefit of communists and Hindu India.26 After independence in 1971, and as a result of the perceived position of Muslim orthodoxy against independence, the issue of Madrasah education became a subject of political debate between those who wanted to assert Bangladeshi identity and those who wanted to assert a Muslim one.27 Consequently, it was not surprising during this research to see that Qawmi Madrasahs were attached to a Muslim identity, with less regard to the Bangladeshi identity, and taught Urdu and
A.K.M. Ayoub Ali, History of Islamic Education in Bangladesh (Dhaka: Islamic Foundation, 1983), 17-18. Courtesy of the Madrasah Education Board. 24 Those sentiments were expressed repeatedly by members of the educated elite during the interviews. 25 M. Rashiduzzaman, “The Liberals and the Religious Right in Bangladesh,” Asian Survey 34 (1992): 978. 26 The movie The Clay Bird depicted such views and attitudes that circulated around Madrasahs and among orthodox Islamists. The Clay Bird, directed by T. Masud and C. Masud (New Jersey: Milestone Film and Video, 2002). 27 Emajuddin A. and D. R. J. A. Nazneen, “Islam in Bangladesh: Revivalism or Power Politics?” Asian Survey 30 (1990): 795-8.
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Farsi (Persian) as part of their curriculum, because those languages were perceived to assert the Indian-subcontinent Muslim identity. Madrasahs that seemed to embrace the Bangladeshi identity, and definitely most Alia Madrasahs, focused on teaching Bengali, and as a rule would not teach Urdu or Farsi. In summary, the role of Madrasahs in Bangladesh reflects larger political, social and cultural influences, and will probably be shaped in the future by such dynamics. The debate about Islamization, modernization, and westernization will continue to shape views about the Madrasah system and its role in the society. 3. Future Direction of Madrasahs

The question of Madrasah education in Bangladesh is the subject of an often polarizing debate among various segments of the society. As the two sub-sections above showed, Madrasah education has been influenced by several societal factors: Islam as a religion, colonization, the relationship with Pakistan, and the approach of political parties. In addition, levels of westernization versus levels of religiosity and traditionalism affect perspectives on Madrasah education. During the interviews with school staff, parents, and members of the society, it became clear that expectations regarding Madrasah education varied widely. Among the elitist western-educated segments of the society, there existed a widespread characterization of Madrasah education as backward and sometimes radical. Often they suggested that there was no need for Madrasah education, as general education was sufficiently capable of providing educational services to society. Conversely, among those involved with Madrasah education— whether as teachers, students, parents, or officials—there was a strong agreement that the Madrasah system is in need of massive changes and reforms in order to meet the demands of the 21st century. Seldom, however, did any of those involved with the Madrasah system suggest that it was to be abolished. They acknowledged that it provided significant services to society including modern education in Alia Madrasahs, religious education, care for orphans, and Quran memorization classes. Several interviewees used terms such as “bright,” “promising,” and “wonderful” to describe the future of Madrasahs in Bangladesh. Below are some of the comments gathered from school staff and parents when asked: “In your opinion, what is the future of Madrasah education?”

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Question: In your opinion, what is the future of Madrasah education? • I see a bright future as more students are coming to Madrasahs. Also the government and the school board emphasize Madrasah education. • All Madrasahs will be under government control, which is good because there would be more scholarships and food-for-education programs. If government provides Ebtidai Madrasahs with vocational training, this would be good. • Bright future. • Future of Madrasah education is bright but the government should develop it. • Future of Madrasah education is bright; expect that it will need more than this. • Very good future is expected. • Future will be bright and good. • If things continue as they are, future is not good. • The future is not good unless the government takes some steps to develop Madrasah education. • I am not optimistic unless it is modernized and rearranged fully to follow the syllabus of General Education. • There is no significant development in Madrasah education. Madrasah education needs revolutionary change. • In the future, Madrasahs will be better, because once government sees that Madrasahs are working well, they will recognize them and they will be improved. B. Types of Madrasahs Several questions are addressed here: How many and what types of Madrasahs exist?28 Why are some Madrasahs heavily supported by the government of Bangladesh while others are not? How is each type managed? Do School Management Committees (SMC), similar to those in secular schools, play a role in management? For each of these questions, the researchers reviewed official documents and interviewed experts on Madrasah education, officials in the Ministry of Education, and the Madrasah Education Board. 1. Government Support of Madrasahs As mentioned earlier, it is true that the government of Bangladesh supports certain types of Madrasahs namely Alia Madrasahs. These Madrasahs, once they fulfill the requirements described earlier, become eligible for government contributions to teachers’ pay. The government contribution, known as The Monthly Payment Order (MPO), is usually 500 Taka for no more than four teachers in Ebtidai Madrasahs, and represents 90 percent of teachers’ salaries in Dakhil Madrasahs and higher. Students in such Madrasahs are also eligible for the scholarship stipend upon successful completion of a competitive examination in the fifth and eighth grades. Such Madrasahs also receive free books from the Madrasah Education Board. The government does not support Qawmi Madrasahs, but according to some Qawmi Madrasah directors they may receive support from the Ministry of Social Welfare for supporting orphans. According to some
The answer to this particular question was introduced in the beginning of the report in the Background section in order to make it easier for a reader to follow the discussions in the previous parts of Sections 1 and 2. Basic Education and Policy Support (BEPS) Activity Creative Associates International, Inc.
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pre-primary education officials, some of them receive minor contributions from the government. The two tables below summarize the government’s contributions to Madrasahs (all levels of Alia Madrasahs). Table 8: Distribution of Government Revenue Budget for Education, by Type of Education (Taka in Millions)29

