His fourth months old son, Luke attended a preschool located in San Francisco's Fillmore/Western Addition neighborhood where it had a great racial diversity. Since then, his son never once mentioned the color of his peers’ skin and then never brought the discussion of racism to him ever. Until, Martin Luther King Jr. Day at school, two months before his fifth birthday when he began to point out “That guy comes from Africa. And she comes from Africa, too!" It was embarrassing how loudly he did this. "People with brown skin are from Africa," he'd repeat. He had not been taught the names for races—he had not heard the term "black" and he called us "people with pinkish-whitish skin." The strengths of this evidence is that it provides a good personal testimony on how the author’s experience on the topic by addressing his son’s views of racism. However, this personal testimony is only based on one individual’s experience with this concept. Therefore it couldn’t fully count as a viable reason of how children react when they see people’s different skin color for the first time. The findings that I got from reading this article is that all of the evidences presented here were all mostly well-supported. The evidences presented did some flaws in making them viable sources to help support the claim of what the researchers were trying to uncover about the start of racism in early childhood. For example, the personal testimony of the author’s son’s perceptive of racial acceptance plays a large role similar to the findings from Vittrup and Bigler’s case. Overall, the article presented a lot of well-presented evidences that gives insight about how racism is begun in early
His fourth months old son, Luke attended a preschool located in San Francisco's Fillmore/Western Addition neighborhood where it had a great racial diversity. Since then, his son never once mentioned the color of his peers’ skin and then never brought the discussion of racism to him ever. Until, Martin Luther King Jr. Day at school, two months before his fifth birthday when he began to point out “That guy comes from Africa. And she comes from Africa, too!" It was embarrassing how loudly he did this. "People with brown skin are from Africa," he'd repeat. He had not been taught the names for races—he had not heard the term "black" and he called us "people with pinkish-whitish skin." The strengths of this evidence is that it provides a good personal testimony on how the author’s experience on the topic by addressing his son’s views of racism. However, this personal testimony is only based on one individual’s experience with this concept. Therefore it couldn’t fully count as a viable reason of how children react when they see people’s different skin color for the first time. The findings that I got from reading this article is that all of the evidences presented here were all mostly well-supported. The evidences presented did some flaws in making them viable sources to help support the claim of what the researchers were trying to uncover about the start of racism in early childhood. For example, the personal testimony of the author’s son’s perceptive of racial acceptance plays a large role similar to the findings from Vittrup and Bigler’s case. Overall, the article presented a lot of well-presented evidences that gives insight about how racism is begun in early