body images in the media
Idealized Body Images in the
Media and Body Dissatisfaction
The media clearly emphasize idealized, lean body shapes for women. For instance, a recent content analysis of 10 women’s magazines (Wasylkiw, Emms, Meuse, & Poirier, 2009) showed that 95% of the models in fashion magazines were lean; in fitness magazines, 55% were lean and 36% were muscular—only 6% of the models in both magazine types had a soft, round body type. Content analyses of images in women’s magazines from 1901 to
1980 (Silverstein, Perdue, Peterson, & Kelly, 1986) and from 1959 to 1999 (Sypeck, Gray,
& Ahrens, 2004) found that the models have become increasingly thinner over time. An increasing discrepancy between body shapes portrayed as ideal in the media and actual body shapes found in the general population has been observed for both women and men
(Spitzer, Henderson, & Zivian, 1999). Two thirds (67%) of adult Americans were overweight or obese in 2005-2006 (compared to 55% in 1988-1994; National Center for Health
Statistics, 2008, p. 311) and the majority of Americans (53%) try to lose weight (International
Food Information Council, 2009).
In light of the thin ideal featured in the media and the prevalence of being overweight in the general population, it is not surprising that body dissatisfaction is widespread in the
United States. However, body dissatisfaction is also extremely common among individuals with normal weight, especially females (Paeratakul, White, Williamson, Ryan, & Bray,
2002; Pritchard, King, & CzajkaNarins, 1997), attesting to the crucial role of self-perception.
Body dissatisfaction is fairly ubiquitous among women and has been studied extensively
(e.g., see meta-analysis by Grabe et al., 2008). More women than men are trying to lose weight and do so at lower Body Mass Index levels (Bish et al., 2005). Increasingly in
Western cultures, where there is a ready supply of food, the cultural ideal of attractiveness for women is a slender body (Polivy &
Media and Body Dissatisfaction
The media clearly emphasize idealized, lean body shapes for women. For instance, a recent content analysis of 10 women’s magazines (Wasylkiw, Emms, Meuse, & Poirier, 2009) showed that 95% of the models in fashion magazines were lean; in fitness magazines, 55% were lean and 36% were muscular—only 6% of the models in both magazine types had a soft, round body type. Content analyses of images in women’s magazines from 1901 to
1980 (Silverstein, Perdue, Peterson, & Kelly, 1986) and from 1959 to 1999 (Sypeck, Gray,
& Ahrens, 2004) found that the models have become increasingly thinner over time. An increasing discrepancy between body shapes portrayed as ideal in the media and actual body shapes found in the general population has been observed for both women and men
(Spitzer, Henderson, & Zivian, 1999). Two thirds (67%) of adult Americans were overweight or obese in 2005-2006 (compared to 55% in 1988-1994; National Center for Health
Statistics, 2008, p. 311) and the majority of Americans (53%) try to lose weight (International
Food Information Council, 2009).
In light of the thin ideal featured in the media and the prevalence of being overweight in the general population, it is not surprising that body dissatisfaction is widespread in the
United States. However, body dissatisfaction is also extremely common among individuals with normal weight, especially females (Paeratakul, White, Williamson, Ryan, & Bray,
2002; Pritchard, King, & CzajkaNarins, 1997), attesting to the crucial role of self-perception.
Body dissatisfaction is fairly ubiquitous among women and has been studied extensively
(e.g., see meta-analysis by Grabe et al., 2008). More women than men are trying to lose weight and do so at lower Body Mass Index levels (Bish et al., 2005). Increasingly in
Western cultures, where there is a ready supply of food, the cultural ideal of attractiveness for women is a slender body (Polivy &