Type of Education Primary Education Secondary Education College (General) Education Madrasah Education Technical Education University Education Teachers Training Cadet College Education Others Administrative & Subsidiary Departments Total Taka 5289.3 2492.1 1184.8 953.3 266.9 1030 92.3 120.9 390.5 11820.1 1990-1991 Budget Dollars $91,194,827.59 $42,967,241.38 $20,427,586.21 $16,436,206.90 $4,601,724.14 $17,758,620.69 $1,591,379.31 $2,084,482.76 $6,732,758.62 $203,794,827.59 % 44.7 21.1 10.0 8.1 2.3 8.7 0.8 1.0 3.3 100.0 Take 8430.1 4149.5 2254.3 2146.3 395.5 1533 156.9 142.5 869.2 20077.3 1994-1995 Budget Dollars $145,346,551.72 $71,543,103.45 $38,867,241.38 $37,005,172.41 $6,818,965.52 $26,431,034.48 $2,705,172.41 $2,456,896.55 $14,986,206.90 $346,160,344.83 % 42.0 20.7 11.2 10.7 2.0 7.6 0.8 0.7 4.3 100.0

Table 8 (continued)
Type of Education Primary Education Secondary Education College (General) Education Madrasah Education Technical Education University Education Teachers Training Cadet College Education Others Administrative & Subsidiary Departments Total Taka 13591.4 8514.6 5022.5 4108.3 441.1 2919.1 234.1 168 965.5 35796.6 2000-2001 Budget Dollars $234,334,482.76 $146,803,448.28 $86,594,827.59 $70,832,758.62 $7,605,172.41 $50,329,310.34 $4,036,206.90 $2,896,551.72 $16,646,551.72 $617,182,758.62 % 37.8 23.7 14.0 11.4 1.2 8.1 0.6 0.5 2.7 100.0 Taka 13480.5 9007.2 5175.1 4395.5 439.3 2913.5 211.4 NA 1222.8 36845.3 2001-2002 Budget Dollars $232,422,413.79 $155,296,551.72 $89,225,862.07 $75,784,482.76 $7,574,137.93 $50,232,758.62 $3,644,827.59 $0.00 $21,082,758.62 $635,263,793.10 % 36.6 24.5 14.0 11.9 1.2 7.9 0.6 NA 3.3 100.0

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Table 9: Number of Non-government Madrasahs and number of Madrasahs Receiving MPOs, 1991-92 to 2000-200130

Fiscal Year 1991-92 1992-93 1993-94 1994-95 1995-96 1996-97 1997-98 1998-99 1999-00 2000-01 2001-02 No. of Madrasahs 4,959 5,191 5,564 5,762 5,974 6,652 6,848 6,953 7,119 7,273 7,648 Annual Increase number 232 373 198 212 678 196 105 166 154 375 % of annual Increase 4.63 7.19 3.56 3.68 11.35 2.95 1.53 2.39 2.16 5.16 No. of Madrasah Receiving MPOs 4,784 4,807 5,244 5,605 5,785 5,841 5,972 6,087 6,417 6,717 6,995 Annual Increase number 23 437 361 180 56 131 115 330 300 278 % of Annual Increase 0.48 9.09 6.88 3.21 0.97 2.24 1.93 5.42 4.68 4.14

The tables above show that the government expenditure on Madrasah education is increasing slowly in response to the increase in number of Madrasahs. Table 8 shows that government expenditure on primary schools is about five times more than that on Ebtidai Madrasahs. Such a ratio corresponds to the 1:4 or 1:5 ratio of the number of students in Ebtidai Madrasahs to those in primary schools. Table 9 shows that over 90% of all non-governmental Madrasahs have been receiving MPO since 1991. However, the researchers often heard complaints from Madrasah officials about the difference in the government’s treatment of Madrasahs compared to that of general education schools. 2. Management of Madrasahs Alia and Qawmi Madrasahs are both managed by committees. The main duties of the committees are to approve annual budgets, appoint teachers, and to create a convenient atmosphere for study. Often a Madrasah founder heads the committee in the beginning, until the Madrasah has become more stable and institutionalized. The committees are usually comprised of renowned community members and religious figures. In Alia Madrasahs, the committees include government representatives. These officials usually ensure that government regulations are followed, particularly when hiring new teachers. C. Legal and Financial Status This section will address the following questions: Regarding finance, income, and expenditures, how do Madrasahs compare with secular schools? Are Madrasah students eligible for food-foreducation, textbook, and scholarship stipend programs? What are the sources of revenue? The following is a comparison of income and expenditure between Madrasahs and general education schools.

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1. Sources of Revenue In general education schools, the government supplies all kinds of revenue, but in Madrasahs, the sources of revenue differ from one type to the other. Qawmi Madrasahs receive almost all their revenue from donations and contributions from individuals, and from local and international Islamic organizations. Some Qawmi Madrasahs have their own foundations and economic projects that support them financially. For instance, some of these Madrasahs, especially in rural areas, generate income during religious occasions, such as by selling Qurbani meat during one of the annual Islamic feasts. Usually Qawmi Madrasahs charge fees to students whose socioeconomic assessment indicates that they are financially capable. Alia Madrasahs have a wider range of income sources. In addition to receiving funding from donations, they also receive government support for teachers’ salaries. They also charge student fees except to needy students. Like Qawmi Madrasahs, some have their own economic projects and foundations. Because there is a lack of official information on sources of revenue for independent Ebtidai Madrasahs (Madrasahs that offer education only up to the fifth grade), included below is a table summarizing the reported annual income of Dakhil Madrasahs (including attached Ebtidai Madrasahs). The table shows that the largest source of income for Madrasahs (about 87%) comes from governmental salaries and MPOs. Table 10: Estimated Annual Income (In Taka and Dollars) for Alia Dakhil Madrasahs in 200331

Student Fees 104,176,454.40 ($1,796,145.77) Recurrent 216,800,986.53 ($3,737,948.04) Salary/MPO 3,928,332,256.45 ($67,729,866.49) Development 23,975,556.35 ($413,371.66) Income from Properties 144,885,272.94 ($2,498,021.94) Others 36,991,721.53 ($637,788.30) Contributions of Local People 58,906,891.73 ($1,015,636.06) Total 4,514,069,139.93 ($77,828,778.27)

2.

Eligibility for Food for Education

According to the Ministry of Education’s Assistant Director for Special Education, the Food for Education Program has been cancelled. A new program is now in place. Under the new program, 40 percent of students from each school are selected by Management Committees to receive 100 Taka each for food on a need and merit basis. Alia Madrasahs benefit from this program. 3. Textbooks

Students of Alia and independent Ebtidai Madrasahs receive free books from the Madrasah Textbook Board (MTB). In addition, students eligible for the fifth grade and eighth grade scholarships receive 200 Taka and 300 Taka respectively in lieu of textbook costs.
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The chart was supplied by BANBEIS upon the request of the researchers. May 2004.

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4.

Scholarship and Stipend Program of Ebtidai Madrasahs

Alia Madrasah students are eligible for scholarship stipends upon successful completion of competitive scholarship examinations in fifth and eighth grades. The top three fifth grade Ebtidai students from each Upazila receive 60 Taka each. The top three eighth grade Dakhil students from each Upazila receive 100 Taka each. However, the number of scholarships allocated to general education students is much higher; about 30 to 40 scholarships are offered in each Upazilla (3 in each ward). D. Mandates and Purpose The questions in this section are: What are the secular and religious regulations that guide the various types of Madrasahs? What is the purpose, by type? What are the philosophies that guide instruction and how are the philosophies reflected in the curriculum and in public discourse? What efforts have been made to modernize the curriculum? 1. Secular and Religious Regulations Guiding Madrasahs Based on the distinction that was made earlier between Alia and Qawmi Madrasahs, it becomes clear that Alia Madrasahs abide by government regulations related to all aspects of education: curriculum, standards of education, commitment to government regulations such as implementing an in-school examination for fifth grade students, and teacher hiring processes. Qawmi Madrasahs do not follow such guidelines and regulations, as they are independent from the government system; however, they do follow guidelines from private Islamic educational associations, such as Bafak Mudaressin of Bangladesh, and the Deubandi Madrasahs that originated in India. In terms of religious regulations, most Qawmi and Alia Madrasahs are linked to some form of association or religious educational institution. Most often, ties to such associations and religious institutions reflect more on their philosophy, curriculum, and teaching approaches than on administrative aspects of their work. In addition, linkages to such associations and institutions, make Qawmi Madrasah students eligible to receive their certificates, and often facilitates the chance to pursue educational opportunities in Islamic institutions in Saudi Arabia and other Muslim countries. 2. Philosophies of Madrasahs In order to respond to questions regarding the philosophies of Madrasahs, the researchers selected and reviewed a sample of six Madrasah brochures, curricula, and some of their textbooks in order to gain insights into their philosophies and curriculum. Two of the six selected Madrasahs are Qawmi, four are from Chittagong, and two are from Dhaka. The Appendices include descriptions of each Madrasah’s objectives, curriculum, and major activities. Please note that the language used in the Madrasah publications was preserved as much as possible in order to be reflective of their own discourse.

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The descriptions of Madrasah brochures, their statements about their philosophies, raison d’etre, and consequent educational approaches and curriculum (included in the Appendices), seem to represent a spectrum of beliefs and directions. It is obvious that all Madrasahs have a few goals in common, while they vary on others. Their approaches to education also varied to a great extent, consistent with their articulated beliefs and philosophies. The following main themes emerged from the review of this sample of Madrasahs: • Asserting the Islamic Identity: All Madrasahs emphasized that their goal was to follow a well-grounded Islamic educational system. They all seemed to acknowledge that Islamic education has suffered from setbacks, and that their efforts were intended to restore that education to solid ground. • Fear of Hostile Cultures and Nations: At least three of the Madrasahs emphasized in their statements that they were concerned about hostile attitudes and actions by other religious and national groups. Their mission focused on the need to deter such hostilities by restoring Islamic principles and values. A reciprocal hostile attitude was obvious in some statements. • Mixed Attitudes about Modern Education: Although all Madrasah statements included at some level or the other indications regarding the need to include modern subjects, it was obvious that Qawmi Madrasahs had a strong focus on “modernizing” the way they teach religious and Arabic studies, while Alia Madrasahs viewed modernization as the inclusion of modern subjects and teaching methods. It is notable that the two Madrasahs that seemed to incorporate modern subjects the most (Tanjimul Ummah and Al Ihsan International Academy) did not include in their statements a message of hostility for or against other cultures and nations. 3. Efforts to Modernize the Curriculum The efforts to modernize the Madrasah curriculum have included efforts by both the government and Madrasah educators: a. Governmental Modernization Efforts: The Madrasah Education Board has developed curricula for Ebtidai, Dakhil and Alim Madrasah educational levels that have incorporated modern subjects. It is estimated that 60% of Alia Madrasahs’ curricula now consist of modern subjects. Of course, those efforts could benefit from increased numbers of teachers, better pay for those teachers, and better teacher training. The number of Alia Madrasahs has increased tremendously over the past 30 years. The table below shows the steady growth of Alia Madrasahs from 1970 to 2000.

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Table 11: Growth of Madrasahs (Dakhil to Kamil), by Management32
Number of Madrasahs Year Public 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 Private 1,515 1,827 2,681 3,736 5,790 5,974 7,276 Total 1,518 1,830 2,684 3,739 5,793 5,977 7,279 % Total Increase 20.6 46.7 39.3 54.9 3.2 21.8

In addition, the number of Alia Madrasah students, including girls, has increased in the past 30 years. The chart below shows this increase. The number of Madrasah students increased from below 300,000 in 1970 to more than 3,000,000 in the year 2000. The number of girls also increased steadily. In the year 2000, girls accounted for about 40% of all Madrasah students. Table 12: Growth of Madrasah Students by Gender33
Number of Students Year 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 Boys 271,138 277,910 361,468 588,968 920,063 1,283,350 1,885,999 Girls 12,242 13,281 18,545 49,958 76953 553,663 1,226,206 Total 283,380 291,191 380,013 638,926 996,996 1,837,013 3,112,205 % Total Increase 2.8 30.5 68.1 56.0 84.2 69.4 Girls % of Total 4.3 4.6 4.9 7.8 7.7 30.1 39.4

b. Madrasah Educators’ Modernization Efforts: The section above referred to examples of Madrasah brochures and publications and showed that several educators came to realize that Madrasah education could no longer continue to serve the society without modernization. The interviews with school staff also showed that most of the Madrasah staff thought that Ebtidai Madrasah curriculum should be modernized to meet the needs of today. The existing curriculum, according to Madrasah staff, is not up to the standard of general education. They suggested that it was necessary to include computer science and other technical subjects as well. A training institute for teachers and libraries for students were among the suggestions for modernizing Madrasah education. Only a few staff members felt that it was unnecessary to modernize
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BANBEIS, 41. BANBEIS, 43.

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because the government had already taken steps in this regard. They suggested that the problem was with the recruitment of teachers, deficiency of funding for Ebtidai Madrasahs, and poor teacher salaries. c. Promising Examples of Modernization: Although it is clear that Madrasah education struggles with issues of modernization, poverty, and other problems from which the entire country suffers, it was hopeful to see examples of Madrasahs that may perhaps serve as models for others. The following is a description of some Madrasahs that seemed to implement successful steps towards modernization: • Tanzimul Umma Madrasah following the British Cadet including computer science school. At the same time, Madrasah’s activities. in Uttura, Dhaka: This Madrasah, a private Alia Madrasah College model of education, emphasizes modern education, and English language on levels comparable to any modern the Islamic focus is clear and obvious in all aspects of the

• Kahdija Umul Mumenin Girls Alia Madrasah in Alumshabara, Rangonia, Chittagong: This was the only Madrasah with a female principal and all-female staff. Wearing conservative veils, the principal and teachers, most of them with Masters level degrees, conduct the Madrasah’s affairs with much efficiency. During their interviews, they emphasized the need for recreational and sports facilities for their 800 female students. • Mogarkhal Qawmi Madrasah in Gazipur, Dhaka: Madrasah staff and students engage in agricultural activities and produce all of their food. Students and Madrasah staff often expressed the need to incorporate vocational training in the curriculum. The example presented in this Madrasah provides a participatory, cooperative approach to education that seems to be lacking in most Madrasahs. • A few Madrasahs hire non-Muslim teachers to teach modern sciences. Some of those teachers have been employed for 15 years. The fact remains that several Madrasahs would not hire women or non-Muslim teachers because of rather conservative religious views and interpretations. The presence of positive examples of inclusion of non-Muslims and women as teachers, provides a model for others to follow. E. Formal Education Linkages The questions answered in this section are: How are Madrasahs contributing within the general education system? What kind and level of education are students receiving? How do levels of achievement compare? Does the system allow students to move easily from Madrasah to formal education programs? How are Madrasahs supporting the Bangladesh EFA commitments? How do Madrasahs influence parent and preschool education? What is the Madrasah perception of public education and interest in linkages?

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1.

Madrasah Contribution to the General Education System

It is important here to maintain the distinction between Alia and Qawmi Madrasahs. The latter continue to serve society’s needs for religious practices and rituals. In this regard, Qawmi Madrasahs are perhaps continuing to contribute to a traditional educational system that serves specific needs in the society. There have been few efforts to date to modernize their educational system, however, and they are not contributing effectively to the overall education system. The Alia Madrasah system is obviously contributing positively to the general education system now that it combines religious and modern subjects. It does, though, suffer from the problems of poverty, corruption, and political instability. However, it is increasingly moving in the direction of modernization. In the interviews, surveys, and focus groups, both teachers and students alike echoed the need for modernization in Madrasahs. The promising examples described above confirm that Madrasahs are on the right path to contribute even more effectively to the general education system. According to most Madrasah interviewees, both Madrasah staff and students, there was a strong belief that Madrasahs produce citizens who are knowledgeable in both modern and religious education. This combination was viewed as positive and unique to Madrasah graduates. Similar to the distinction between Alia and Qawmi Madrasahs is the distinction between the two types of pre-primary education: the Maktab/Nourani system and the Hafizia/Furkania system. The latter no doubt provides a valuable contribution to an Islamic society where there is a strong emphasis on the desirability for people to memorize the Quran. There is also a great need for Quran memorizers to perform a number of religious services on various occasions. The concern is that Quran memorization becomes the only type of knowledge that some children end up receiving for several years. The Hafizia/Furkania system may benefit greatly from the example provided by Tanjimul Ummah Madrasah of incorporating Quran memorization into the Ebtidai and Dakhil curriculum. In doing so, students accomplish the goal of memorizing the Quran while continuing to receive their other forms of education. As for Maktab/Nourani Madrasahs, they do not seem to interfere with children’s pursuit of education in Madrasah or general education. They seem, in fact, to provide some type of linguistic and religious foundation that prepares the children for their Ebtidai or primary education. 2. Type and Level of Education Received by Students

The Madrasah School Board designed a curriculum for Ebtidai education. The curriculum includes a combination of religious studies and modern subjects. Below is a list of the subjects included in the Ebtidai Madrasah curriculum.

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Table 13: List of Curriculum Subjects for Ebtidai Madrasahs34
Class 1 Quran Arabic Aquaid and Fiqh Bengali Math Class 2 Quran Aquaid and Fiqh Arabic Bengali Math Class 3 Quran Aquaid and Fiqh Arabic Bengali English Math History Stories of prophets Geography Science Urdu (optional) Persian (optional) Class 4 Quran Aquaid and Fiqh Arabic Bengali English Math History (Muslims’ influence in Bengal) Geography Science Urdu (optional) Persian (Optional) Class 5 Quran Arabic 1st paper Arabic 2nd paper Aquaid and Fiqh Bengali English Math History Geography Science Urdu (Optional) Persian (Optional)

3.

Comparative Achievement Levels of Madrasah and General Education Students

The general education system and the Madrasah system have two points where comparisons between students in the two systems are possible: in the Dakhil/S.S.C. examination and in the Alim/H.S.C. examination. Using this measure, it seems that Madrasah students do fairly well compared to general education students. The chart below shows the percentage of students who passed the exams in both systems over the past few years. Table 14: General Education and Madrasah Examination Passing Rates 1997-200235

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 SSC Dakhil HSC Alim 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002

Madrasah Education Board of Bangladesh. Curriculum and Educational Textbook Department. Plan and Curriculum for Ebtidai through Eighth Dakhil Grade. 1990-1991. 35 BANBEIS, 56-65. Basic Education and Policy Support (BEPS) Activity Creative Associates International, Inc.

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The fact that Madrasah students have relatively higher rates of passing what are considered by the government to be equivalent examinations to those taken by students of the general education system seemed to contradict observations made by various interviewees. Specifically, among most members of the educated public there is a belief that Madrasah students are not as “smart” as those graduating from general education schools. One United States Embassy staff member stated that Madrasah graduates fail interviews for educational visas at higher rates compared to graduates of general education schools because the former cannot respond to basic general education questions asked of them. In addition, the effect of corruption on examination processes has been acknowledged in the media and official circles.36 This may explain the discrepancy between the relatively high passing rates among Madrasah students and the poor performance in tests such as the one given in the Embassy. It was the opinion of one of the researchers, however, that the government has been actively addressing the issue of examination corruption in the past two to three years. That effort explains, in his opinion, the sharp drop in examination passing rates in 2000 and 2001 in both educational systems. It is perhaps premature at this stage to try to seek an objective assessment of Madrasah students’ comparative achievement. This is because Madrasah education is currently undergoing a transition in which more modern subjects are introduced, and the entire system—staff, teachers and students—are adjusting in the process. A longitudinal study of the achievement of Madrasah students graduating from Alia Madrasahs that seem to incorporate modern approaches to education, compared to students from other Madrasahs and from general education schools, may provide useful findings about this issue in the near future. 4. Student Transition from Madrasahs to Formal Education Programs

The system allows for students to move from the Madrasah system to the formal education programs at various levels: • At the Ebtidai and Dakhil levels, a student may move from a Madrasah to a general education school after passing an in-school competency examination. • After passing the Dakhil examination, a student may move from a Madrasah to a general education school. • After passing the Alim examination, a student may apply to a university within two years of receiving the Alim degree. 5. Madrasah Support of EFA Commitments

The Education For All (EFA) Conference in Jomtien (1990) and a follow-up in Dakar (2000) brought wide-ranging inputs into the basic education system, which were initiated by three E-9 countries of South Asia, namely, Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan. The key areas identified for action were: 1) promoting community-based literacy and non-formal education in the context of poverty alleviation; 2) promoting curriculum change and reform; and 3) improving learning
36

According to the State Minister for Education, ANM Ehsanul Haque Milon, commenting on examination cheating, “Madrasahs are the ground for learning the moral lessons, but some learners of these institutions do copy in the public examinations just for obtaining a certificate by which they cannot do anything in their life.” The Financial Express, May 5, 2004, 3.

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achievement of children. The UNESCO Offices in Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan decided to serve as focal points in these three sectors, respectively, and to work jointly to achieve positive and sustainable results in these critical areas. Based on the Conference on Special Needs Education in Salamanca (1994) inclusive education is increasingly becoming one of the strategies to achieve the goal of EFA in countries all over the world. Inclusive education is a process of addressing and responding to the learning needs of all children using child-friendly, flexible and effective teaching-learning methods. Though there is a special focus on those who are vulnerable to marginalization and exclusion, inclusion benefits all children. Better training and support of teachers is a critical part of the development towards inclusive education. Much of the learning that is taking place now is based on rote learning, meticulous adherence to textbooks, and copying. This does not challenge the capable and bright children, nor does it support the less advantaged learners. Inclusive education also promotes greater cooperation between teachers, learners, parents, and communities. For example, there is strong evidence that better use of child-to-child cooperation contributes to the development of a more inclusive education in ways that will improve conditions for all learners. It is the researchers’ assessment that the Ebtidai Madrasah education in Bangladesh does to an extent accomplish one of the EFA objectives—promoting curriculum change and reform—while not responding adequately to the two other objectives. Ebtidai Madrasahs as part of the Alia Madrasah system have taken major steps to incorporate general education subjects in addition to religious education. The figures shown earlier in Tables 11 and 12 indicate a steady increase in the number of Alia Madrasahs in Bangladesh since the 1971 independence, and also a steady increase in the number of girls attending Madrasahs. Alia Madrasahs have included the Madrasah Education Board curriculum, which in itself is a reform over the traditional type of education prevalent in Qawmi Madrasahs. The challenge for Madrasah education in Bangladesh will be to entice more Qawmi Madrasahs to include general education curricula in their system. Towards the second objective of promoting community-based literacy and non-formal education, in the context of poverty alleviation it is not clear yet that Ebtidai or Qawmi Madrasah systems successfully contribute. It is plausible to consider the fact that many Ebtidai Madrasahs provide free formal education to many orphans, thereby helping them gain education that may contribute to alleviating their poverty. However, the community-based and non-formal types of education, offered to both orphans and other community members in Qawmi Madrasahs and in some Ebtidai Madrasahs, have a strong emphasis on Quranic memorization. It is difficult to conclude that such education contributes to poverty alleviation, unless it is used in conjunction with formal education or as a gateway to formal education. Unfortunately, the researchers often observed that the community-based and non-formal education that focused mainly on Quranic memorization was treated as an independent branch within Madrasahs, with hardly any connection to the formal education offered by other branches in the same Madrasahs. As for the third objective of improving the learning achievement of children, it is obvious that students in Qawmi Madrasahs study little more than religious-based subjects, and therefore it is difficult to ascertain their learning achievements. With regards to Ebtidai Madrasah students, there has not been in place an objective mechanism to assess their learning achievement. Ebtidai Madrasahs are required to conduct an in-school examination of students at the end of
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fifth grade. No information is available on the quality of such examinations or the achievement levels of students. The earliest national examination takes place at the end of tenth grade (Dakhil Examination). The student achievement levels in this exam, as shown in Table 13, are comparable to those of general education students who take the SSC examination. With a decrease in the number of students who passed both examinations in the past few years, with much concern about examination cheating and corruption, and considering that the Ebtidai Madrasah system is still going through a major transition to incorporate general education, it is perhaps premature to try to determine the extent to which Ebtidai Madrasah education has accomplished this third objective. 6. Madrasahs’ Influence on Parent and Preschool Education

Madrasahs influence parent education in that they offer religious courses to the community on such topics as Quranic memorization and basic Islamic study; but the researchers did not detect specific Madrasah-based programs targeting parents. In terms of preschool education, Madrasahs offer what was described earlier as Maktab/Nourani education and Hafizia/Furqania education. They both are integral parts of the Qawmi and Alia Madrasah education. Neither system receives meaningful support from the government. They continue to be community-generated and supported programs. The Hafizia/Furqania system could be too limiting to many children, especially when combined with a Qawmi Madrasah. This is because it may confine a child to years of Quranic memorization residential classes, with little chance of pursuing further education. It is this aspect of pre-primary education that could benefit greatly from modernizing examples such as the ones offered now by Madrasahs that combine Quran memorization with other formal education streams. 7. Madrasah Perception of Public Education and Interest in Linkages

According to information gathered from interviews and focus groups with Madrasah staff and students, there is a strong sense that Madrasah education is superior to general education. In the view of those interviewed, the combination of modern and religious education makes a better student and citizen in comparison to general education’s sole focus on modern education and its minimal emphasis on religious education. Another noteworthy point made by Madrasah interviewees regarding general education was that they that felt they were at a disadvantage, because the government offered more facilities, scholarships, and benefits to general education schools. In terms of linkages, most Madrasah interviewees suggested that the linkages have already been established via the equivalent Alim/H.S.C. and Dakhil/S.S.C. examinations. They continue to demand, however, that the Fazil and Kamil examinations become equivalent to higher degrees of general education. Several parents and students also requested that Madrasahs become fully part of the government system.

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F.

Public Perception

The question that this section seeks to address is, how do various sectors of society, including the government, NGOs, civil society, religious leaders, parents, and students, view the Madrasah system and its role and utility to Bangladeshi society and development? The surveys, focus groups, and interviews all pointed to several factors that seemed to influence the public perception of Madrasah education. Socio-economic class, regional level of development, urban/rural variations, and to some degree gender, all seemed to influence views about Madrasah education. This section will include a review of the results of surveys, focus groups, and interviews with various segments of society. It will conclude with observations about the salient cultural features that researchers observed in several Madrasahs that they visited during this research study. 1. Views of Alim Level Students on Ebtidai Madrasahs

The majority of students at the Alim level and above stated that they liked Ebtidai education very much because it was coordinated with general education. Most of the students were content that the government had taken the initiative to modernize the Madrasahs. Most of the students also suggested that Ebtidai education had a positive impact on students because it taught about the world as well as spiritual life. A small number of students suggested that the quality of learners was average and that Ebtidai education didn’t play a vital role towards higher education. It appears that the students from rural areas had more positive views of Ebtidai Madrasah education than those students from urban areas. For example, many in a group of students from rural Dhaka Madrasahs suggested that the quality of Ebtidai education was very good because the syllabus was coordinated with general education even from childhood, and students could learn Islamic knowledge through the Quran and hadith. The curriculum also taught morality and honesty. Very few responses within this Dhaka rural group indicated that the quality of Ebtidai education was poor. By contrast, a group of students from urban Dhaka Madrasahs suggested that the quality of the Ebtidai education was not so good; they felt that the education system should be modernized and brought under the control of the government. A few students reiterated the opinion of their rural counterparts, suggesting that the Madrasahs were of high quality because students had the opportunity to learn both worldly and spiritual subjects. When asked about how well Madrasah education prepared students for higher education, to become a good citizen, and to be prepared for the workforce, the majority of students suggested that Ebtidai education played a vital role in improving the workforce and producing good citizens. Regarding the needs of their Madrasahs, students from Alia Madrasahs stated that they needed more sophisticated science instruments, more facilities for recreation, qualified teachers, and computer education. Others also suggested that there is a necessity to put greater emphasis on

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the teaching of English, and, as stated above, that Ebtidai education should be brought government control. A group of Qawmi Madrasah students suggested that the holy Quran should be properly taught and that qualified teachers were needed. Another group of Qawmi Madrasah students suggested that government recognition was needed, and that Madrasahs should be nationalized. Alim-level students were asked in the quantitative survey about their assessment of the quality of Ebtidai education and its impact on preparing students for higher education, being good citizens, and the workforce. The responses to these questions show consistent statistically significant patterns of divergence: female students and students from rural areas had a much more positive view of the quality and impact of Ebtidai education. Students from Jessore were less likely to view those issues favorably compared to students from the three other divisions. The tables below include a sample of these scores. Using chi-square, all differences were statistically significant (p